CHAPTER VIII.

1853-1854.

The "Sick Man"--Position of the Eastern Question--Projects of

the Emperor Nicholas--The Custody of the Holy Places--Prince

Menschikoff's Demand--Russian Invasion of Moldo-Wallachia--The

Vienna Note--Declaration of War by the Porte--Destruction of the

Turkish Fleet--Resignation of Lord Palmerston--Great Britain and

France Declare War with Russia--State of the British Armaments.

[Sidenote: The "Sick Man."]

"We have on our hands a sick man--a very sick man; it will be a great

misfortune if one of these days he should slip away from us before the

necessary arrangements have been made."

This sentence, spoken on January 9, 1853, by Nicholas, Czar of Russia,

to the British Minister at St. Petersburg, Sir George Hamilton Seymour,

supplied a phrase which has become historic, and remains as appropriate

to the present state of Turkey-in-Europe as it was forty-four years ago.

The Ottoman Empire in Europe had become an anachronism, not because it

was a heritage won by mediæval conquest, for that may be assigned as the

origin of almost every European State, but because the Turk maintained

his rule in modern times by mediæval methods. In the days when nations

were kept in subjection by the violence of their governors, the Turk had

been a standing menace to all Europe, for he was as powerful as any

Christian Monarch; but in proportion as the other nationalities acquired

the solidarity which follows on the growth of constitutional rights and

the limitation of absolute rule, he became a terror only to the subject

races within the Ottoman dominions. To the rising tide of Western

civilisation he opposed the breastwork of philosophic indifference,

though the ancient Saracen instinct for war still caused him to adopt

eagerly the successive inventions in military armament. The weakest

principality had nothing to fear in the nineteenth century from Turkish

invasion, but the most powerful states had realised that it would be a

formidable task to make the Porte comply with the concert of

Europe--such is the quality of genuine _vis inertiæ_. Nevertheless the

real guarantee for the integrity of the Ottoman Empire had come to

be--not her army and fleet, nor the fervour of her Moslem subjects--but

the mutual jealousy and suspicion existing between other Powers

regarding the disposal of Ottoman territory. It had come to this, then,

that the Christian states acquiesced in the continuance of the Ottoman

Empire in Europe as a kind of buffer state--a barrier against such a

collision of interests and ambitions as might revive warfare on a

Napoleonic scale. The heirs of the "sick man" dreaded his death because

of the conflict sure to ensue among his heirs.

[Illustration: _C. J. Staniland, R.I._}

THE LARGEST GUN OF 1837.

The illustration shows a gun's crew working the 67-cwt. gun, which was

the largest in use in the early part of Her Majesty's reign. It threw a

solid shot of 68 lbs. weight. At the Rotunda at Woolwich there is a gun

of this size which was used in the trenches at Sebastopol, and had its

trunnions shot away.]

Three European Great Powers were more closely affected than others by

the Eastern question--Russia, by reason of her office as guardian of the

Eastern Church, as well as by her hereditary policy of absorbing

neighbouring territories--Austria, on account of her claim to the

Danubian provinces of the Porte--and England, because she could not

suffer the advance of Russia between her and her Asiatic dominions. The

interest of England may seem to have been less direct than that of the

other Powers; nevertheless, the continual encroachment of Russia in

Asia, and the steady extension of the Russian frontier towards that of

British North-West India, had so powerfully impressed British statesmen

with the danger of a collision in that quarter, that the integrity of

the Ottoman Empire had become a cardinal principle in the Continental

diplomacy of England.

[Illustration: THE LARGEST GUN OF 1897.

The huge 110-ton guns of Sir W. G. Armstrong, Mitchell, & Co. are

mounted in the _Sanspareil_ and _Benbow_, and the _Victoria_ carried two

of them to the bottom when she sank. There are considerable

disadvantages attaching to the use of artillery so enormous, as will be

understood when it is stated that the cost of each round fired with full

charge and armour-piercing projectile is £200; that the gun would become

practically useless after firing 75 rounds of this description (of

course a much smaller charge is used when practising); and that the

energy developed amounts to 60,000 foot-tons--about enough to lift the

whole ship six feet in the air. For these and other reasons the 67-ton

gun shown on next page is now being supplied in preference to the larger

one. The 110 ton gun is capable of piercing a solid mass of wrought iron

30-1/2 inches thick, at a distance of 1,000 yards; the much smaller

9·2-inch (22-ton) gun was tested in 1887, and threw a shot nearly 12

miles, its trajectory rising to a height greater, by 2,000 feet, than

that of Mont Blanc.]

