M. Staaff and M. Hammarskjöld of open and exceedingly friendly
letters, truly Swedish in tone and essence. The former gave hopes of
a speedy settlement of the defence question, which soon were to be
realised. Towards the end of August the delegates of the different
parties, who had discussed the question with the Premier, arrived at
an understanding; it only remained for the entire Defence Committee to
give its sanction, which was a foregone conclusion, and on September
12 the great and all-important defence question was happily solved,
the Government proposal, with immaterial modifications, was passed
in the First Chamber without any division, and in the Second by 127
to 70, 23 votes being void. When fully established the new scheme
will involve an annual expenditure on the Army of some 64,500,000 kr.
(3,583,333_l._) as against 55,250,000 kr. (3,069,444_l._) and on the
Navy of 26,000,000 kr. (1,444,444_l._), an increase of some 4,000,000
kr. (or 222,222_l._); besides this, some 4,000,000 kr. were applied to
the coast artillery.
At the same time as the defence question engrossed the interest of the
Riksdag, the necessary measures were passed to emphasise and support
the neutrality of Sweden. On August 12 the Riksdag unanimously voted
50,000,000 kr. as extraordinary expenditure for defence on account of
the international situation, and the Ministerial declaration as to the
observance of strict neutrality met with the fullest support.
The dissolution of the Second Chamber and the consequent election were
followed by a general election in September, the existing Riksdag,
however, remaining in function. This general election confirmed the
trend of the spring election by further reducing the Liberal members;
the seats they lost were gained by the Social Democrats, who now
constituted the largest party, 87, the Right remaining at 86 and the
Liberals being reduced to 57. As a result the Social Democrats at a
party congress somewhat vaguely declared, by 90 votes against 58, their
willingness to accept the responsibility of government, jointly with
the Left.
Some other military measures were disposed of, as were several railway
bills, a Schools Inspection Bill, and other legislation. The most
important bill passed was one making the tobacco industry and trade a
State monopoly, calculated to yield a very material revenue. The scheme
is to be worked through a huge limited company, beginning operations
about the middle of 1915, and in which the State is to be heavily
interested financially and will exercise the necessary control. The
great total abstinence reform, which had a warm defender in M. Staaff,
was frustrated through the inability of the Chambers to agree upon the
question of local veto, but the temperance movement is being furthered
in many ways. The same fate befell the Women's Suffrage Bill; the
Second Chamber had passed it by 107 to 84, whilst the First Chamber
negatived it by 76 votes to 46.
After an unusually long session, lasting nominally seven months, though
from the end of September there had been no regular sittings, the "B
Riksdag" was prorogued on December 17.
A Germanophil movement was headed by M. Sven Hedin, the famous explorer
(A.R., 1913, p. 386), and found support in the fear inspired by Russian
military preparation for some years past in Finland, in the propagation
of war news from German sources, and in the close commercial relations
subsisting with Germany. But there were indications of a change of
feeling before the end of the year.
Sweden, like her Scandinavian neighbours, has jealously guarded her
neutrality, large portions of the reserve and other classes being
promptly called under arms. Her declaration of neutrality was followed
within a few days by an undertaking with Norway that the one country
should not take hostile action against the other.
The feeling of cordiality and joint interests between Sweden, Denmark
and Norway was further emphasised and consolidated by the meeting of
the three Kings, accompanied by their Foreign Ministers, in Malmö (Dec.
18), at the invitation of King Gustaf, an act of the Swedish King which
caused the deepest satisfaction in the three countries. It was called
partly to deal with the economic hindrances set up by the war to the
trade of the three countries, and the official communication announcing
its results stated that it had been agreed to continue the co-operation.
King Gustaf underwent a serious operation on April 9, with eminently
satisfactory results. His severe illness and subsequent recovery
afforded opportunities for the display of their abundant loyalty by his
people.
VIII. NORWAY.
The centenary of the recovery by Norway of her independence as a
kingdom made the year notable in other respects than the political.
The centenary exhibition demonstrated most effectively the wonderful
growth of Norway's resources during the past century.
The Storthing assembled on January 12. M. Lövland was re-elected
President of the Storthing and M. Mowinckel of the Odelsthing. On
the following day the King in person opened the sixty-third ordinary
Storthing. After a reference to the centenary and the century of
peace enjoyed by the nation, he stated that the past year had been
satisfactory in most departments of home enterprise, and announced a
number of measures for the furtherance of industry and commerce; the
Budget had been framed without resort to fresh taxation. It showed
an ordinary expenditure of 154,900,000 kroner (8,605,555_l._) and an
extraordinary of 15,081,000 kr. (837,833_l._), a total of 169,981,000
kr. (9,443,388_l._). The ordinary expenditure showed an increase of
12,880,000 kr., reduced by certain counter-items to 7,300,000 kr. On
the revenue side certain taxes and other sources of income exhibited
an increased yield over that of the previous year. Even thus early M.
Castberg, the Minister for Commerce, expressed views diverging from
those of his colleagues: he desired a higher income tax and legacy
duties and a reduced Customs tariff.
On January 20 the Government introduced a proposal to appoint a Defence
Commission of fourteen civilian members, with the right, however, of
calling in military experts. The Commission was to investigate all
questions connected with national defence, both military and financial,
and examine into the possibility of adopting a system on Swiss lines in
order to effect a closer connexion between the Army and the nation.
During the debate on the Customs tariff in February the Premier caused
some surprise by not attending the Storthing, and it was understood
that on this subject M. Castberg had managed to override his chief. In
the debate on the Labour Arbitration Bill, again, M. Knudsen, the Prime
Minister, had to humour his troublesome colleague by stating that, in
view of the undoubted divergences of opinion on the arbitration clause,
he felt sure that both the Government and the Storthing would be most
careful in resorting to compulsory arbitration. They would let the
contest between employers and employed go on until both sides felt that
the struggle must be ended and that the authorities must interfere. M.
Castberg declared himself much reassured, and hoped that the statement
meant that the new institution should be used, when the men themselves
demanded it, for the protection of their interests. Nevertheless he
continued to emphasise his divergent views as against the more moderate
members of the Government, more especially the Premier, not only in the
House but at public meetings; and on April 16 this very Radical Social
Minister resigned his seat in the Cabinet, preferring to work as a
private member for his aims and ideals. He differed also from M. Gunnar
Knudsen on the question of maximum working hours, insisting on a nine
hours' day and a fifty-one hours' week, whereas the latter would not go
beyond a ten hours' day and fifty-four hours' week.
On February 28 the Storthing rejected the proposal of M. Bryggesaa,
the Minister for Ecclesiastical Affairs, to annul Clause 7 of the
Constitution, empowering the King to propose a successor, should
there be no heir. In the same sitting the Storthing also rejected the
proposal to make women eligible as Ministers of State, although M.
Abrahamsen, the Minister of Justice, defended the proposal. The adverse
minorities were respectively 41 and 44.
On April 23 the Storthing considered the exploitation of the large Nore
waterfalls, owned by the State; general disappointment was felt when M.
Urbye, the Minister of Public Works, stated that the plans had not yet
been finally dealt with, and therefore would not come before the House
in the current session.
In the beginning of May the Military Committee of the Storthing
handed in their report on the Army Estimates, amounting to 17,550,500
kr., an insignificant fraction less than the sum proposed by the War
Department. There were to be no more Generals, the field artillery
regiments were each to be divided into three, and the extension of the
regimental drills from twenty-four to thirty days would be dealt with
in a separate Bill.
On May 13 the Storthing, by 78 votes to 44, decided to divide the
Parliamentary session, in accordance with the decision in the Union
of the Left, the Government stating that they, too, were in favour of
an autumn session, although they did not give their reason. Several
Committees were to continue their labours during the recess.
On June 9 the Storthing, by 85 votes to 25, passed a resolution,
requesting the Government to see that all alcoholic drinks were
prohibited at all military and naval practices, for all ranks alike.
The resolution, however, was not acted upon.
On June 26 the Storthing decided that the principal naval dockyard
should be extended and that two submarines should be built at Norwegian
yards. On July 4 the proposal to appoint a Defence Commission was
passed by the Storthing, the adverse minority being 35. The Premier
stated that the most important question for the Commission to consider
was whether more effective results could not be obtained for the
actual military expenditure. More especially the Swiss system should
be borne in mind. On July 6 the Storthing unanimously passed the new
extraordinary defence tax on income exceeding 4,000 kr. (222_l._) and
capitals exceeding 100,000 kr. (5,555_l._). The tax is to be levied
according to a sliding scale, which deals somewhat leniently with
incomes not exceeding 10,000 to 15,000 kr. (555_l._ to 832_l._). The
measure is subject to revision as regards the fourth term of the tax,
and will thus come up for further consideration hereafter.
Just before the close of the session (July 3), the Premier made a
Cabinet question of a vote of some 250,000 kr. for the instruction
of small holders, a question to which he had given much time and
attention. M. Hagerup-Bull, the Conservative spokesman, complained that
Cabinet questions were getting rather too frequent. The measure was
duly passed.
The session was closed on July 8. The Storthing was to meet again on
October 19, but the war altered its arrangements entirely. The results
of the six months' work were very moderate, and some of the Government
measures were severely criticised and left for subsequent revision.
The war, however, necessitated a short extraordinary session, and
the Storthing met again on August 8, a circumstance which was in
itself a telling comment on an unfortunate reference by the Premier
in the spring "to the cloudless sky of Europe." The War Minister (M.
Keilhart) resigned the same day and was succeeded by General Holtfodt,
Norway's youngest General. A vote of 10,000,000 kr. (555,555_l._) for
extraordinary military measures was promptly passed and other measures
were adopted in view of the situation. A general moratorium had already
been proclaimed; the Government was empowered to extend it, and to
render the notes of the Bank of Norway temporarily inconvertible into
gold. Much satisfaction was expressed at what might be described as
a declaration of confidence between Norway and Sweden. Before the
members separated the President emphasised the spirit of unity which
had marked the proceedings during the short extraordinary session, all
contentious questions being for the present left entirely in abeyance.
Under these circumstances the work done later on was confined to some
committees which meet in October. All the important measures, including
a revision of the law on insurance against sickness, an extension of
the Bank for workmen and small holders, and a comprehensive measure of
reform of factory legislation, were left for a more favourable season,
politically and financially. Naturally a drain on the Treasury is set
up in many ways, directly and indirectly, by the war.
The Storthing of 1914 formally closed its session at a meeting on
January 8, 1915. In spite of a very active German propaganda, the
national feeling tended to favour the cause of the Allies.
The Spitzbergen Conference was opened in Christiania on June 16.
Twenty-three representatives were present from nine countries (Great
Britain, the United States, Russia, France, Holland, Germany, Denmark,
Sweden and Norway). The conference had not completed its labours when
the war broke out, and separated with the understanding that it would
again meet early in 1915.
FOOTNOTES:
[22] See _North German Gazette_, quoted in _The Times_, October 14,
1914.
[23] The diplomatic history will be found in the Belgian Grey Book
(British official translation, Cd. 7627).
[24] The Belgian Government published a series of official reports
detailing these atrocities (see also p. 251). They were reprinted, with
those of the French and Russian Commissions of Inquiry, in an "Official
Book of the German Atrocities" (London, 1914, 1_s._).
[25] Details of the retreat of this force were not yet published in
April, 1915.
[26] An adequate summary is impracticable here. Details will be found
in the Report of the Federal Council to the Federal Assembly dated
December 1, 1914.
[27] On importation, exportation, and the application of Act VII. of
the Hague Convention, students may be referred to the _Journal de
Genève_, December 10, 1914, January 10 and 12, 1915.
[28] The terms "winter-line" and "summer-line" refer to the rival
proposals regarding the periods of military service, the "summer-line"
period being the shorter.
CHAPTER V.
SOUTHERN ASIA.
I. PERSIA.
The Viceroy of India, in his speech closing the Imperial Legislative
Council on March 24, in which he reviewed briefly foreign affairs in
connexion with India, was able to speak of the work of the Swedish
officers and the gendarmerie organised by them as eminently successful.
The force was employed during the winter in patrolling the roads, and
it dealt with the robber bands which infested them. The improvement
in the returns of British and Indian trade in Southern Persia was the
best evidence of the efficiency of the work of the gendarmerie. Another
force dealt with the situation on the trade route between Bunder Abbas
and Kerman, and, although it had some serious engagements with the
Perso-Baluchi tribes, there was every reason for confidence in its
ability to establish order in the near future.
The young Shah Sultan Ahmad Shah, now a youth of sixteen, was crowned
with considerable ceremony at Teheran in July, and took the oath of
fidelity to the Constitution before the Mejliss. He was only a child
of eleven when his father, Mahomed Ali, was driven into exile, and no
opinion can yet be formed of his character or abilities.
