THE END
La mort a des rigueurs à nulle autre pareilles;
Ou a beau la prier,
La cruelle qu'elle est, se bouche les oreilles,
Et nous laisse crier.
Le pauvre en sa cabine, où le chaume le couvre,
Est sujet à ses lois;
Et la garde qui veille aux barrières du Louvre,
N'en défend point nos rois.
FRANÇOIS DE MALHERBE
In the end the Restoration came as a joyful surprise to Queen Henrietta and
her sons. After all the struggles, after all the intrigues, after all the
schemes, Charles Stuart returned to the throne of his father by the free
choice of a people afraid of a military despotism, weary of the disorders
which had followed the death of Cromwell, and remembering that, after all,
the exiled King had had little or no complicity in the deeds which brought
his father to the scaffold. England was tired of Puritanism, and was
preparing with all eagerness to welcome the Merry Monarch.
France, which had shown herself decidedly tepid in helping the King of
England in his adversities, and had, even at the nod of the usurper, driven
him beyond her borders, was quite ready to rejoice at his good luck. Even
Mazarin offered the most gratifying sympathy, while Queen Anne and the
common people manifested a more real gladness. The English colony in Paris
was naturally almost beside itself with joy and triumph, which burst forth
in noisy rejoicings, wherein music, drinking, and fireworks played about
equal parts.
As for Henrietta, her joy was too deep for words. The small but pretty
house at Colombes, where she now spent much of her time, was the scene of
suitable festivity, but she was probably glad when she could retire to
Chaillot to receive the sympathy of Mother de la Fayette, and to assist at
a solemn Te Deum of thanksgiving, which was sung in the chapel of the
convent. When the news came that her son, on his landing in England, had
almost been torn to pieces in the delight of his subjects, her joy was
complete. "At last," she wrote in a happy letter to her sister Christine,
"at last the good God has looked upon us in His mercy, and has worked, so
to speak, a miracle in this re-establishment, having in an instant changed
the hearts of a people which has passed from the greatest hatred to
expressions of the greatest possible kindness and submission, marked,
moreover, by expressions of unparalleled joy."[421] The King, her son, she
added, would, she believed, be more powerful than any of his predecessors,
a forecast in which she showed her usual lack of political penetration, for
the English people, even in the delirium of loyalty of the Restoration, did
not throw away the fruits of the long struggle.
Charles wrote most kindly to his mother, begging her to come to England to
share his triumph, and she confessed, in a letter to her sister Christine,
that she should like before she died to see her family reunited after their
long wanderings, and "vagabonds no more." But she delayed several months,
during the course of which her nephew, Louis XIV, whom she had once hoped
to see her son-in-law, married the bride of his mother's choosing, the
Infanta of Spain. The Queen of England, in company with her sister of
France, repaired to the house of Madame de Beauvais,[422] whence, from a
balcony overlooking the Rue S. Antoine, the royal ladies witnessed the
entry into Paris of the King of France and his wife, Louis riding on
horseback, and the bride sitting in a car drawn by six splendid horses.
Only a few weeks after this day of rejoicing Henrietta's joy was turned to
grief, and even her pleasure in her son's restoration was dashed by the sad
news of the death of her youngest son Henry, who had grown into a tall,
fine young man, whose gallant bearing was much admired when he rode into
London at the left hand of his brother the King, on the happy 29th of May.
The poor lad was smitten by the scourge of smallpox, and in a few days he
was laid in the grave.
It was not until October that the Queen turned her steps towards England,
accompanied by her youngest daughter, who was now a girl of sixteen, the
beautiful
"Princesse blanche comme albâtre,"[423]
who was soon to be the bride of her cousin Philip, the brother of Louis
XIV. In spite of the happy occasion, it was sad to Henrietta to retrace the
wedding journey of her youth, and to have to take part in festivities which
recalled those of that long-passed time. On this occasion she set sail from
Calais, but it was again at Dover that she set foot upon the soil of her
adopted country, which she had not seen for sixteen years, and which her
daughter had left as a child too young for memory.