[Sidenote: Projects of the Emperor Nicholas.]

But the Emperor Nicholas of Russia had convinced himself that the "sick

man" was at the point of death, and that it was essential to the peace

of Europe that his heirs should divide the inheritance before his

demise. The sentence at the head of this chapter was spoken by the Czar

when he revived proposals which he had made to the Duke of Wellington

and Lord Aberdeen, then Foreign Secretary, on the occasion of his visit

to England in 1844. These proposals had been embodied in a celebrated

memorandum drawn up by Count Nesselrode, to the effect that the Turkish

Empire should be maintained in its integrity as long as possible, but

that as soon as its fall could be averted no longer, England, Austria,

and Russia should act on a common understanding and divide the dominion

among themselves. Nesselrode's memorandum had been received and placed

in the archives of the Foreign Office, and no disclaimer of assent to

the propositions therein had ever been made on the part of Her Majesty's

Government. Silence is often assumed to indicate consent, so when

Nicholas, believing in 1853 that the Porte was indeed on the point of

dissolution, renewed his proposal for a partition of the Turkish Empire,

it was at least excusable that he should reckon on the co-operation of

Great Britain. Lord Aberdeen, who had been Foreign Secretary when the

Czar was in England in 1844, was Prime Minister in 1853. Nicholas

disclaimed any intention of a Russian occupation of Constantinople; he

suggested that Bulgaria and Servia might be constituted independent

States under Russian protection, and declared that he would acquiesce in

the annexation of Egypt and Candia by Great Britain. All this, and much

more, he explained to Sir Hamilton Seymour, assuring him that if Great

Britain and Russia came to an understanding on the subject, it mattered

nothing to him how the other Powers might view it.

[Illustration: _John Leech._} {_From "Punch."_

THE OLD 'UN AND THE YOUNG 'UN.

Old Nicholas (Emperor of Russia): "Now then, Austria; just help me to

finish the Port(e)."

The Emperor of Russia, disappointed in his overtures to England,

endeavoured to obtain the assistance of Austria against Turkey.]

[Sidenote: The Custody of the Holy Places.]

[Sidenote: Prince Menschikoff's Demand.]

At this juncture a fresh controversy was stirred in connection with

Ottoman rule. In the sixteenth century a treaty was concluded between

the Sultan and François I., King of France, whereby the custody of the

Holy Places in Palestine had been committed to the monks of the Latin

Church, who were placed under the protection of the Crown of France.

Subsequently firmans had been granted to the Greek Church, conferring

rights at variance with the exclusive guardianship claimed by the Latin

Church. Incessant disputes arose on a ludicrously minute point, such as

might have puzzled diplomatists in the era of the Crusades, but one

which seemed strangely out of keeping with statesmanship of the

nineteenth century, namely, "whether, for the purpose of passing through

the building into their grotto, the Latin monks should have the key of

the chief door of the Church of Bethlehem, and also one of the keys of

each of the two doors of the Sacred Manger, and whether they should be

at liberty to place in the Sanctuary of the Nativity a silver star

adorned with the arms of France." The French Republic, and afterwards

the French Empire, as heirs of the Crown of France, championed the cause

of the Latin monks, even threatening to occupy Jerusalem; until, in

February 1853, the Porte issued a firman in order to reconcile in a

reasonable way the conflicting claims of the two Churches. But reason

was the last influence to prevail in an unreasonable quarrel. Russian

forces, before the issue of the firman, had already begun massing on the

frontiers of Moldavia, and immediately after the issue of the firman,

Prince Menschikoff arrived at Constantinople with a numerous military

suite, endeavoured to force on the Porte an agreement establishing a

Russian protectorate of Christians within Turkish Dominions, and

threatened a rupture of diplomatic relations unless this was agreed to

at once. Reschid Pasha asked for a delay of five or six days to consider

such a momentous question; it was refused; whereupon the Ottoman Council

promptly declined to become a party to the proposed convention.

Menschikoff immediately left Constantinople; the Russian Government

continued warlike preparations, which were met by similar measures on

the part of the Porte, as a simple measure of self-defence.