When Turkey joined in the war against England and her Allies the
Persian Government, on November 4, issued a Proclamation declaring a
strict neutrality. This however did not prevent a Turkish force from
advancing on Tabriz during the last days of the year. The local Persian
authorities were not in a position to offer any resistance; they could
merely record a formal protest, to which the Turks replied that they
would evacuate Persian territory when the Russians did so.
II. THE PERSIAN GULF AND BALUCHISTAN.
An agreement was concluded with the French Government by which France
recognised the new arms traffic regulations drawn up by the late Sultan
of Muscat at the instance of the British Government, and abandons the
privileges and immunities secured by ancient treaties. It is hoped that
this will effectually stop gun-running on the Mekran coast.
III. AFGHANISTAN.
The relations between the Government of India and His Majesty the Amir
continued to be cordial.
Representations had to be made regarding serious outrages on the
Frontier by residents of Afghanistan and by outlaws from British
territory who had taken refuge in Khost. These representations were met
by the Amir in the most friendly spirit, and he issued stringent orders
to his officers on the Frontier to deal severely with all offenders. It
was reported that the Khost outlaws implicated had been arrested and
sent to Kabul for trial.
In his reply to the Viceroy's letter, announcing the outbreak of
hostilities between Great Britain and Turkey, the Amir expressed his
deep regret at the step taken by the Turkish Government, and declared
his firm intention to maintain a strict neutrality, and added that he
had issued a proclamation enjoining the same on all his subjects.
IV. NORTH-WEST FRONTIER.
Apart from the raids from Afghan territory already mentioned, the
Frontier remained quiet with two exceptions. An outrage by the Utman
Khels in the north of the Peshawar District led to a blockade of the
tribe, which produced the desired effect.
There were two serious raids by the Bunerwals in which eight British
subjects were killed and considerable property taken. On February 23 a
column was sent to punish the villages mainly at fault. In spite of the
most trying conditions of weather and roads the operations were carried
out most successfully. The force met with little serious opposition,
and returned without loss after inflicting exemplary punishment on the
offending villages.
V. BRITISH INDIA.
(1) FINANCE.
At the meeting of the Imperial Legislative Council on March 2 Sir
William Meyer, the new Financial Member, reviewed at length the annual
Statement which had been presented a few days previously. After paying
a warm tribute to his predecessor, Sir Guy Fleetwood Wilson, he pointed
out that, owing to the disappearance of the Chinese opium revenue
and other causes, the prosperity budgets and large surpluses which
had marked the latter's term of office, and had enabled the Imperial
Government to distribute doles to the Provincial Governments, could no
longer be looked for. It was, however, a matter for congratulation that
the ordinary revenue had been sufficient to provide for the necessary
expenses of the Government without imposing additional taxation.
Revised Estimate, 1913-14.--The Budget Estimate, given in millions
sterling with decimal points, showed Revenue, Imperial 53.044,
Provincial 29.280, Total 82.324; Expenditure, Imperial 51.718,
Provincial 32.193, Total 83.911. The result was thus an Imperial
surplus of 1.326, and a Provincial deficit of 2.913, or a total excess
of Expenditure over Revenue of 1.587. A Provincial deficit is,
however, not a real deficit; it is met by the Local Governments drawing
on the large balances already in hand.
The figures of the Revised Estimate were: Revenue, Imperial 53.619,
Provincial 30.643, Total 84.262; Expenditure, Imperial 52.291,
Provincial 31.384, Total 83.675, giving an Imperial surplus of 1.328
and a Provincial deficit of ·741, or a total surplus of ·587. The
Imperial surplus was thus almost exactly the same as that entered in
the Budget; the decrease in the Provincial deficit was due partly to
underspending and partly to an improvement in the sources of revenue
allotted to Provincial Governments.
On the Revenue side certain sub-heads showed a material difference
between the Budget and the Revised Estimate. Under Customs there was an
improvement of 492,000_l._, reflecting the prosperous conditions which
had prevailed over the greater part of the country. Busy trade in the
early part of the year necessitated an addition to the currency and
the seigniorage on the consequent coinage amounted to 136,000_l._; an
increase in small coinage likely to be required in the famine districts
raised the total improvement under Mint to 164,000_l._ The net receipts
from Railways were expected to be 104,000_l._ less than the Budget
Estimate, owing to dull trade in the closing months of 1913, increased
expenditure on rolling stock, and the repair of damage to lines. There
was a falling off of 276,000_l._ in Land Revenue, due to the failure
of the kharif crop in the United Provinces and adjacent areas and the
consequent remissions or suspensions. The greater demand for canal
water in the United Provinces, and the revision of rates in parts of
the Punjab, produced an increase of 149,000_l._ under Irrigation. There
was an improvement of 156,000_l._ in the Income Tax Receipts, chiefly
due to the large profits realised by banks and industrial concerns in
Calcutta and Bombay in the preceding year. Miscellaneous receipts gave
an increase of 127,000_l._ In the Excise Revenue there was an increase
of 454,000_l._, owing to general prosperity, especially in Madras and
Bombay. The income from Forests was expected to be better by 177,000_l._
Reviewing the Revenue as a whole, the Financial Member was of opinion
that it showed satisfactory progress. Excluding opium altogether, the
receipts for 1912-13 were 81,738,000_l._, whilst for 1913-14 they were
expected to be 82,656,000_l._
The Imperial Expenditure was expected to be 573,000_l._ in excess
of the Budget Estimate, whilst the Provincial Expenditure would be
809,000_l._ less. The Military Charges accounted for 392,000_l._ of the
Imperial increase; the main cause of this was the rise in prices of
food and fodder.
Budget Estimate for 1914-15.--The figures were: Revenue, Imperial
54.261, Provincial 30.772, Total 85.033; Expenditure, Imperial 52.981,
Provincial 33.981, Total 86.962. The result anticipated was thus an
Imperial surplus of 1.280 and a Provincial deficit of 3.209, or on the
total account a deficit of 1.929.
The total Revenue given above was 750,000_l._ in excess of that shown
in the Revised Estimate, 1913-14. The heads under which the chief
improvements were expected were Land Revenue, Opium, Post Office,
Stamps, and Excise, whilst a falling off was allowed for under Customs,
and in the net receipts from Railways owing to continued increase in
the working expenses. The aggregate improvement budgeted for amounted
to 771,000_l._, of which the Imperial share would be 642,000_l._ and
the share of the Provincial Governments 129,000_l._
Although the Expenditure provided for showed a total increase of
3,287,000_l._ the increase in the Imperial Expenditure was only
690,000_l._ The increase under military charges, due mainly to
continued rise in the price of food and fodder and to the provision
for the extra pay of officers in British regiments granted by the Home
Government, accounted for 487,000_l._ of this total. The estimated
Imperial surplus of 1,280,000_l._ was not more than should be held in
reserve as a margin of safety to meet unforeseen calls, but it was
proposed to make grants from it to Local Governments amounting to
240,000_l._ in all, of which 100,000_l._ would be for the improvement
of communications in Burma, and 100,000_l._ for Education and
Sanitation.
Ways and Means.--The capital requirements for 1914-15 were estimated at
12,000,000_l._ for railways, 1,200,000_l._ for irrigation, 700,000_l._
for Delhi, 700,000_l._ for repayment of India Bonds, 3,200,000_l._
for outlay from Provincial balances, and 100,000_l._ for Local Loans,
Imperial and Provincial--giving a total of practically 18,000,000_l._
The assets by which these requirements would be met were 4,600,000_l._
to be taken from balances, 1,300,000_l._ forming the Imperial surplus,
3,300,000_l._ representing the Rupee loan of 5 crores, 6,200,000_l._
sterling borrowings, 1,800,000_l._ of unfunded debt, 700,000_l._ from
famine insurance allotment and minor items. Total 17,900,000_l._
The Rupee loan of 5 crores was the largest hitherto raised in India,
but it was warranted by the success which had attended the last loan,
and by the fact that the price of rupee paper in England stood higher
than that of the sterling loan.
Sir William Meyer gave a full account of the proceedings of the
Imperial Delhi Committee constituted on April 1, 1913, and the progress
that had been made in the work on the new capital. The question of
expense was dealt with in great detail by the Viceroy in his speech
closing the session on March 24. His Excellency admitted frankly that
the estimate of 4,000,000_l._, mentioned in the Government of India's
despatch of August 25, 1911, to the Secretary of State, was based on
insufficient data. A most careful and complete estimate had now been
framed by the Delhi Committee and was under the consideration of the
Government of India. Subject to modifications that might be made, the
total cost amounted to 5,113,620_l._, to this another million should
be added to provide for contingencies and unforeseen expenditure. The
strictest economy and supervision would be exercised over all branches
of the work, and some returns might be expected. The Government of
India was of opinion that, even if the estimate were accepted in full,
the total cost of the new capital would not exceed 6,000,000_l._ This
would be spread over a period of twelve years from the commencement of
the work in 1912.
In presenting the Budget in its final form on March 21, the Financial
Member stated that the changes in the figures of the Statement
originally laid before the Council were small and unimportant. The net
result in the Revised Estimate of 1913-14 was to raise the Imperial
surplus by 159,000_l._ and to reduce the Provincial deficit by
139,000_l._
As regards the Budget for 1914-15, it was now expected that the
Imperial surplus would be less than the original Estimate by
24,000_l._, and that there would be a small reduction in the Provincial
deficit.
Under Ways and Means there was no material change in the original
figures. It was calculated that on March 31, 1915, the cash balances
would stand at twelve and one-third million pounds sterling in the
Indian and at about five millions in the Home Treasury.
(2) FAMINE.
In reviewing the state of the area affected by famine at the close of
1913 it was observed that, although there was a considerable amount
of distress, the stage of actual famine had hardly been reached,
but, if the winter rains failed, the prospect would be very serious.
They did fail to a very great extent, and the little rain that fell
only slightly mitigated the existing distress. In his speech in the
Legislative Council on March 24 the Viceroy observed that the state
of things, though serious, was not nearly so bad as in the famine of
1907-8. There were also other circumstances which tended considerably
to improve the situation. The people had enjoyed a series of good
harvests in previous years and in the present year there was a prospect
of an excellent spring harvest in the Punjab. Past experience had
enabled the Government to deal with famines far more efficiently,
suspensions and remissions of land revenue had been promptly and
generously granted, advances to agriculturists had been made on a
large scale, arrangements had been carried out for securing a supply
of fodder, and the railway rates for its carriage had been reduced.
There had also been a great improvement in the spirit of the people
themselves; they were more hopeful and self-reliant, and more ready to
move to other districts in search of work. There was still a large
class of the population which had to be supported by gratuitous relief,
but the number seeking employment on relief works was far less than in
previous famines.
At the end of July the number of persons employed on relief works was
4,684, whilst 102,338 were receiving gratuitous relief. The monsoon of
1914 was, on the whole, good, and the condition of the famine districts
soon became the same as that of the rest of India, throughout the whole
of which prices continued high till the close of the year, causing
considerable distress amongst the poorer classes.
(3) PLAGUE.
As was to be anticipated from the returns for the last quarter of 1913
the plague statistics showed a considerable increase. The total number
of deaths from October 1, 1913, to September 30, 1914, was 264,760,
against a total of 181,668 for the corresponding months of 1912-13. The
highest monthly total was 57,577 in March, the lowest 1,439 in July.
(4) BRITISH INDIA--GENERAL.
In closing the Legislative Session on March 24 the Viceroy was able to
announce that a satisfactory settlement of the very intricate question
of the treatment of Indians in South Africa had been reached, and
that a telegram had that day been received from General Smuts that a
Bill would be introduced into the Union Parliament to give effect to
the report of the Commission. Unfortunately an equally satisfactory
statement cannot be made regarding Canada and British Columbia. Here
the grievance is not the manner in which Indians are treated within
the Colony, but the almost absolute refusal to admit them at all.
Although this attitude of the Colonies was perfectly well known, a
steamer, the _Komagata Maru_, was chartered by certain Indian leaders,
some of whom were known to be agitators and are believed to have been
acting under German influence, for the conveyance of some 300 Indians,
mostly Sikhs, to Vancouver. They were not allowed to enter the Colony
(May 21), and it was with great difficulty that they were persuaded to
re-embark and return to India. On the arrival of the _Komagata Maru_ at
Budge Budge, a station on the Hooghly near Calcutta, they were met by
officers deputed to arrange for their dispatch by special trains direct
to their homes at Government expense. The first train, with about
sixty passengers, was despatched quietly, but, whilst the second train
was being prepared, the men who were to be sent off suddenly fired on
the police with revolvers which they had concealed, and one European
officer was killed and three or four others wounded. The police were
compelled to fire on the rioters, of whom sixteen were killed (Oct. 2).