[Illustration: THE RUE ST. ANTOINE, PARIS (SHOWING THE CHAPEL OF THE
VISITANDINES)
FROM AN ENGRAVING BY IVAN MERLEN]
Nor were the sad associations of the past the Queen's only cause for
sorrow. Her grief was still fresh for her dead son, and for her two living
ones her mind was full of anxiety. "I am going to England to marry one and
to unmarry the other," she had said on leaving Paris. She was revolving
schemes in her head for a marriage between the King and a niece of Cardinal
Mazarin, whose large dowry, it was thought, would be useful in paying off
the army of Cromwell and in settling the discontent which surely must be
still lurking in the newly converted country. But more painful thoughts
were given to her second son. This young man, whose exploits, together with
those of his younger brother, at the battle of the Dunes, had won the
admiration of the French against whom they were fighting, and whose fame
was so great that his praises were sung in the coffee-houses of distant
Constantinople, had so far forgotten his high lineage as to contract an
alliance with a young woman of low rank, of no compensating beauty and of
somewhat doubtful character. It was small consolation to Henrietta that the
lady she was called upon to welcome as Duchess of York was the daughter of
Sir Edward Hyde. At first she sternly refused to recognize the marriage,
and it was only the entreaties of her two most intimate friends and
counsellors, Lord Jermyn and the Abbé Montagu, that induced her to be
reconciled to her son and to receive his wife. Perhaps she was also
influenced by the knowledge that her eldest son, who at this time was much
under the power of Hyde, wished her to show mercy. Still, it was with an
aching heart that she saw her gallant young son mated with a woman in every
way inferior to him; and her chagrin would not have been decreased could
she have looked into the future and seen the two daughters of Anne Hyde
sitting, in succession, upon the throne from which they had thrust their
father.
Queen Henrietta Maria was received with all kindness in England, which she
found in such a fever of loyalty as to make it quite needless to think of
the dowry of Mazarin's niece. The ever-fickle populace welcomed her with
joy which made it difficult to believe that she had even been unpopular.
Her dowry was restored to her, and her son rewarded his mother's faithful
servants. Jermyn, whose advocacy of the Duchess of York had not perhaps
been quite disinterested, received the title of Earl of St. Albans; and
Montagu no doubt might also have obtained the recompense of his fidelity
had he not by now regarded France and the Church as a truer _patria_ than
his own country. As Grand Almoner to the Queen he presided over her
ecclesiastical establishment, which was again settled at Somerset House,
whither the Capuchin Fathers had returned to carry on a vigorous religious
campaign, in which their superior, Father Cyprien,[424] who preached
sermons "to touch the heart of demons," took an active part. The palace had
been much knocked about during the war, and it was one of Henrietta's
pleasures to restore it to its former beauty, an achievement which her old
admirer, Sir William Waller, celebrated in smooth, polished verses of the
type which was rapidly ousting the literary fashions of an earlier day. The
Queen showed a surprising memory for the persons and things of the past,
and delighted her son's courtiers by the graceful tact with which she
recalled their circumstances and asked after their wives and families. But
she was not very happy. Probably she felt the loss of her former political
influence. Certainly she felt all the bitterness of returning a lonely and
widowed old woman to the scenes of her happy married life. Sometimes, when
all was bright around her, she would be found in some retired corner,
where, with eyes full of tears, she was dwelling in thought upon the happy
days of the past, and thinking of him to whom her will had been law.
Thus by December, 1660, she had made up her mind to return to France; and
after a parting saddened by the recent death of her eldest daughter, the
Princess of Orange, who died of smallpox in London, she set out. Her
journey was delayed by the serious illness of Princess Henrietta at
Portsmouth, so that she did not reach Paris until the February of the next
year. She was welcomed with much affection by her many friends, but perhaps
the marriage of her daughter Henrietta, the daily companion of fifteen
years, which took place with great éclat at the Palais Royal, made her life
too lonely; for after the birth of the young wife's first child, a little
girl to whom she was godmother, she determined to set out again for
England, and report had it that there she meant to live and die. Her eldest
son had just married a princess of Portugal, whose acquaintance she was
anxious to make, and royal tact led her to add that she also wished to see
the little daughter who had recently been born to the Duke and Duchess of
York.
There was no lack of heartiness in the welcome of her sons. Both Charles
and James put to sea to meet her; but, owing to stormy weather, their boat
was driven back, and the Queen's first welcome was the joyous salvos of
Dover which answered the thunder of the guns of Calais.