[Illustration: _Photo by Thiele._} {_Chancery Lane._

THE LARGEST GUN OF 1897.

The deck of H.M.S. _Repulse_ cleared for action; the captain of the

barbette is taking the enemy's distance. The 67-ton guns in the

foreground are the largest which are now being built; they are lowered

behind the steel shield by hydraulic machinery for charging.]

[Sidenote: Russian Invasion and The Vienna Note.]

On July 2 the Russian army under Prince Gortchakoff crossed the Pruth

and occupied the Turkish territory of Moldavia and Wallachia. Of course

this was an act of war, but no collision actually took place, and

representatives of the four Great Powers--Austria, France, Great

Britain, and Prussia--met at Vienna in July and agreed on a Note

embodying terms for the peaceful settlement of the dispute. It were

natural to expect that a document of such moment should have been framed

in language of the utmost precision and incapable of bearing ambiguous

interpretation. Nevertheless this short Note contained five passages so

vague and ambiguous that they might have been construed into giving away

the whole case of Turkey, though this was undoubtedly far from the

intention of the authors. Russia, perceiving her advantage, accepted the

Note at once; but the Ministers of the Sultan declined to do so, unless

the five objectionable passages were modified. Nesselrode stated

explicitly the reasons which prevented Russia from agreeing to any

modification. These reasons enlightened the British Cabinet for the

first time as to the construction put on the Note by Russia, which was

directly contrary to that intended by the Four Powers.

[Illustration:

_R. Simkin._}

A. 11th Light Dragoons.

B. 12th Lancers.

C. 5th Dragoon Guards.

D. 1st Lifeguards.

E. Private, Rifle Brigade.

F. Private, Line.

G. Private, Grenadier Guards.

H. Officer, Infantry of the Line.

J. Officer, 13th Light Dragoons.

K. Officer, 2nd Dragoon Guards.

L. Gunner, Field Battery, R.A.

M. Trooper, 8th Hussars.

UNIFORMS OF THE BRITISH ARMY IN 1837.]

England, therefore, was compelled to acquiesce in Turkey's refusal to

sign the Note, at the same time urging her not to regard the occupation

of Moldavia and Wallachia as an act of war. The state of affairs towards

the end of September is concisely described in a note written by Prince

Albert to Baron Stockmar: "Meyendorff is in the Vienna Cabinet; Louis

Napoleon wishes for peace, enjoyment, and cheap corn; the King of

Prussia is a reed shaken by the wind; we are paralysed through not

knowing what our agent in Constantinople is or is not doing; the Divan

has become fanatically warlike and headstrong, and reminds one of

Prussia in 1806; the public here is furiously Turkish and anti-Russian."

On October 5 the Porte issued a formal declaration of war. On the 14th

the combined fleets of England and France, which were lying in Besika

Bay, moved into the Dardanelles on the invitation of the Sultan.

Mediation was at an end.

[Sidenote: Destruction of the Turkish Fleet.]

A Turkish squadron of twelve sail in the Black Sea were attacked on the

30th while lying at anchor at Sinope and completely destroyed, with the

loss of 4,000 men, leaving only about 400 alive. The news of this

massacre, enacted almost under the very guns of the allied fleet, spread

like wildfire through France and Great Britain, and ignited every

warlike spirit that still slumbered. It was alleged that the Turkish

admiral had hauled down his flag before the overwhelming force which

attacked him, and that the Russians had paid no attention to this signal

of surrender.

[Sidenote: Resignation of Lord Palmerston.]

The Cabinet was much more divided in opinion than the nation. Lord

Palmerston, the Home Secretary, startled the nation by resigning office

on December 16, not, however, as was generally assumed, on account of

difference about the Eastern Question. "No one," wrote Prince Albert,

"will believe the true cause of his retirement--his dislike of Lord

John's plan of Reform, and treachery is everywhere the cry. It is the

Eastern Question that has turned him out, and Court intrigues!"

Everybody, in fact, believed that Palmerston had left the Cabinet rather

than assent to abandoning Turkey to the tender mercies of Russia. Prince

Albert was vehemently accused by a portion of the Press of being

favourable to the designs of Russia: how far this was from the truth

people afterwards came to learn from his own letters written while these

events were in progress. The cry went forth that Palmerston was the only

man who could save the honour of England; in a few days he withdrew his

resignation and confidence was restored.