Last year reference was made to the existence of widespread
conspiracies (A.R., 1913, p. 400) the object of which was the overthrow
of British power in India by any possible means, including murder and
outrages of all kinds. Early in 1914 the Punjab police succeeded in
discovering one of the most important of these. Eleven men were placed
on their trial on a charge of conspiracy to commit murder, before a
special court of sessions at Delhi, which began its proceedings in
May. These lasted for three and a half months and resulted in three of
the accused being sentenced to death and four to transportation for
life, whilst four were acquitted. It is impossible to go fully into the
details of the case, but a general outline of it affords an excellent
illustration of the manner in which the work of sedition is carried on
in India and who are engaged in it. In 1904-5 one Har Dayal, a resident
of Delhi and a student of great promise in the Punjab University, was
sent to St. John's College, Oxford, on a State scholarship of 200_l._
a year. He visited India in 1906 and delivered lectures, chiefly to
students at Lahore, on the supposed needs of India. In 1908 he resigned
his scholarship, and, returning to India, commenced a further course
of lectures, openly advocating sedition, but not yet murder. Not long
afterwards he left for America, where he is believed to have remained,
making over his work to Amir Chand, accused No. 1, who carried it
on zealously. In October, 1912, a Committee was formed at Lahore
with the object of promoting anarchy on the lines followed in Bengal
and the United Provinces, namely the distribution of inflammatory
literature, teaching the art of manufacturing bombs, planning outrages,
and engaging tools to commit them. If the attempt on the life of
the Viceroy on December 23, 1912, was not actually planned by these
conspirators they certainly knew who were engaged in it. Leaflets
approving it were issued by them and distributed broadcast, and were
even posted up in the colleges at Lahore. On May 17, 1913, a bomb was
exploded in the Lawrence Gardens, Lahore, with the intention of killing
Europeans, but, owing to the failure of the courage of the man engaged,
the only result was the death of an Indian orderly. Various other
outrages were planned, but miscarried from one cause or another. In
October, 1913, there was a fresh outburst of activity and publication
of leaflets. It was the search for these that led to the discoveries
which resulted in the eleven accused being brought to trial. Most of
them were young men who had received their education in Government
schools and colleges, and some of them had obtained good posts in
the public service. Although these conspiracies may be described as
widespread, they were so only in the sense that they were carried on
by agents in all parts of India. The men who actually took part in
them were confined almost entirely to the class already mentioned. The
great mass of the people of India are too much occupied with the task
of providing themselves with their daily bread to take any interest in
general politics.
The appeal of Mr. Channing Arnold, editor and proprietor of the _Burma
Critic_, from his conviction by the Chief Court of Lower Burma in 1912
was dismissed on April 7 by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council
(A.R., 1912, p. 403). Their Lordships were of opinion that there was
no misdirection on any point of law in the Judge's charge and that the
jury had sufficient evidence to justify their findings on the question
of fact.
The expectation of Germany that the entrance of Turkey into a war
with a great Power in Europe would be the signal for a revolutionary
outbreak in India was completely falsified. Instead of an outbreak
of disloyalty there was one of fervent loyalty. Throughout the whole
country from all races and all classes there came professions of
attachment to the Government and offers of support of every kind (p.
200). At the commencement of the war the Indian Government was able to
send to Europe two complete Divisions of British and Indian troops, and
these were followed a little later by the despatch of a third Division.
This sending of Indian troops to fight side by side with their British
comrades in a great European War aroused enthusiasm not only in the
Indian Army, but also in the country generally.
The second expectation of Germany that, when they had succeeded in
dragging Turkey into the war as their ally, there would be an outbreak
of religious fanaticism throughout the world of Islam in general and of
India in particular, was even more ill-founded than their expectation
of a general Indian revolt. As soon as it was clear that Turkey was
joining Germany the Viceroy (Oct. 31) issued a note pointing out the
true facts of the case, how no interests of Islam were involved, and
how completely England, France, and Russia had assured Turkey that, if
she maintained her neutrality, her independence and integrity would
be upheld at the close of the war. The truth of this was at once
apparent to all educated Mohamedans; they knew well not only that no
interests of Islam were threatened, but also that the Sultan himself
was not a free agent. The Government of Turkey was really in the hands
of the Young Turks, men hated and despised by all true believers, and
who were truly described by Mr. Asquith in the House of Commons as
possessing all the vices and none of the virtues of the old Turkish
official class. The ruling Mohamedan Chiefs, from the Nizam to those
of the Protected Malay States, issued proclamations pointing out to
their subjects the true facts, and enjoining loyalty to the British
Government as a thing required by the precepts of their religion and by
their own true interests. Similar action was taken by all the important
Mohamedan associations, and by leading Mohamedan gentlemen, including
the Agha Khan.
The first act of any importance in the war between England and Turkey
east of Suez was a visit by H.M.S. _Minerva_ to Akaba, a fortified town
at the head of the gulf of that name, where the Turks were collecting
troops and supplies for an expedition against Egypt. The town was
occupied, the fortifications were destroyed, and the Turkish force
captured or dispersed with little loss.
A more serious operation was carried out in November by an
expeditionary force both naval and military sent from India to the head
of the Persian Gulf. The Turkish fort at Fao, on the right bank of the
Shatt-el-Arab, was silenced on November 8, and after minor successes
on the 11th and 15th, a decisive battle was fought on the 17th. The
Turkish troops, some 4,000 in number, were found in an entrenched
position which could only be attacked by an advance in the open. This
was made and the position captured with some guns and a large supply of
ammunition and stores. The British loss was five officers killed and
fifteen wounded--of the rank and file the killed were thirty-five and
the wounded about 300. The Turkish troops were completely routed and
made no attempt to defend Basra, which was entered by the British on
November 22. The whole Delta of the Euphrates and Tigris, which join
about seventy miles from the coast and form a single stream known as
the Shatt-el-Arab, was occupied and may prove a position of great value
for further operations.
On November 10 great rejoicing was caused in Calcutta and in all the
seaports of India by the receipt of the news that the German cruiser
_Emden_ had at last been caught in one of the islands of the South
Pacific, and had been sunk after a sharp engagement by H.M.S. _Sydney_
of the Australian Navy. Besides her visit to Madras, where she set the
oil tanks on fire by her shells and did other damage, the _Emden_ had
been for a considerable time the pest of the Indian Ocean, and the
value of the merchant ships and cargoes she had destroyed was estimated
at over 2,000,000_l._ sterling.
VI. NATIVE STATES.
Nowhere was the general loyalty evoked by the war manifested more
strongly than in the Native States. One and all came forward with
contributions of men and money to the extent of their ability and even
beyond it. In addition to this many members of the ruling families
gave their personal service. To enumerate in detail the part played by
the several States would make a record greater than the "Catalogue of
Ships" in Homer.
VII. TIBET.
The Conference of Tibetan and Chinese delegates under the presidency of
Sir H. McMahon, Foreign Secretary to the Government of India, concluded
its sittings at Delhi, but the result has not yet been made known. The
usual rumours of conflict between Chinese and Tibetan troops on the
Eastern Frontier were repeated at various times during the year, but no
importance was attached to them.
The Dalai Lama showed in many ways a greater desire for friendly
relations with the British Government, and it was reported that on the
outbreak of the war in Europe he offered to raise a force of 1,000
Tibetans to assist the Allies. Much useful survey work and exploration
was carried out in the unknown country to the north of Assam and the
north-east of Burma, and this will enable the Government of India to
lay down a natural boundary line in those regions when the question
is ripe for settlement. It had been decided to extend administrative
control over a part of the tribal area in North-East Burma, and the new
district of Patas had been peacefully established.
CHARLES A. ROE.
CHAPTER VI.
THE FAR EAST.
I. JAPAN.
The opening of the year 1914 was attended by many disasters. In
Hokkaido and the North-East Provinces of Hondo owing to the failure of
the rice crop of 1913, famine existed on a scale which was reported
by missionary associations to demand all the assistance that could
possibly be given. The Government made appropriations amounting to
830,000_l._ towards the relief of the sufferers, who were unofficially
stated to number some 9,000,000 persons, and while its attention
was being given in this quarter of the Empire, a calamity of a most
alarming nature occurred in the south-east.
On 9 and 10 January an eruption of the volcano of Sakurashima, an
island in Kagoshima Bay in Kiushiu, took place. The island was soon
aflame, nearly half the houses were burnt and the inhabitants fled
as best they could to Kagoshima. Streams of lava and dense bodies of
ashes poured into the sea and over the island. The Japanese Government
was prompt in rendering assistance. Two squadrons were at once
despatched to the spot and measures were organised for the relief of
the sufferers. The number of deaths which took place was not so great
as might have been expected, but the devastation caused was such that
over 10,000 persons were forced to emigrate. Apart from the assistance
given by the Government a relief fund of over 50,000_l._ was raised by
Japanese. Further disturbances were feared but nothing on a large scale
took place, though the field of disturbance extended to Akita in Hondo.
Following on these great natural and physical disasters there occurred
on April 9 the death of the Empress Dowager, a calamity felt to be
as much of a national nature as the others. Preparations for the
forthcoming Coronation were at once cancelled and the country joined
in genuine mourning for the lady who had held so high a place in their
affections and who had as Empress exhibited sympathy with the nation in
all its joys and troubles. The unfailing dignity and tact shown by the
Empress in the novel circumstances arising out of the introduction of a
Western atmosphere into her Court had won her also an admiration abroad
intensified by her grace and sympathy.
While suffering under these misfortunes, the nation was at the same
time burdened with a scandal arising out of a contract for the
battleship _Kongo_. Proofs of bribes given by the firm of Siemens &
Schuckert were produced in the course of a long trial which included
the representatives of that firm as well as other foreigners and
Japanese of high standing in naval departments. Indignation meetings
were held in Tokyo and a vote of no confidence in the Government
which was moved in the House was lost only by 205 to 163 votes. As a
result of the vote, the mob outside tried to break down the gates of
the Houses of Parliament, and order was restored only by a display of
military force.
The trial of the persons accused extended over two months. Admirals
Fujii and Matsuo were severally sentenced to four and a half and two
years' imprisonment, the managing and three other directors of the
Mitsui Bussan Kaisha received sentences varying from two years to three
months' imprisonment, Reuter's Agent, Pooley, was sentenced to three
years, Siemens' manager, Herrmann, and other Japanese and foreigners to
minor terms. How bitterly the scandal was felt was shown not only by
the popular outcry, but also by the attempted suicide of Vice-Admiral
Yamamouchi and the surrender by the Mitsui Bussan Kaisha of 75,000_l._
received illegally as commission on the _Kongo_ and the devotion of
that sum to charitable works.
The Government had been seriously affected by the disclosures attending
the discovery of this scandal in the early part of the year, and
the Budget introduced in January failed in consequence to receive
necessary support. Under the Budget Revenue and Expenditure, ordinary
and extraordinary, balanced at yen 641,000,000, and a naval programme
entailing an expenditure of 16,000,000_l._, spread over seven years,
was provided. Of the revenue yen 75,000,000 was furnished from a
surplus in 1912-13, and economies effected by administrative reform
in 1913-14. A reduction in taxation to the extent of yen 10,200,000
was also granted. But the Budget met with no favour in either House.
In the Lower House an amendment was passed involving a reduction of
yen 18,000,000, and in the House of Peers the Naval Vote was further
reduced by yen 40,000,000. This action was followed by a joint
Conference of ten members of each House, in which the Peers' reduction
was rejected by one vote. Parliament was prorogued three days later
(March 23) and the Ministry resigned.
Great difficulty was experienced in forming a new Cabinet. Prince
Tokugawa, the head of the old Shogunate, was the first to be asked,
but he declined the task. Viscount Kiyoura then attempted to form
a Ministry, but failed. Finally Count Okuma, in spite of his age,
seventy-six, accepted office and appointed a Ministry in which Baron
Kato was Minister of Foreign Affairs, while Admiral Yashiro and General
Oka took over the Admiralty and War Offices.
In June the Naval Budget passed the House of Peers with an additional
appropriation of 600,000_l._ passed by the Lower House to cover ten
years' expenditure on ships under construction.