None but the most formal accounts remain to tell of Henrietta's impressions
of her daughter-in-law, Catherine of Braganza. She can hardly have been
pleased with the insipid girl whose bigoted piety and dull precision of
character were not calculated to win the heart of an intellectual roué such
as Charles II, who in women preferred a sparkling wit even to beauty. His
mother, whose happy married life had made her shudder at the very name of
illicit love, was no doubt judiciously blind where her sons were concerned;
but she must have felt for this poor child whose chances of happiness were
from the beginning very small. The two queens found a common interest in
religion. Catherine was indeed _dévote_ as Henrietta had never been; but
the elder woman had throughout her life given sufficient proof of zeal, and
she had recently written a letter to the Pope, informing him that the chief
reason of her return to England was her desire to advance the Catholic
religion in that land. The Court of Rome was getting weary of the
ungrateful island on which "missioners, seminaires, regulars, seculars,
archpriests, interposition of Princes, and what not,"[425] had all been
thrown away. But Henrietta, true to her sanguine nature, still hoped to be
the saviour of the English Catholics. Her chapel at Somerset House was once
more the resort of the faithful, where hundreds abjured the heresy of their
birth, some of which conversions were so amazing as to merit a place in the
memoirs of Father Cyprien. Above all, the Queen knew that her eldest son,
whose private opinions varied between the tenets of Hobbes and those of the
Church of Rome, would have liked to be tolerant. What she failed to
appreciate was that his wandering exiled life had taught him to sacrifice
any private fancy or liking rather than go on his travels again.
Somerset House was not only a religious centre. Wherever Henrietta was
there were laughter, wit, and cheerfulness. Even in the darkest days of the
past she would dry her tears to laugh at anything which struck her as
droll, and now, in her old age, though sorrow and self-discipline had
softened the sharpness of her tongue, her conversation had the charm of
that of a witty woman who had mixed with famous people, and who had borne a
principal part in the events of the age which was just passing away. Life
had been to her what books are to more studious people; for, like the
father whose wit she had inherited, she did not care for reading, and this,
in her later life, she frankly regretted. She was now a "little, plain old
woman,"[426] always quietly dressed, and worn out by trouble and
ill-health; but the charm which was her cradle gift had not left her, and
her Court proved much more attractive than that of her daughter-in-law, to
whom nature had been less bountiful, and whose prim youth was no match for
the sprightly age of the daughter of Henry IV.
But the rivalry was not to be a long one. It seems that the air of England
had not agreed with Henrietta, even when she was young and happy; and now
her health daily became worse, until at last her physicians told her
plainly that if she remained in England she would die. Perhaps she was not
altogether sorry for this decision. She loved her sunny native land, and
her heart yearned for her youngest and dearest child and for her nuns at
Chaillot. Moreover, the troubles of her previous visit had not passed away.
She bade a loving farewell to the two sons whose faces she knew she would
never see again, and then made for the last time the familiar journey to
Paris, where she was received with the customary kindness of the French
royal family.
* * * * *
The last years of Henrietta Maria's life were calm and peaceful, except for
her ill-health. "I have never had a day free from pain for twenty years,"
she said shortly before her death to her friends at Chaillot. She had
little to trouble her beyond the gentle sorrow of seeing those with whom
she had been associated pass, one by one, to the silence of the grave. Her
brother, the Duke of Orleans, ended his restless life in the year of the
Restoration, leaving his title to his nephew, Henrietta's son-in-law.
Cardinal Mazarin passed away in 1661, avaricious to the last, and counting
with dying fingers the treasures to which his heart still clung. Four years
later Queen Anne of Austria followed him, after an illness the infinitely
pathetic record of which is to be found in the pages of Madame de
Motteville. She was a great loss to her sister-in-law, the more so as
Henrietta's faithful friend, the Abbé Montagu, was so high in her favour
that it was feared he would succeed to the influence and position of
Mazarin, and thus France be under a foreigner once more. The tie between
these two was of no ordinary strength. Not only had Montagu been a friend
and companion of the unforgotten Buckingham, but Anne never ceased to
remember the service which he had rendered to her in the past. When he
returned to France, after his long imprisonment, sobered by trouble, and so
far from desiring the ecclesiastical honours on which his heart had once
been set that he turned from them when offered, he became in some measure
her spiritual adviser, a rôle for which he was well suited, as he knew
probably better than any one else the secrets of the past. From his lips,
at her own request, the dying Queen received the solemn intimation of the
approach of death, and almost her last conscious words were addressed to
him. "M. de Montagu knows how much I have to thank God for," she said,
fixing her eyes on the Abbé as he knelt weeping beside her, words which
both Madame de Motteville, who was present, and Montagu himself interpreted
as bearing witness to Anne's innocence in the days when she compromised her
reputation by vanity and coquetting.[427]
Henrietta's health, which had never recovered from the strain of the Civil
War and the terrible experiences of her last confinement, became worse and
worse; so that in December, 1668, she wrote to her son Charles that her
remaining days would not be many. She suffered much from sleeplessness and
fainting fits, and even the waters of Bourbon, which she had long been
accustomed to drink every year, afforded her little relief. The thought of
death had ever been to her, as to her accomplished friend Madame de
Motteville, one of terror. She did not like even to speak of it. "It is
better," she was wont to say, "to give one's attention to living well, and
to hope for God's mercy in the last hour." But now that death was drawing
near it lost something of its terror, and she said quite openly that she
was going to Chaillot to die. "I shall think no more of doctors or
medicine," she added, "but only of my soul." In this spirit she went out to
her house at Colombes to spend there the golden days of a French autumn,
until the feast of All Saints should call her to her convent. "The
Queen-Mother is extreme ill, and seems to apprehend herself
extremely,"[428] wrote Ralph Montagu, the English ambassador in Paris, on
September 7th, 1669.