[Illustration:

_R. Simkin._}

A. Trooper, 17th Lancers.

B. Trooper, 10th Hussars.

C. Trooper, 2nd Life Guards.

D. Private. Coldstream Guards.

E. Trooper. 1st Royal Dragoons.

F. Private, King's Royal Rifles.

G. Officer, Royal Artillery.

H. Officer, Line.

J. Officer, Black Watch.

K. Gunner, Royal Horse Artillery.

L. Private, Line.

UNIFORMS OF THE BRITISH ARMY IN 1897.]

[Sidenote: Great Britain and France Declare War with Russia.]

On February 7 the Russian Ministers left London and Paris; the English

Minister left St. Petersburg on the same day. On the 27th the ultimatum

of England was despatched to Count Nesselrode. On March 24 Her Majesty's

formal declaration of war against the Emperor of Russia was read from

the steps of the Royal Exchange, and the reasons for this act were

published at length in the _London Gazette_. England had been

slow--culpably slow, declared Derby and Disraeli--in resorting to an

appeal to arms, but, having made it, the spirit of her greatest poet

pervaded the Councils of her Ministry:--

"Beware

Of entrance to a quarrel; but, being in,

Bear it, that the oppressor may beware of thee."

[Sidenote: State of British Armaments.]

Before the actual declaration of war, large numbers of British troops

had embarked for the East, and a powerful fleet had been assembled at

Spithead for service in the Baltic under Admiral Sir Charles Napier. To

Prince Albert's watchful influence must be attributed the degree to

which the nation now found itself prepared for the coming struggle. For

the warlike habits of our people had been lulled by the peace which,

uninterrupted for nearly forty years, had prevailed between England and

other European powers. It would be difficult to realise at this day how

far the nation had lapsed into unreadiness. Prince Albert incessantly

strove to arouse it from this perilous lethargy. One result of his

efforts had been the establishment during the summer of 1853 of a

temporary camp of exercise at Chobham, a complete novelty to the

generation of that time. Aldershot, as a place of arms, had no existence

then, but the system initiated at Chobham has become part of our regular

military organisation. Another result had been the establishment of a

permanent Channel Fleet, which was reviewed by the Queen at Spithead on

August 11, 1853, and described by Prince Albert as "the finest fleet,

perhaps, which England ever fitted out; forty ships of war of all kinds,

all moved by steam-power but three.... The gigantic ships of war, among

them the _Duke of Wellington_ with 131 guns (a greater number than was

ever assembled before in one vessel), went, without sails and propelled

only by the screw, _eleven miles an hour_, and this against wind and

tide! This is the greatest revolution effected in the conduct of naval

warfare which has yet been known ... and will render many fleets, like

the present Russian one, useless." Speaking of men-of-war fitted with

the auxiliary screw, he went on: "We have already sixteen at sea and ten

in an advanced state. France has no more than two, and the other Powers

none.... I write all this, because last autumn we were bewailing our

defenceless state, and because you know that, without wishing to be

_mouche de coche_, I must rejoice to see that achieved which I had

struggled so long and so hard to effect."

[Illustration: _J. Tenniel._} {_From "Punch."_

WHAT IT HAS COME TO.

Lord Aberdeen holding back the British Lion.]

[Illustration: _W. A. Krell._} {_In the Royal Collection._

REVIEW OF THE CHANNEL SQUADRON BY HER MAJESTY, August 11, 1853.]

Great Britain, then, at the outbreak of the Russian War, possessed a

fleet stronger than the combined flotillas of any other three Great

Powers. Her land forces were far less satisfactory, for though they were

perfectly disciplined and well-equipped according to the existing state

of military science, they were few in numbers and almost totally without

reserves, for the new Militia could not count for much as yet.

[Illustration: GUN SHOP AT THE ELSWICK WORKS.

A few guns of 4'7 in. and 6 in. calibre awaiting inspection.]

[Illustration: _Sir E. Landseer, R. A._} {_From the Royal Collection. By

permission of Messrs. Graves, Pall Mall._

ROYAL SPORTS.--THE QUEEN AND PRINCE CONSORT, WITH THE PRINCE OF WALES,

IN THE HIGHLANDS, 1853.]

Sixty Years a Queen: The Story of Her Majesty's Reign · 第 8 / 19 章