Thus, to Germany's misfortune, all the difficulties and disasters
of the year had been mastered and overcome in Japan when Germany
declared war upon Great Britain, and when applied to by her ally
for assistance in protecting her trade in the East, Japan loyally
responded to the request. But the existence of Germany's naval base
at Kiao-chou in Shantung made protection impossible until this base
was abandoned. Accordingly on August 17 an ultimatum was issued by
Japan to Germany, demanding the withdrawal of her fleet from the Far
East and the surrender of Kiao-chou, and an answer was requested
before noon on August 23. The ultimatum was based on the importance
of the preservation of peace--the reason assigned by Russia, France
and Germany for requiring Japan to retrocede Liao-tung, after that
Province had been ceded to her under the Treaty of Shimonoseki in 1895.
Germany's pride permitted of no answer to this ultimatum, and the
Kaiser telegraphed to Kiao-chou: "It would shame me more to surrender
Kiao-chou to the Japanese than Berlin to the Russians."
On August 23 war was declared against Germany by the Emperor of Japan,
and his Minister left Berlin. The war was popular in Japan as a war
of revenge for the part played by Germany in 1895, and the arrest of
Japanese in Germany and the insults offered to the Ambassador when
leaving Berlin intensified the feeling. The blockade of Kiao-chou was
announced on August 23 and in a special session of the Diet, opened
on September 5, a war appropriation of yen 53,000,000 was unanimously
voted.
An Austrian cruiser, the _Kaiserin Elisabeth_, chanced to be in
Kiao-chou at the beginning of August and the Austrian Ambassador
at Tokyo had proposed that she should be disarmed and interned at
Shanghai, but on Japan's taking action against Germany he left Tokyo
and the vessel was left to her fate.
The time which had been allowed to lapse before the declaration of
war had given time for the German garrison in Peking and German
reservists in China to come to Kiao-chou to strengthen the garrison
there. Enormous sums of money had been spent on the defences, and the
capture of the place was generally recognised as a difficult feat. The
landing of the Japanese at Laoshan Bay was effected on September 2,
but the British contingent, under General Barnardiston, did not land
until September 23-24, and arrived at the front as the Japanese were
finishing their first engagement on September 28. General Kamio, the
Japanese Commander-in-Chief, began the bombardment of the fortress on
October 31, after the exodus of non-combatants had been permitted. The
bombardment lasted a week, during which several forts were silenced and
captured, and on November 7 as the Japanese were preparing to rush the
fortress, the white flag was run up. In the early stages of the siege
there had been considerable waste of heavy ammunition by the besieged,
but the early surrender of the place was a surprise to the besiegers.
The force under General Kamio numbered 22,980 officers and men with 142
guns, while the British contingent consisted of 910 officers and men
of the 2nd South Wales Borderers and 450 of the 36th Sikhs. The German
force was estimated at 5,000 men, and over 4,000 were made prisoners.
The escape of the German cruisers early in August had deprived the
harbour of some of the defences which had been expected, but extensive
mine-fields had been sown which interfered with the activity of the
attacking fleets. The German vessels which remained in harbour, as well
as the Austrian cruiser, had all been sunk before the surrender of the
fortress.
The news of this success excited great enthusiasm in Japan and General
Barnardiston, who visited Tokyo shortly afterwards, received high
honours from the Emperor and city. Much consideration was shown towards
the prisoners from Kiao-chou and much liberty was granted them in their
movements.
The satisfaction of the country in the feat performed by her army did
not, however, prevent severe criticism of the new Budget in the Diet
which was opened on December 7. Under the Budget provision was made
for an expenditure of yen 556,000,000, and a decrease in revenue of
yen 81,000,000 was forecast. No special provision was made for war
expenditure, as it was intended to meet this from accumulated surplus
of previous years under authority which would be asked for when
required. A specially obnoxious clause provided for the increase of the
Army by two divisions, a project which had already occasioned the fall
of several Ministries, and which now in a division on December 24 in
Budget Committee led to the defeat of the Government by 213 votes to
148. The Diet was dissolved the next day.
Gloomy as had been the scenes which ushered in 1914, the year closed
with a record of achievements of which the nation might well be proud.
Her enemy Germany had been driven from the fortified position which
she had prepared in Shantung, the German railroad from Kiao-chou to the
provincial capital was in Japanese hands, and obligations towards her
ally, Great Britain, had been nobly fulfilled. Not only had British
trade in the China Seas received such protection as to enable it, after
a short interval, to be carried on without fear of molestation, but
in the Pacific work had been done which greatly strengthened Great
Britain. The Marshall Islands and some others in German possession had
been seized and handed over to the Australian Commonwealth; and the
strength of the Japanese fleet had assisted towards the safe convoy
of Australian troops and probably also towards the rounding up of the
German squadron off the Falkland Islands and its destruction there.
Those countries which had long harboured suspicion of Japan's action
had to acknowledge the disinterestedness of her conduct. Her retention
of Kiao-chou was the only point on which attacks were still made,
ignoring the fact that Japan's offer in August to surrender the port
to China after the war was conditional on Germany's acceptance of the
Japanese ultimatum.
II. CHINA.
In October, 1913, Yuan Shih-kai had been elected President of the
Republic by the National Assembly. In November of the same year both
Houses decided to suspend their meetings, as a quorum could not be
obtained, owing to the action of the Government which had declared
void the seats held by the Kuo-min-tang party, in consequence of their
continuous opposition to all Government measures. The action of the
President in dissolving Parliament (Jan. 11) created no new situation,
but somewhat strengthened his position. At the same time it was felt
that some kind of a quasi-representative body was needed, not only
to temper criticism of the Republic as such, but also to furnish the
President with information. In November a Central Administrative
Council had been called into existence by Yuan Shih-kai, and though its
birth had been greeted with contempt owing to its lack of legislative
powers, this or other similar bodies under different names with
slightly altered functions usurped the place of a representative
Council, not without advantage to the country, throughout the course of
1914.
Yuan Shih-kai, after cancelling the draft Constitution drawn up by the
Committee appointed by the National Assembly, commissioned in January a
new body of sixty members to draft a fresh Constitution. This appeared
in March. Under it, the future National Assembly was to consist of
one Chamber, styled Li Fa Yuan; the Cabinet was to be abolished and
a Secretary of State, on the model of the United States of America,
was to take the place of the Premier, under the President as the
supreme head of the State. Cabinet Ministers were to be converted
into Heads of Departments and an Advisory Board was to be established.
Some of these recommendations were at once acted upon, and in May an
Advisory Council of seventy members, including the Vice-President,
was appointed. But it was not until December that the scheme for the
formation of the Li Fa Yuan, now spoken of as the Legislative Council,
was finally adopted. Under it the Council consists of 275 members, of
whom those representing the Provinces and Peking will be elected by
Electoral Colleges, elected by qualified electors, but the remainder
will be elected by the Central Electoral College direct. The session of
the Assembly will extend from September 1 to December 31, unless the
President sees fit to order an extension of two months, and members
will hold their seats for four years.
The President, when promulgating the law for the constitution of the
Assembly, acknowledged that it would not be strictly representative
nor possessed of full powers, but he considered that the condition of
China was not such as yet to warrant the grant of such representation
or powers.
An act of the President's which excited more attention abroad was
his announcement that the worship of Heaven and the honours paid to
Confucius would be continued as of old time, and that he himself would
represent the nation in the worship of Heaven and wear the robes of
ceremony in use by the Dukes of Chou. Some of the foreign missionary
bodies seemed to regard this as a cruel answer to the prayers which
they had offered at Yuan Shih-kai's instance for the welfare of China.
In January the town of Liu-an Chou in An Hui was sacked by a body of
brigands, who attacked the French missionary station, murdering Père
Rich and making prisoners of two other priests whom they afterwards
released. The success which attended this exploit encouraged further
attempts, and the line which separates successful brigandage from
rebellion in China soon became difficult to distinguish. Their leader
Pai Lang Chai, known in Europe as White Wolf, took his followers next
to Lao-ho-kou, an important mart in Hupeh, pillaged the place--again
a missionary was murdered, M. Froyland, a Norwegian--and struck north
into Shensi, gathering many adherents and looting Ching-tzu-kuan on the
way. In Shensi he was joined by some leaders of the late revolution. He
then plundered Lung-chü-chai, in the south-east of the Province, and
soon afterwards fought an engagement with troops at Shang-chou where he
set the city on fire. Panic followed, and he arrived soon after within
a few miles of Si-an Fu, the capital. Some towns in the north of Honan
were the next to receive his attention, but a concentration of troops
from the north-west of Szechuen forced him to retire into Kan-su. The
seventh Army Division under General Lu Chien-chang was then ordered
to proceed against him, and he suffered some defeats at the hands of
Mohammedan troops which drove him back into Shensi with a small number
of followers, and in September the rebellion was finally crushed. The
success which attended his arms is said to have attracted much support
from revolutionary _emigrés_ in Japan, and among them of Sun Yat-sen,
who saw in this movement an opportunity of weakening, if not of
overthrowing, the President.
But Yuan Shih-kai showed himself able to weather this storm as well as
the financial difficulties which arose out of the war in Europe and the
consequent attack on Kiao-chou. Following the example of Europe and
Japan, China declared a moratorium, and as foreign loans then under
contemplation became impossible made arrangements for domestic loans of
2,000,000_l._ at 6 per cent. The issue of the loan was attended by very
fair success, and, after a short interval of panic, trade resumed its
normal course, except that exports were greatly interfered with by the
adverse rate of exchange, a circumstance which seriously affected the
payments by Government of interest on existing foreign loans.
The conduct of the campaign by Japan against Kiao-chou occasioned
strong protests by Germany against the landing of troops in Shantung
outside the Kiao-chou zone, and also against the seizure of the German
railroad in the Province. The protests were met by declarations that
China was acting on the same lines as in the Russo-Japanese War, and
that she was powerless to prevent Japan's action. It was also pointed
out that Germany had in a measure created the situation through her
unauthorised fortification of the port.
An interpellation by the State Council on the subject of Japan's
violation of neutrality and the countenance which had been given to
this by Great Britain was answered by a statement that protests had
been made to the two Powers concerned.
The financial position of the country continues to remain a problem
which taxes the brains of those who desire to ascertain on what
resources China can rely for further development. An able report by
the Maritime Customs on the foreign trade of 1913 places its total
at 146,000,000_l._, and admits that not only is there a heavy trade
balance against China, but that an annual deficit of 21,000,000_l._
is totally unaccounted for, even after taking into consideration
remittances of 7,000,000_l._ from Chinese abroad. An adverse balance
has been a constant feature of her foreign trade for years past, but
does not seem to affect China's power of purchase to the extent that
would seem natural. In the national revenue and expenditure an adverse
balance also appears; in 1913-14 this amounted to $84,940,000; but
the State continues to run its system of government, even when, as in
1914, loans which were under contemplation with foreign countries were
abruptly cancelled owing to the European war. In some respects 1914,
in spite of a falling off in Maritime Customs of 1,400,000_l._, showed
an improvement, for remittances from the Provinces to Peking set in
pretty steadily, and the Salt Tax, as newly organised by Sir R. Dane,
gave a return which exceeded all estimates made in 1913 and surpassed
the Customs Revenue. Another satisfactory feature was the success which
attended the internal loan of 2,000,000_l._ at 6 per cent. The exact
amount of the loan which was taken up is unknown, but the fact remains
that the country showed sufficient confidence in the stability of the
Government to allow this measure to meet the needs of the hour. Railway
receipts also were good, and the obligations of the Government abroad
have been met.
But revolutionaries have not ceased to do their best to weaken the
Government, and after "White Wolf's" death plots were discovered in the
Yangtse Valley, at Peking and at Canton, which had as their object the
death of the President and his Ministers, and the subversion of the
Government. The restoration of the Manchu dynasty was aimed at by one
of these movements.
CHAPTER VII.
AFRICA (WITH MALTA).
I. SOUTH AFRICA.
A Boer rebellion instigated by Germany is the outstanding fact of
the year in the South African Union. It was, however, confined to a
section of the rural population, and, thanks to the loyalty and energy
of General Botha and his supporters, was suppressed by the end of
December. Authority for the statement that the origin of the revolt
is to be sought in German intrigue is to be found in the proclamation
of martial law throughout the Union, though this was not issued until
October 12. The first overt act of treachery was known on the 8th,
when Lieutenant-Colonel S. G. Maritz, commanding the force in the
North-West of the Cape Province, being suspected by the Government,
was relieved of his command and ordered by his successor, Colonel
Conraad Britz, to come in and report to him. He replied, according to
Lord Buxton's despatch to the Secretary of State, that "all he wanted
was his discharge and Colonel Britz must come himself and take over
his command." Colonel Britz sent Major Ben Bouwer to take charge.