A few days later the end came. To the Queen's sleeplessness was added an
aversion from all food, and at the request of the King of France, who was
much attached to his aunt, a consultation of doctors was held, among whom
the principal place was taken by Vallot, a man of great experience, who was
first physician to the Crown of France, but who, nevertheless, was believed
by some to have been negligent in his care of Queen Anne. He, thinking that
Henrietta's great weakness came from her distressing insomnia, advised that
she should take a grain of some sedative at night. The Queen, who had
explained her symptoms with great clearness, objected the opinion of Sir
Theodore Mayerne that such remedies were dangerous to her constitution,
adding, laughing, that an old gipsy woman in England had once told her that
she would never die except of a grain. Vallot listened respectfully, but he
was unconvinced, so that his patient, feeling her reluctance to be foolish,
agreed to follow his advice. The day wore on, and after a quiet evening
with her ladies, Henrietta retired to bed as usual; but she did not feel
very well, and it was suggested that she should not take the opiate.
However, she could not sleep, and when her physician was called to her
bedside she asked with some eagerness for the drug. He administered it in
an egg, after which the Queen lay down again, to fall into a sleep which
became deeper and deeper, until it passed into the last sleep of
death.[429]
* * * * *
With daybreak all was confusion at Colombes. Messengers hurried off to
Paris to acquaint the King of France with the news of his aunt's death, and
to S. Cloud to break the sad tidings to the Duchess of Orleans, who would
be her mother's truest mourner. By some strange oversight or malice the
English ambassador was left to hear the intelligence by chance. Ralph
Montagu, who had a very poor opinion of the Earl of St. Albans, whose
position as Lord Chamberlain to the late Queen gave him considerable power,
believed that that nobleman had purposely kept him in ignorance, so that
there should not be "left a silver spoon in the house."[430] In the
interests of the King of England he hurried off to the King of France, who,
in spite of the protests of the Earl, caused seals to be placed upon his
aunt's property until it could be properly disposed of.
There was great mourning for Henrietta in France, not only because she was
personally beloved, but because the King and the people saw in her not so
much the widow of the King of England as the last surviving child of the
much-loved Henry the Great. High and low vied with each other in their
desire to do her honour, and Louis XIV expressed his wish that she should
lie by her father in the royal Abbey of S. Denys, where he ordered that a
splendid funeral service, following the precedent of that of his mother,
should be celebrated at his expense. He immediately dispatched a _lettre de
cachet_[431] to the Prior and monks of the house, ordering them to receive
with all honour the body of the Queen of England.
Meanwhile at Colombes on a bed of state lay the corpse.[432] But that same
evening, following the custom of the times, the heart was taken out,
enclosed in a silver casket, and carried to its last resting-place at
Chaillot. A sorrowful company escorted the precious relic, which was met at
the door of the convent by the religious, each of whom held in her hand a
lighted taper. Then in a set little speech the Abbé Montagu, as Grand
Almoner to the late Queen, delivered it over to the Superior, commending it
to the pious care of the community.