Maritz made him and his companions prisoners, but then sent him back
alone with an ultimatum to the effect that unless the Union Government
"guaranteed to him that before 11 o'clock on Sunday morning, October
11, they would allow Generals Hertzog, De Wet, Beyers, Kemp, and Muller
to meet him where he was, in order that he might receive instructions
from them, he would forthwith make an attack on Colonel Britz's forces
and proceed further to invade the Union." Major Bouwer reported that
Maritz had German guns and a German force with his command, that he
held the rank of General commanding the enemy troops, and that he
had sent as prisoners into German South-West Africa all of the Union
officers and men who had refused to betray their oath. Major Bouwer
had also seen an agreement between Maritz and the Governor of German
South-West Africa "guaranteeing the independence of the Union as a
Republic, ceding Walfisch Bay and certain other portions of the Union
to the Germans, and undertaking that the Germans would only invade
the Union on the invitation of Maritz." He had also been shown German
telegrams and helio messages dating from the beginning of September,
and Maritz boasted that he had ample guns, ammunition and money
from the Germans and that he would over-run South Africa. On these
facts, and presumably on others not disclosed by the Government, the
proclamation justified the imposition of martial law under three heads:
(1) "a widespread secret propaganda" by Germany "to seduce citizens
of the Union and the officers and members of the Defence forces of
the Union, from their allegiance and to cause rebellion and civil
war"; (2) that Maritz and a portion of his forces "had shamefully
and traitorously gone over to the enemy" and with the enemy forces
"had invaded the northern portions of Cape Province"; and (3) there
was "grave reason to think that the Government of German South-West
Africa had, through its numerous spies and agents, communicated with
and corrupted also other citizens of the Union under the false and
treacherous pretext of favouring the establishment of a Republic in
South Africa." Therefore it was "necessary to take effective measures
to protect and defend the interests of the Union and its loyal and
law-abiding citizens against these insidious and treacherous attacks
from within and without and to that end to declare martial law."
That being the evidence of a German plot to seduce the Boers from their
allegiance, the optimistic news from South Africa between August 4 and
October 12 was discounted by events. Scanty as the news was it gave the
impression, at least until mid-September, that though the Hertzogite
party in Parliament opposed military attack upon the German territory,
Dutch patriotism was sound. The line taken by General Hertzog was that
the Union should commit no act of aggression; and there were some
supporters of General Botha who had to be won over by their leader to
the view that a neutral attitude was impossible. The Government had
at once made up their minds to act with the Imperial authorities. In
reply to the King's Message to the Dominions they declared that "the
Message had been received with great enthusiasm and deep loyalty in all
parts of the Union" and that His Majesty's subjects there were "firmly
resolved to fulfil their sacred duty of assisting with all resources
at their disposal to bring the terrible war which has been forced on
His Majesty to a speedy and successful conclusion." But this resolve
was not universal in Parliament or in the country. The sacred duty was
disputed by the Hertzogites, and General Botha's lead was apparently
accepted with reluctance by some of those who were opposed on other
grounds to General Hertzog. It seems to have been assumed that as the
Germans had not then attacked, non-intervention was the preferable
course. This issue was, however, brought to a head on September 12 by
a declaration by General Botha in the Senate that South Africa, being
part of the Empire, could not remain neutral, and that the Government
had therefore decided to accede to the request of the Imperial
authorities to occupy for strategic reasons certain parts of German
West Africa. "The Government had come to this decision (according
to _The Times_ report) because they wished to preserve the name and
reputation of South Africa for uprightness. They were under the British
flag and had all the freedom they could have.... Let them assume their
responsibilities in the fullest sense of the word. It had been stated
that the reports of the German invasion of the Union were baseless,
but he declared with authority that the Union had been invaded. Their
English-speaking friends must not expect quite the same enthusiasm
amongst the Dutch-speaking section about the war as among themselves.
There was not, however, the slightest disloyalty, and even among those
who perhaps were least enthusiastic, there was no idea of preferring
to live under the German flag." In saying that "there was not the
slightest disloyalty" General Botha was probably affecting to ignore
reports to the contrary and refraining from attaching any sinister
significance to the parliamentary action of the Hertzogites, or to
those among his own supporters who deemed it impolitic and unnecessary
to take the offensive against the Germans. On September 15 General
Beyers, Commandant General of the Union Defence Forces, resigned
his post. In a letter to General Smuts, the Minister of Defence, he
complained that Parliament should by resolutions have confirmed the
decision of the Government "to conquer German South-West Africa without
any provocation towards the Union," and asserted that the majority
of the Dutch-speaking people decidedly disapproved of crossing that
frontier. He cited the resignations of three English Ministers (p. 173)
as evidence that there was a minority in England not convinced of the
righteousness of the war with Germany: "It was said that war was being
waged against the barbarity of the Germans. He had forgiven, but not
forgotten, all the barbarities perpetrated during the South African
War.... At this critical moment it was made known in Parliament that
their Government was granted a loan of 7,000,000_l._ by the British
Government. This was very significant."
In accepting his resignation General Smuts pointed out that the plan
of operations decided upon had been recommended by General Beyers, and
the officers who were to carry it out were appointed on his advice.
It was well understood between them that he (General Beyers) was to
take chief command in German South-West Africa. Yet he (General Smuts)
never received the impression that resignation was intended, though he
knew General Beyers entertained objections against the war. He rebuked
General Beyers for his "bitter attack" on Great Britain, and for having
first communicated his resignation in a letter of political argument
to the Press. "The attack was not only entirely baseless but the more
unjustifiable coming as it does in the midst of a great war from the
Commandant General of one of the British Dominions. Your reference to
barbarous acts during the South African War ... can only be calculated
to sow hatred and division among the people of South Africa." After
further castigation of General Beyers, General Smuts characterised the
insinuation about the loan of 7,000,000_l._ to the Union Government "as
of such a despicable nature" that it needed no comment. "It only shows
to what extent your mind has been obscured by political bias." General
Smuts could not conceive anything more fatal and humiliating for the
Dutch-speaking people than a policy of lip-loyalty in fair weather and
of neutrality and pro-German sentiment in days of storm and stress. He
was convinced that the people would support the Government in carrying
out the mandate of Parliament, and would fulfil their duty to South
Africa and to the Empire.
By that time, September 15, a strong German force had advanced on
Raman's Drift (on the Orange River) and had garrisoned a blockhouse
commanding the drift. Thus the report of an invasion early in August
was confirmed. A force of South African Mounted Rifles under Colonel
Dawson crossed the waterless region and captured the blockhouse. On
the next day the Germans, who were in force in the Uppington Kopjes
within the British side, attacked the Union frontier post at Nakob and
overpowered the small garrison. Swakopmund, on Walfisch Bay, had been
seized, without resistance, by Union forces coming by steamer, and
on the 19th Lüderitzbucht, midway between Walfisch Bay and Capetown,
had also been surrendered to the Union, after the enemy had destroyed
the wireless station there. The Union successes on the coast were
counterbalanced by German captures of frontier posts. General Botha
decided to take the field himself against the enemy and made a call for
volunteers. The response was reported to be all that could be desired,
particularly in the district where General Beyers had influence;
but, in the language of Lord Buxton to the Secretary of State, "ever
since the resignation" of General Beyers "there have been indications
that something was wrong with the forces on the north-west of Cape
Province" under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Maritz. What was
wrong has been told in the opening paragraph; whether General Beyers
was a party to the conduct of Maritz at this time may be judged by the
use of his name by Maritz and by the circumstances of his resignation.
Of Maritz it was reported that, after serving in the South African War,
he had taken service with the Germans, and had fought for them against
the Herreros. Returning to the Union he was said to have made himself
conspicuous by ostentatious dislike of the Germans. On the outbreak
of war he was given a commando of irregulars on the strength of his
knowledge of the frontier. He was believed to have 500 men with him
near Uppington. One effect of the rebellion was to rally opinion to the
support of General Botha and to demonstrate that the bulk of the Dutch
population had little sympathy with Maritz. Recruiting was vigorously
stimulated. On the other hand there was evidence of a seditious
propaganda among the backveld Boers, notwithstanding very drastic
regulations under the proclamation of martial law, which included in
the definition of sedition opposition to the policy of hostilities
against the enemy. The rebellion appeared to have profoundly stirred
the people. On the native population it had no discernible and
immediate effects. As Minister for Native Affairs General Botha sent a
message urging on them prompt obedience and cheerful submission to the
restrictions of martial law.
According to a correspondent of the _Cape Times_, who had been
travelling in German West Africa just before the war, the Germans had a
force of 10,000 mounted infantry and artillery, many machine guns and
sixty-six gun batteries. They had also a Camel Corps of 500 for use in
the desert region. The correspondent saw 192 guns at Keetmanshoop and
described the country as being dotted with police posts, with two guns
in each and manned by artillerymen. Railways and roads had been made
to facilitate the invasion of the Union and this account of the enemy
suggested long and costly preparation for war.
Obviously the military situation was difficult enough for General Botha
without the complication of internal rebellion. Thus far it seemed,
on such news as the censorship permitted to come through, that Maritz
stood alone. On October 26 it was announced that he had been completely
defeated at Kakamas, was wounded, and had fled into German territory.
Colonel Britz sent to Pretoria an agreement which Maritz had asked
him to sign. It was a pact between the Governor of German South-West
Africa, as representing the Emperor, and traitors prepared to declare
the independence of South Africa. The German Emperor undertook to take
all possible measures to get the independence of any State or States
of the Union recognised under the terms of peace. On the other side,
the middle of the Orange River was to be the boundary between German
South-West Africa and the Cape Province. Maritz had himself entered
into this agreement. It was reported that before the engagement of the
26th, Maritz, being hard pressed, had offered to surrender on condition
of a free pardon for himself and his followers, the Germans with him
to be sent across the border. No reply was made. On the 27th many of
Maritz's followers surrendered.
At the moment of the collapse of his commando rebellion broke out
in the Northern Orange Free State and in the Western Transvaal. On
October 28 the Union Government announced "with deep regret" that
"at the instigation of certain prominent individuals," burghers in
these districts had been "misguided enough to defy the authority of
the Government and to make preparations for armed resistance and
rebellion." Armed rebellious commandoes, under the authority of General
Christian de Wet in the Orange Free State, and of General Beyers in
the Western Transvaal, were in existence. The town of Heilbron had
been seized and the Government officials imprisoned. A train had been
stopped at Reitz and armed citizens of the Defence force seized and
disarmed. "The very great majority of the citizens in every province
are thoroughly loyal," said the Government statement, "and detest the
very idea of rebellion." The Government had been aware of the rebel
preparations and had "spared no efforts to preserve the peace without
bloodshed." They called upon all loyal citizens to be on the alert
and give the Government every assistance. "Citizens who have been,
for some reason or other, guilty of disobedience under the Defence
Act"--continued the announcement--"need not fear any action against
them on that ground on the part of the Government so long as they
remain quietly at home and abstain from acts of violence or hostility
against the authority of the Government of the Union." The former
Commandant-General of the Union forces had thus taken the field, in
concert with General Christian de Wet, the Commander-in-Chief of the
Orange Free State forces during the three years' war. De Wet was one
of the signatories to the peace of Vereeniging, and had since held
Ministerial office. Action had preceded the issue of the Government
statement, for there was published on the 29th a telegram from Lord
Buxton to the effect that General Botha had on the 27th searched out
Beyers' commando and "driven them in headlong pursuit the whole of the
day, capturing eighty of them fully armed." The engagement took place
near Rustenburg and was a flight, not a battle. "General" Kemp--one
of the names mentioned by Maritz--escaped into the Lichtenburg
district, where there appear to have been many rebels under a Boer
named Claussen; but the gathering here was put to flight by a force
under Colonel Alberts. In the Calvinia district also there were bodies
of rebels, who, however, made no serious fight against Colonel van
der Venter's forces. General Botha followed the rebel commandoes to
Zoutspansdrift and they were there again scattered. Early in November
the Minister of Defence stated that the Maritz rebellion was over and
in the Transvaal the movement was then quite insignificant. Only in the
northern district of the Free State had the rebellion "assumed certain
dimensions." On October 29 De Wet had entered Vrede with a body of
rebels and addressed the townspeople in front of the Dutch Church. He
spoke of "the miserable, pestilential English" and described the attack
on German South-West Africa as a dastardly act of robbery. "Some of
my friends," he was reported to have said, "have advised me to wait a
little longer until England received a bigger knock, but it is beneath
me and my people to kick a dead dog." He ordered the commandeering of
supplies and threatened obstructives with the sjambok. At another place
he was reported as saying: "I am going through to Maritz, where we
will receive arms and ammunition, and from there we are going through
to Pretoria to pull down the British flag and proclaim a free South
African Republic." On November 12 it was announced that General Botha
had got into touch with De Wet's forces and soundly defeated them. The
rebels numbered 2,000. There were losses on both sides, but the rebels
did not make a serious stand. They lost 255 prisoners here, among them
Commandant Muller--also named in Maritz's message--and most of their
transport.
The Government issued a proclamation calling upon all rebels to
surrender voluntarily, and saying that all persons who did so would
not be criminally prosecuted but allowed to return to their homes on
condition that they took no further part in rebellion, and gave no
information or assistance to rebels, and did and said nothing likely
to disturb the peace. But the amnesty would not apply to those who
had violated the rules of civilised warfare. All rebels who did not
surrender forthwith would be liable to be dealt with according to the
rigour of the law. The notification was signed by General Botha and was
an appeal to good sense rather than a menace. On November 8 a rebel
commando believed to be under the leadership of an ex-Major on the
Union Defence Staff, was heavily defeated some thirty miles west of
Warmbaths, the rebels losing 120 killed and wounded. At Winburg (Nov.
9) De Wet is alleged to have behaved with brutality towards the Mayor.
He had lost his son in a fight a few days earlier and seemed to be out
of control. The rebels looted the chief store. His commando numbered
about 2,000, and were frequently harried by the Union forces. Meanwhile
Beyers was severely handled to the south of the Vaal River, east of
Bloemhof, and in an engagement on December 7 lost 364 prisoners,
besides killed and wounded. It is impossible to keep count of the
commandoes; the cables during November are too scanty and confusing.
The rebel forces were daily suffering attrition by captures and
surrenders and minor fighting. On December 2 Colonel Britz reported
that he had captured De Wet at a farm at Wartenburg, 100 miles east of
Mafeking. De Wet had crossed the Vaal as a fugitive on November 21,
but had got together a small commando. Though pursued by motor cars,
he managed to escape hither and thither for several days, until his
commando was broken up and he was run to earth by Colonel Britz. There
were four others in the farm where he took refuge. Finding themselves
surrounded they surrendered. De Wet was taken to Pretoria. With his
capture the Free State rebellion collapsed. The operations directed by
General Botha had brought in over 800 prisoners.
In the Transvaal Beyers was caught and his force driven towards the
Vaal at Greyling (Dec. 7). Beyers and others tried to cross the Vaal,
and were fired on. Beyers was seen to fall from his horse, but managed
to grasp another by the tail. He was next seen drifting down stream,
shouting for help. His body was recovered. Lord Buxton reported that
the rebellion was everywhere practically at an end. A few small bodies
might continue to give a little trouble. De Wet, Muller, Wessel
Wessels, as well as other leaders (including three members of the Union
Parliament and members of the Provincial Councils) had been captured
or had surrendered. Beyers was dead and Maritz and Kemp--the latter
erroneously reported captured--had joined the Germans. About 7,000
rebels had been captured or had surrendered--an official figure which
for the first time gave a clue to the extent of the rebel movement.
General Botha issued a statement on December 9. He said that "the
speedy and successful termination of what promised at one time to be
a formidable and widespread rebellion, led by some of the best known
South Africans," was due to the energy and ceaseless efforts of the
forces in the fields. He then thanked them on behalf of the Government
and people of South Africa. "Our sacrifices in blood, treasure and
losses of population have been considerable, but I believe they are not
out of proportion to the great results already achieved or which will
accrue to South Africa in coming years. For this and much more let us
be reverently thankful to Providence, which has once more guided our
country through the gravest perils, and let that spirit of gratitude
drive from our minds all bitterness caused by the wrongs suffered
and the loss and anguish which has been caused by this senseless
rebellion." He spoke of the rebellion as "a quarrel in our own South
African household," and urged the cultivation of a spirit of tolerance
and "merciful oblivion of the errors and misdeeds of those misguided
people, many of whom took up arms against the State without any
criminal intention and without any clear perception of the consequences
of their action. While just and fair punishment should be meted out,
let us also remember that now more than ever it is for the people of
South Africa to practise the wise policy of forgive and forget." Their
next duty was to deal with the German danger and make it impossible
for German South-West Africa to be again used as a base from which to
threaten the peace and liberties of the Union. "I hope and trust the
people will deal with this danger as energetically as they have done
with the internal rebellion."
During the rebellion little information had been forthcoming about
the situation on the frontier. Presumably the Union forces had been
sufficiently engaged in suppressing the rebellion, the extent and
gravity of which are measurable by General Botha's language when
the peril had been surmounted. What activity the Germans displayed,
if any, in co-operation with the rebels was not disclosed by the
authorities. The position of affairs as it presented itself to General
Botha was thus described by him in an interview given on December 17:
"In suppressing the rebellion the Government have had the most hearty
co-operation of both races. Let us have the same co-operation in German
South-West Africa. The undertaking before us is difficult, but if we
all do our duty it will be carried to a successful conclusion. Now
that German territory has become a refuge for Maritz and the other
rebels it is more than ever necessary that we should persist in our
operations there. We cannot tolerate the existence of a nest of outlaws
on our frontier, a menace to the peace of the Union." In that interview
General Botha paid a warm tribute to General Smuts, whose "brilliant
intellect, calm judgment, amazing energy and undaunted courage had been
assets of inestimable value to the Union in her hour of trial." His
own services to the Union and to the Empire cannot fitly be appraised
until events have fallen into perspective; but the language applied
to General Smuts, generous and eloquent as it is, would be inadequate
as an expression of gratitude for the labours of General Botha. To
review the events of the rebellion is to wonder whether South Africa
would not temporarily have ceased to be a British Dominion in 1914 had
not General Botha given a strong lead in loyalty and policy, and had
the frustration of the German plot fallen to a man less influential
than himself with the Dutch-speaking people or to one less skilful in
military generalship.
The total casualties in the Union Defence Forces up to December
23 were 755--334 during the fighting with rebels and 369 from the
fighting with the Germans. The killed in the rebel campaign numbered
seventy-eight and in the German engagements sixteen. The rebels killed
in action numbered 170. The rounding up of rebel parties was still
going on. On December 30, however, it was reported that Maritz, with
Kemp second in command, had successfully attacked a Union force, 480
strong, near Schuit Drift on the 22nd, and had compelled it, with
its reinforcements, to retire with the loss of ninety prisoners, a
maxim, 80,000 rounds of ammunition, an ambulance and twenty-six empty
waggons. As Maritz's force was described as 800 rebels, with four
field guns and four maxims, and as the Union force lost only one man
killed and one wounded, though it offered "a vigorous resistance," the
despatch was clearly incomplete. On December 31 the Government put in
force the provisions of the Defence Act, empowering them to commandeer
men for military service, and it was officially admitted that
dependence on voluntary service was inadequate in view of the German
menace.
The war and the rebellion have reduced other events of the South
African Union to relative insignificance. But there are matters of
permanent interest which cannot here be left aside; and first in
importance is the renewal of the strife between white Labour and
Capital, a strife which shook Johannesburg to its foundations in the
summer of 1913 (A.R., 1913, p. 416 _sq._). The superficial cause of the
renewal in January was the dismissal of sixty men from the Government
railways, men paid by the day and subject to twenty-four hours' notice
of dismissal. The real question, however, was whether the Trades
Federation should control such dismissals and the administration of
the railways. The dismissals were due to a policy of retrenchment.
Mr. Poutsma, the secretary of the Railwaymen's Union, failing to get
satisfaction at the hands of Mr. Burton, the Minister for Railways,
threatened a strike. The Railway Union resolved to strike and the
Executive of the Federation of Trades called upon all unionists
and non-unionists to support them. Much anxiety was felt in view
of the previous riots, when Imperial troops had to be brought into
Johannesburg and there was serious rioting and loss of life; but
by this time the Union Defence Forces had been organised and when
the plans of the strikers were put into operation on January 9 the
Government were prepared for emergencies. Simultaneously with the
stoppage of the railways they called up the Citizen Defence Force in
certain areas and let it be known they would call out the entire force
if needs be. They also arrested a number of labour leaders, including
Mr. Poutsma, on charges of having used seditious language, and lodged
them in jail. By the following day there were 60,000 burghers under
arms. The Trades Federation threatened a general strike of all trades
and ordered a ballot to be taken. The Government, through the Railway
Minister, reiterated their refusal to reinstate the men and drop the
policy of retrenchment. They attempted to run a partial service, with
which the strikers interfered where it was possible. The trouble spread
throughout the Union and was complicated by an outbreak of Basutos at
Jagersfontein Mine, the cause being the death of a Basuto, the result,
it was alleged, of a kick by a white man employed by the management.
The dismissal of the man was demanded and refused. The Basutos broke
out of the compound, which they wrecked, and caused a panic in the
town. Troops were brought on the scene and in the fighting eleven
Basutos were killed and thirty-six wounded. A Committee of Public
Safety was set up in Johannesburg, and the Government took a very
serious view of the situation. There was a two-thirds majority of the
Federated Trades for a general strike, which was proclaimed on the
13th. The miners were to come out the following day. The Government
at once proclaimed martial law and mobilised 20,000 men on the Rand.
Trouble was apprehended in the native compounds. The town was full of
troops. Ministers went about with armed guards. Business was suspended.
The president and secretary of the Federation of Trades, with some
200 of their supporters, barricaded themselves in the Trades Hall and
successfully resisted arrest. There was an affray outside the hall
in which the police used bayonets. The Trades Hall was besieged by a
force of burghers with machine guns, and means were taken to impress
the besieged with the Government's determination to effect the arrest
of the leaders. On a field gun being placed in position the secretary
of the Federation appeared at a window and after protesting against
the display of force offered an unconditional surrender. With the
arrests thus accomplished the situation became less alarming and in
a few days the strike collapsed. Normal industrial conditions were
quickly resumed and the citizen force demobilised. On the 21st the
general strike was formally declared "off." By this time there was
scarcely a Labour leader anywhere in the Union who was not under
arrest. Among those arrested was Mr. Cresswell, a member of Parliament,
who was sentenced to a month's imprisonment and a fine of 20_l._ for
publishing a pamphlet; but this sentence was remitted on the ground
that the Government did not desire to deprive the Labour party of its
spokesmen in Parliament in the coming discussions. On the 27th it
was announced that the Government had decided to deport ten of the
principal labour leaders, Mr. Watson, president of the federation, Mr.
Poutsma, secretary of the Railway Men's Society, Messrs. Bain, Mason,
Crawford, Waterson, Kendall, McKerrell, Livingstone and Morgan. The
men were secretly conveyed to Natal and put on board a steamer--the
_Umgeni_--which sailed forthwith for England (pp. 12, 24, 35).
Application on behalf of the men was made to the courts but without
result. The deportation had taken place and the restraining power of
the courts forestalled. The illegality caused profound resentment in
South Africa.
The South African Parliament was opened by Lord Gladstone on January
30. The Governor-General's inaugural speech dealt with the strike
in cautious but yet definite language. The extension of the trouble
to all trades "finally convinced my Ministers that the safety and
well-being of the whole Union made the declaration of martial law
imperative.... The measures taken and the effective display of force by
the citizens of the Union happily succeeded in preventing any serious
disturbance and in restoring order without bloodshed. Certain measures
will be submitted to you in connexion with the action taken by my
Ministers during the exceptional conditions to which I have referred."
Nothing, however, was said of the deportations. On February 2 a Bill
was introduced by General Smuts indemnifying the Government and its
servants for all acts done under martial law and prohibiting the
return of the deported persons. Sir Thomas Smartt, the leader of the
Opposition, who had supported the Administration during the trouble,
asked for an explanation of the Government's acts. Mr. Cresswell, the
leader of the Labour party, condemned the deportations and accused the
Government of a conspiracy with the capitalists to run the country in
their own interests. A Ministerial statement was made on the second
reading, which was moved by General Smuts. It occupied several hours
in delivery. As to the first part it was an elaborate and rhetorical
survey of the industrial troubles of the country and an indictment of
the Labour party as "Syndicalists." General Smuts suggested that the
natives on the Rand had been drawn into the movement. On one mine 1,500
assegais had been found. He made no attempt to dispute the illegality
of the deportations. There had been three revolutionary attempts
within six months, and after anxious consideration Ministers resolved
to strike down by deportation ringleaders whose acts and speeches and
associations showed they had committed themselves to a conspiracy
against constituted order. Why not a trial? His reply to that was
that the situation was novel and not less treasonable and perilous
because the acts had not come within the law of treason. Having regard
to the supreme interests of the State the Government "could not run
the ordinary risks of the law courts." He acquitted Lord Gladstone of
any responsibility for the deportations; the decision to deport was
that of the Cabinet alone. At a later stage General Smuts issued a
return of thirty-eight outrages during the January disturbances, in
several instances dynamite and other explosives being used. The leader
of the Opposition, while criticising the Government, declined the
responsibility, seeing that deportation was accomplished, of giving a
vote which would enable the deportees to return to the country. The
debates were continued until February 24, when, after an all-night
sitting, the second reading was carried by 95 votes to 11. Meanwhile
the deportees had landed in England (p. 35). After a hard fight in
Committee the Indemnity Bill was passed.
Among other legislation passed were a Riotous Assemblies Act, an Act
for the Protection of Workmen's Weekly Wages and an Industrial Dispute
Act, setting up a system of conciliation. During the Session the Report
was issued of the Commission on labour, wages and economic conditions
in the Union. This document showed that the cost of living on the Rand
was 40 per cent. higher than in the United States and 80 per cent.
higher than anywhere in Europe; wages were put at 40 per cent. higher,
than in the United States and 225 per cent. higher than in any European
country. The Commission recommended the establishment of an Advisory
Council to deal with native questions, and an Industrial Commission
to administer labour legislation, the extension of which was advised.
The Commission found that competition of skilled white workers with
natives and Indians is negligible, and advised that barriers should not
be placed in the way of non-white labour by the State. They concluded
that the Government ought not to lay down a minimum subsistence wage
and that employers should "recognise" trade unions. They advised legal
protection for non-unionists and declared that strikes among the
white workers had caused unrest among the natives. One effect of the
deportations and the debates on the Indemnity Bill was to be seen in
the stimulation of political activity among the Labour men, who gained
a majority of one in the elections for the Transvaal Provincial Council.
At a Party Congress in January General Hertzog, who seceded with his
followers from the National party, decided to form a new party. This
was done. A general election is due in 1915. General Hertzog's position
as a party leader was unassailable in the Orange Free State until the
time of the war.
The Budget of the Union showed that the expenditure for 1913-14 was
16,481,000_l._ and the revenue 15,794,000_l._, a deficit of 687,000_l._
The Finance Minister said the funded debt on March 31, 1914, amounted
to 117,671,000_l._, and the floating debt to 7,308,000_l._, against
105,856,000_l._ and 11,972,000_l._ respectively. On March 31, 1913,
the total debt was 124,980,000_l._, as compared with 116,502,000_l._
at the time of the Union. He estimated the expenditure for 1914-15
at 16,668,000_l._, an increase of 187,000_l._ as compared with
1913-14, for which the service of the public debt and the provincial
administrations were largely responsible. He estimated the revenue at
15,707,000_l._, excluding the Bewaarplaatsen, leaving a deficit of
961,000_l._ Half of the Bewaarplaatsen, however, would be available to
meet this, and the actual deficit would be 711,000_l._ These estimates
were made in April--before the war, when the finances of the Union were
strengthened by a loan of 7,000,000_l._ from the Imperial Government.
The Government policy of economy and retrenchment was checked by the
January industrial troubles and later in the year by war and rebellion.
_The Times_ Capetown correspondent reported on December 26 that
Treasury figures indicated that the deficit at the end of the financial
year 1915 would be between 2,500,000_l._ and 3,000,000_l._, apart from
war expenditure. The deficit was mainly due to the stoppage of the
diamond industry and the heavy fall in customs and other revenue. The
cost of the war and the rebellion in November was over 1,000,000_l._,
and the 2,000,000_l._ voted in September for operations against German
South-West Africa had been exhausted by the end of that month.
The Indian grievances, which assumed dangerous proportions towards
the end of 1913 and continued to be an embarrassment during the early
months of 1914, were composed by the passing of a relief measure
through the Union Parliament before the Prorogation in July. The
Bill was founded on the recommendations of the Commission appointed
in consequence of the strike disorders in Natal and the passive
resistance movement under the leadership of Mr. Gandhi. At the outset
the Commission met with Indian hostility, Mr. Gandhi taking the view
that some of its members were partisans; but he modified this attitude
when Lord Hardinge welcomed the appointment of the Commission and sent
an Anglo-Indian of distinction, Sir Benjamin Robertson, to follow the
proceedings in the interests of India. The Report advised the abolition
of the 3_l._ licence and made recommendations on the marriage question
and administrative matters. It created a favourable impression in India
as well as in South Africa and the Act founded upon it was regarded
by Mr. Gandhi as the Magna Carta of Indian liberty in South Africa.
On leaving Africa in July he told the Indians that their difficulties
were not over, but spoke of the settlement as "generous." He appealed
to Europeans to take a humanitarian view of the Indian question and
told the Indians that their future under the settlement depended on
themselves. There was no further news, the war obliterating the subject.
In _Rhodesia_ the elections to the Legislative Council in March
resulted in the return of pro-Charter candidates. As the six
non-elected members are appointed by the British South Africa Company
the Council was thus pledged to the maintenance of the existing form
of Government, subject to the action of the Imperial authorities,
who had the right to review, on October 29, 1914, the administrative
powers of the Company. The anti-Charterists were composed of groups in
favour of responsible Government, or of Crown Colony Government as a
step to that, or of inclusion in the South Africa Union, though this
last expedient had few advocates. The groups combined on a "common
platform," the chief feature of which was "to make an immediate and
definite move in favour of responsible Government by urging the
Imperial Government as an initial step to assume provisional control of
the Executive, preliminary to arranging with the British South Africa
Company the price to be paid for such public works and buildings as
would be required, and granting a Constitution, in accordance with
the wishes of the people." The pro-Charter candidates received 3,324
votes and their opponents 1,733. The elections were a complete victory
for the Company and were held to demonstrate the unripeness of the
country for a responsible system. On October 8 the Secretary of State
for the Colonies issued a document saying that the question of the
future administration of the territories had been under the careful
consideration of His Majesty's Government. The Charter, dated October
29, 1889, reserved to the Crown the power at the end of twenty-five
years, and at the end of every successive period of ten years, to
add to or repeal any of the provisions, but only in relation to so
much of the Charter as related to administrative and public matters.
Failing the exercise of this power the Charter was automatically
extended for another ten years. His Majesty's Government were advised
that there was no power in the Charter or elsewhere to shorten or
vary the periods. The Directors of the Company had, however, informed
the Secretary of State that they would not regard the non-exercise
of the right to review by His Majesty's Government as any bar to the
establishment of responsible Government should the time appear to be
ripe for such a step within the ten years ensuing, and that if, during
those ten years, the inhabitants of Southern Rhodesia should find
that they were, financially and in other respects, strong enough to
assume, with the concurrence of the Imperial Government, the burden
of administration, they, the directors, "would be most willing that
effect be given to that desire." In view of that statement and the
desire of the newly elected Legislative Council for a continuance of
the Company's administration, His Majesty's Government had decided
not to advise His Majesty to exercise the powers reserved under
Article 33 of the Charter, and its provisions would not accordingly
be modified. His Majesty would, however, in due course be advised to
issue a Supplemental Charter giving effect to the arrangement to which
the Directors had agreed and to render possible the establishment of
responsible Government in Southern Rhodesia, should the Legislative
Council desire it and the Imperial Government concur within the ten
years. This announcement closed the controversy, with what satisfaction
to Rhodesians is not yet known. The settlers have since had more
important matters in hand. Some returned to this country to join the
forces of the Crown and many were formed into contingents for the
prosecution with the Union of the war in South Africa.
The vexed question of the Chartered Company's claim to the ownership
of all land not already transferred to other proprietors, and the
contrary claim that the Company holds such land only as trustee for
administrative purposes, was put in the way of judicial settlement.
The Imperial Government had declined to pronounce on the matter,
holding that it was one of the laws determinable only by the courts.
In March, however, Mr. Harcourt, the Secretary of State for the
Colonies, proposed to the Company that the claim should be referred
to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. The newly elected
Legislative Council of Southern Rhodesia therefore passed a resolution
on April 17 contesting the Company's claim to all unalienated land.
It appointed a Committee of three to collect evidence and voted
5,000_l._ for Counsel's fees and other expenses. On July 16 the Order
of Reference to the Judicial Committee was published. It recited that
the Secretary of State for the Colonies had that day communicated the
resolution passed by the Legislative Council of Southern Rhodesia on
April 17, 1914, claiming on behalf of the inhabitants and people: (1)
that the ownership of the unalienated land in Southern Rhodesia was
not vested in and had never been acquired by the British South Africa
Company as their commercial or private property, and that any powers
of dealing with land that were possessed by it belonged to it solely
as the governing body of the territory; (2) that any ownership of the
said land that the Company might have acquired was vested in them as
an administrative and public asset only; and (3) that on the Company
ceasing to be the Government of the territory, all unalienated lands
should become the property of the Government, taking the place of the
Company as public domain.
According to the Parliamentary White Paper [Cd. 7,325] the
administrative accounts of the Company for the year ending March 31,
1913, showed that the Customs receipts and native tax for Southern
Rhodesia amounted to 769,978_l._ and the expenditure 889_l._ in excess
of that sum. The revenue of Northern Rhodesia was 126,336_l._, and
expenditure 178,044_l._ The total deficit was therefore 52,597_l._ The
annual meeting of the Company was deferred pending the decision of the
Government as to the Charter and was held on December 17. The report
referred with satisfaction to the action of the Government and the
prospect of a decision by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council
as to the ownership of the unalienated lands. The accounts for the
year ending March 31, 1914, showed a credit balance of 102,271_l._
as compared with 85,882_l._ the previous year. The Southern Rhodesia
administrative account showed a surplus revenue of 17,125_l._ The
administrative accounts for Northern Rhodesia showed a deficit of
48,177_l._ The Directors were of opinion that steady progress was being
made in building up a stable and growing revenue. The total receipts
from land from all sources were 134,700_l._, "likely to be largely
increased in future years." The mineral estate yielded 63,041_l._,
and the total gross income, exclusive of administrative revenue but
inclusive of net receipts from land, amounted to 422,532_l._ While it
was impossible to predict what the effects of the war might be the
Directors thought that the disturbance of the Company's operations
in certain directions and the shrinkage of the capital value of its
investments were not likely to do more than "retard the fulfilment of
their hopes."
The total gold production of Rhodesia in 1914 was of the value of
3,580,207_l._, as against 2,903,267_l._ in 1913.
II. EGYPT AND THE SUDAN.
At the outbreak of the war the Khedive Abbas Hilmi was at
Constantinople, the guest of the Sultan, and Lord Kitchener was home
on leave in England. Up to that time the affairs of Egypt had followed
a normal course. The Khedive did not return to Cairo. Such information
as was permitted to reach England indicated that agents of enemy Powers
were engaged in intrigue against us in Egypt, and that emissaries of
Turkey were also actively hostile. No news was forthcoming of military
changes. There was an ominous silence, broken by occasional messages of
reassurance as to the friendly attitude of the Egyptian people. With
the advent of Turkey among the combatant Powers at the end of October
a new situation arose which had swift and dramatic results. Martial
law was proclaimed at Cairo and wholesale arrests of Turkish agents
were made. It appeared that Germans and Austrians had been interned
and the crews of enemy vessels at Alexandria deported to Malta.
Egyptians of dangerous tendencies had also been restrained. On November
2 Lieut.-General Sir John Maxwell assembled at the British Agency a
number of Bedouin Sheikhs and informed them that Germany had been
successful in inducing the men in power at Constantinople to quarrel
with the Allies. "The Government," he is reported to have added, "has
therefore convoked the Arab notables, enjoining them that their duty is
to remain calm and enjoy the peace and tranquillity on Egyptian soil
which the British forces ensure. If the Government finds it necessary
to appeal to their devotion to serve the country the Government is
fully confident of their reply to its appeal." The notables assured Sir
John of their loyalty. By this time it had become known that British
Territorial regiments and Indian and Australian troops were in the
country, and were being reinforced, and it also appeared that a Turkish
Army had entered Egyptian territory in the Sinai Peninsula. British
patrols were in touch with advance parties of the enemy thirty miles
east of the Suez Canal in December, and nothing further was reported
by the close of the year. On December 2 the censorship permitted an
official statement that Australian and New Zealand contingents "had
disembarked in Egypt to assist in the defence of that country and to
complete their training there. When their training is completed they
will go direct to the front to fight with other British troops in
Europe." These arrivals increased the forces in Egypt by about 20,000,
but how many troops we had in the country was not discovered.
A period of official silence and strict censorship of news was broken
by a Foreign Office announcement in London, through the censorship,
that in view of the state of war arising out of the action of Turkey
"Egypt is placed under the protection of His Majesty and will
henceforth constitute a Protectorate. The suzerainty of Turkey over
Egypt is thus terminated and His Majesty's Government will adopt all
measures necessary for the defence of Egypt and the protection of its
inhabitants and interests." Lieut.-Colonel Sir Arthur Henry McMahon was
appointed High Commissioner. Next day there was a further announcement
that, in view of the action of Abbas Hilmi, "lately Khedive of Egypt,"
who had adhered to the King's enemies, His Majesty's Government had
seen fit to depose him from the Khediviate and had offered that high
dignity, with the title of Sultan of Egypt, to his Highness Prince
Hussein Kamel Pasha, eldest living Prince of the family of Mehemet
Ali. The Foreign Office also announced that the French Republic
having recognised the British Protectorate over Egypt, His Majesty's
Government gave notice of adherence to the Franco-Moroccan Treaty of
March 30, 1912. The Foreign Office published simultaneously a letter
addressed to the new Sultan by the Acting High Commissioner, dated
Cairo, December 19. It was a review of the circumstances preceding
the outbreak of war with Turkey, and the consequent changes in the
status of Egypt. The letter drew Prince Hussein's attention to the
fact that there were two parties in the Turkish Cabinet--a moderate
and reforming party who welcomed the assurances of His Majesty and his
Allies that neither in Egypt nor elsewhere would the war in Europe be
used as a pretext for any action injurious to Ottoman interests, and
"a band of unscrupulous military adventurers" who looked to find in a
war of aggression waged in concert with His Majesty's enemies, "means
of retrieving the disasters, military, financial, and economic into
which they had already plunged their country." His Majesty and his
Allies, in spite of repeated violation of their rights, had abstained
from retaliatory action until the crossing of the Egyptian frontier and
the unprovoked attack on Russian ports by Turkish naval forces under
German officers. His Majesty's Government possessed ample evidence
that since the outbreak of the war with Germany Abbas Hilmi Pasha,
the late Khedive, had definitely thrown in his lot with His Majesty's
enemies. The rights of the Sultan and the Khedive over the Egyptian
Executive were therefore forfeited to His Majesty, whose Government,
through the General Officer commanding the Forces, "accepted exclusive
responsibility for the defence of Egypt during the present war. It
remains to lay down the form of the future Government of the country,
freed from all rights of Suzerainty or other rights heretofore
claimed by the Ottoman Government." For thirty years His Majesty's
Government had regarded themselves as trustees for the inhabitants
of Egypt, and they now decided that Great Britain could best fulfil
the responsibilities incurred by the formal declaration of a British
Protectorate and by the government of the country under such a
Protectorate by a Prince of the Khedivial family. "By reason of your
age and experience," the letter proceeded, "you have been chosen as the
Prince of the family of Mehemet Ali most worthy to occupy the Khedivial
position with the title and style of the Sultan of Egypt.... With
Ottoman Suzerainty there will disappear the restrictions heretofore
placed by Ottoman _firmans_ upon the numbers and organisation of
Your Highness's Army.... As regards foreign relations His Majesty's
Government deem it most consistent with the new responsibilities
assumed by Great Britain that the relations between Your Highness's
Government and the Representatives of Foreign Powers should be
henceforth conducted through His Majesty's representative at Cairo."
With regard to the system of treaties known as the Capitulations,
"revision may most conveniently be postponed until the end of the
present war." It was the intention of His Majesty's Government to
remain faithful, in internal administration, to the policy of reform
and economic progress and to associate the governed in the task of
government in such measure as the enlightenment of public opinion
permitted. They were convinced that the clearer definition of Great
Britain's position in the country would accelerate progress towards
self-government. Religious convictions would be scrupulously respected;
"nor need I affirm," added Sir Arthur McMahon, "that in declaring Egypt
free from any duty of obedience to those who have usurped political
power at Constantinople, His Majesty's Government are animated by no
hostility towards the Khalifate. The past history of Egypt shows indeed
that the loyalty of Egyptian Mohammedans towards the Khalifate is
independent of any political bonds between Egypt and Constantinople."
His Majesty's Government relied with confidence upon the loyalty,
good sense, and self-restraint of Egyptian subjects to facilitate the
task of the General Officer commanding the forces, who is "entrusted
with the maintenance of internal order and with the prevention of the
rendering of aid to the enemy."
His Majesty appointed Prince Hussein honorary Knight Grand Cross of the
Order of the Bath and also of the Order of St. Michael and St. George,
and sent to him the following message:--
On the occasion when your Highness enters upon your high office
I desire to convey to your Highness the expression of my most
sincere friendship and the assurance of my unfailing support in
safeguarding the integrity of Egypt and in securing her future
well-being and prosperity.
Your Highness has been called upon to undertake the
responsibilities of your high office at a grave crisis in the
national life of Egypt, and I feel convinced that you will be able,
with the co-operation of your Ministers and the Protectorate of
Great Britain, successfully to overcome all the influences which
are seeking to destroy the independence of Egypt and the wealth,
liberty, and happiness of its people.
GEORGE R. AND I.
The Sultan replied as follows:--
To His Majesty the King, London.
I present to your Majesty an expression of my deepest gratitude
for the sentiments of friendship with which you have so kindly
honoured me, and for the valuable support which assures me of the
safety and integrity of the independence of Egypt. Conscious of
the responsibilities that I have just assumed, and determined to
devote myself entirely to the Protectorate, and to the progress and
welfare of my people, I am glad to be able to rely in this task
upon the goodwill of your Majesty, and upon the assistance of your
Government.
HUSSEIN KEMIL.
A Rome message stated that the proclamation of the deposition of the
Khedive and the elevation of the Sultan on December 19 was made the
occasion of an imposing military display. Cairo was tranquil. In a
rescript addressed to the Prime Minister the Sultan said that he
himself had aspired to repose after a life of service. But it was his
duty in the particularly delicate situation events had created "to
assume the weighty charge and, faithful to our past, to continue to
place our energy at the service of the country. We owe it to Egypt
and to our glorious ancestor Mehemet Ali, whose dynasty we desire to
perpetuate." He outlined an internal policy of reform and progress, and
on that subject and on representative institutions, paraphrased the
language of the Foreign Office letter summarised above. Rushdy Pasha
was asked to continue in office as Prime Minister and consented to do
so.
Prince Hussein, the second son of Ismail Pasha, was born on December
20, 1853, and was educated in France, where he enjoyed the friendship
of Napoleon III. and his family. He was Chamberlain to the Empress
Eugenie at the opening of the Suez Canal. Returning finally to Egypt
during the Franco-Prussian War, he became Inspector-General and held
successive administrative offices. He accompanied his father to Naples
on the latter's abdication in 1878, and was abroad for three years.
Returning to Egypt after Arabi's rebellion he identified himself with
Egyptian interests under the British regime and held various offices.
He made a special study of the economic conditions of the peasantry and
of Egyptian agriculture and thus earned the name of "the Father of the
Fellah." He has a son, Kamel-el-Din, now in his thirtieth year. The new
High Commissioner took up his duties late in December.
Events antecedent to the war need only a brief narration. In January
the late Khedive opened the first session of the New Legislative
Assembly (A.R., 1913, pp. 434, 435), amid great public interest.
The inaugural speech expressed satisfaction that the representative
institutions of Egypt had been brought into conformity with the needs
of the country and now offered opportunities to men of ability. It
emphasised the duty laid upon the new Legislature to prepare and
suggest laws for economic development, and advised that this right of
initiation be used with prudence. The Khedive counselled members to
regard the welfare of all classes and especially that of the peasant
cultivators, and declared that the exercise of their functions would
determine the future of representative government.
The day was regarded as opening a new epoch in the history of Egypt.
The session concluded in June and the Assembly was prorogued till
November. Sixteen Bills were discussed, of which twelve were passed,
dealing with matters of administrative reform and economic questions.
Many interrogations to Ministers were made and answered. There were
forty-five sittings. An Opposition was developed early in the session
and showed aptitude for tactical obstruction. The Cairo correspondent
of _The Times_, giving his impressions of the Assembly at the close of
the session, observed that the debates had at times been conspicuous
for a lack of dignity, an outspoken disrespect for Ministers and a
general excitability. But it was premature, he admitted, to attempt to
pass judgment. The majority of the delegates were new to public life
and inexperienced in the arts of debate. If the Opposition would adopt
a more reasonable attitude towards the Government and bring an unbiased
mind to bear upon its labour, there was little doubt that the Assembly
would realise the hopes of its founders, for it included many men who
had in them the making of good legislators. The composition of the
Assembly was: Landowners forty-nine, Lawyers eight, Merchants four,
Ulemas and heads of religious sects three; and one Engineer.
The Budget showed receipts for 1913 of E. 17,703,898_l._ and
expenditure E. 17,659,961_l._ The extraordinary expenditure, on
remunerative work of public utility, was E. 2,776,032_l._ The keystone
of financial policy had been the prosecution of such schemes and the
remission of anomalous and oppressive taxation. Lord Kitchener claimed
that the policy had been justified both by the increase of national
wealth and the provision of security against a low Nile. He deprecated
the undertaking of capital expenditure by means of loans, especially in
a country entirely dependent on agriculture and to a large extent on
a single crop. The Budget for 1914-15 estimated the expenditure at E.
18,162,000_l._ and the revenue at a like figure. The balance at Reserve
on January 1, 1914, was E. 5,848,000_l._ and the outstanding capital of
the Egyptian debt E. 94,202,540_l._, of which E. 88,742,620_l._ was in
the hands of the public. The total annual charge was E. 3,552,000_l._
The Customs receipts for 1913 amounted to E. 3,939,885_l._ The value
of the imports was E. 27,865,195_l._; exports showed a decrease of
8.89 per cent., the total being E. 31,662,200_l._ The share of the
United Kingdom was 43.1 per cent. of the exports. The export of
phosphates from the Red Sea mining area increases yearly. The Nile
flood in 1913 was abnormally low and late--the lowest on record; and
the report suggested that but for the irrigation works and organised
distribution of the available supply economic disaster would have been
caused. The Nile was again low in 1914. A dam is to be constructed
on the White Nile about forty miles south of Khartoum. The probable
cost is 1,000,000_l._ It will serve the double purpose of a storage
reservoir and control of excessive floods; but it was intimated that
resort would ultimately be made "to regulation on the Great Lakes as
a final settlement of the problem of Egypt's summer water when all
available areas are developed." The educational section of the Report
is of an encouraging tenour. Note is taken of the fact that about 750
Egyptians were completing their education in Europe, chiefly in England
and France. Concerning the Khedivial Library mention is made of the
appointment as Director of Dr. Schaade, "a distinguished Orientalist,
who has been for some years an editor of 'The Encyclopædia of Islam'
and latterly a lecturer on Oriental languages at Breslau." Among the
new acquisitions of the library was a series of works on Islam printed
by order of the ex-Sultan of Morocco, Mulai Abd el Hafiz, and presented
by His Majesty.
The Report again gives a disturbing account of the increase of crime,
despite the new Arms Act. Lord Kitchener points out that the main
responsibility for public security rests with the Mudirs and hints that
if there is not a better discharge the system must be considered.
A strong light on the social condition of Egypt was thrown by the
Report of the Judicial Adviser (Sir Malcolm McIlwraith) for the year
1913. Crimes and serious misdemeanours showed a continuous increase.
Poverty was not the cause. Food and shelter were within reach of
all. Cold was unknown. Habitual charity was such that the terrors of
complete destitution were not to be found. But rapacity and greed were
rife and had been stimulated by economic conditions and the rise in the
standard of living. Emulation in extravagance was a cause of crime,
thirst for revenge a still more potent cause. Murder on the spur of
the moment was common in Egypt, especially in the south. A change in
the temperament of the people, such as education might be expected to
produce, could alone diminish the number of these murders. In past
times communal responsibility was enforced, but with the advance of
civilisation repression had to be confined within the law. Far from
having a particular interest in the suppression of crime, the Fellah
knew from experience that to volunteer evidence often entailed long
absence from work and exposed him to the danger of retaliation by
friends of the accused. He therefore showed strong disinclination to
have anything to do with criminal law and administration.
Touching the creation at the close of 1913 of the Ministry of Waffs
Lord Kitchener says that the Ministry is assisted by a Council which
includes the Sheikh El Azhar and the Grand Mufti of Egypt, the
highest dignitaries of the Mohammedan religion. The other members are
Moslems. The new organisation was expected to result in an improved
administration of the funds and properties of the religious trusts. The
ill-effects of yet another low Nile caused some uneasiness as the year
passed. The economic disaster of war was met for the time by a general
moratorium. Since August 4 there has been a strict censorship in Egypt.