Two days after this mournful little ceremony the body was carried through
the Porte S. Denys, along the road which Henrietta had traversed as a
bride, to the royal abbey, where it was to rest. There, watched by faithful
guardians, it lay in a chapel behind the choir for more than a month, until
the 20th of November, when the funeral service was celebrated. The
obsequies were a magnificent affair, comparable with the splendours of the
long-ago wedding. In the great church hung with black, on a magnificent
mausoleum supported by eight marble pillars and blazing with a quantity of
lighted tapers, Henrietta, who, living, had known what it was to lack the
necessaries of life, lay as a King's daughter in her death, and that the
contrast might be the more complete, her body, which had long laid aside
the trappings of royalty, was covered by a gorgeous pall "of gold brocade
covered by silver brocade and edged with ermine." By the will of the King
representatives of the sovereign bodies were present, while the mourners
included princes and princesses and even one of higher rank, for Casimir,
the ex-King of Poland, who had exchanged his crown for a monk's frock, had
journeyed to do honour to the Queen of England from the great Abbey of S.
Germain des Prés, where he was spending a peaceful old age, and where his
tomb may be seen to this day. The attendance of clergy indeed was not
large, but that was only because orders had been issued that the sovereign
bodies should be saluted before the prelates, an insult which the pride of
the Church could not stomach.
After a new and delightful rendering by the choir of the _Dies Iræ_, the
Bishop of Amiens ascended the pulpit. Francis Faure was probably selected
for this office partly because he had been a servant of the dead Queen in
her early married life, and partly because she had taken pleasure in
hearing him deliver the panegyric of S. Francis de Sales in the chapel of
the convent of Chaillot on the occasion of the saint's canonization. It
seems, however, that this "_cordelier mitré_", as Gui Patin calls him, was
not very popular with Parisian audiences, for the discourse which he
delivered at the funeral of Queen Anne was severely criticized, and his
sermon on the Queen of England had no better reception. Nevertheless, it
reads as the work of an honest and affectionate man earnestly striving, not
always indeed with success, to avoid that flattery of the great of which
the times were so tolerant, but which is peculiarly vain in connection with
death, the great leveller. His text was, "Watch and pray"; and he dwelt
with some sternness upon the awful suddenness of the Queen's end, of which
the Chaillot nuns said sweetly that it was the mercy of God to save her
from the apprehension of the death which she feared so much. The
discourse[433] was long, and it was nearly four o'clock in the afternoon
before the body of Henrietta Maria was lowered into the royal vault, to lie
beside that of her father.
But the pious care of Louis did not end at S. Denys. Nearly a week later
(November 25th) another service was celebrated in Paris itself, at the
Cathedral of Notre-Dame, as an additional mark of the King's respect for
his aunt. The Duke and Duchess of Orleans were again the chief mourners,
while this time the preacher was Father Senault, Superior of that
Congregation of the Oratory from which the Queen, ever since her marriage,
had chosen her confessors.[434] He was a preacher of repute, as well as a
writer of distinction, and his discourse on this occasion met with the
"marvellous success which attends all his actions."[435]
But before this, before even the service at S. Denys, the most famous of
Henrietta Maria's funeral sermons had been preached. The filial piety of
the Duchess of Orleans could not permit that her cousin the King of France
should be the only person to do honour to her mother's memory. Her thoughts
naturally turned to the convent at Chaillot, which her mother had loved so
dearly, and where so much of her own youth had been spent. There the Queen
had already been mourned by the good nuns; there Masses were offered for
her soul. It was but fitting that there also should be celebrated the
solemn service offered by her daughter's devotion.
On November 12th the chapel of the convent, which the care of the religious
had caused to be hung with mourning, was crowded by those who had come at
the invitation of the Duchess of Orleans to do honour to her mother's
memory. These were no royal obsequies due to Henrietta's quality as a
daughter of France, but an offering of domestic love, and, as was
befitting, the celebrant of the Mass was the late Queen's faithful,
lifelong friend, Walter Montagu. But for the preacher was found one who has
caused this simple service to be remembered while S. Denys and Notre-Dame
are forgotten. The Abbé Bossuet was already Bishop-elect of Condom, but
when he stood in the pulpit of Chaillot he still wore the dress of a simple
priest. The discourse was pronounced "with much applause of the
audience,"[436] wrote dryly the official chronicler of these events. It
will be remembered as long as the French tongue. To one heart it spoke with
something more than the charms of oratory, for from this day Henrietta of
Orleans dated her friendship with the good Bishop. She did not know that in
less than a year the same eloquent voice would be raised over her own dead
body, and that her young life would have become, like her mother's, nothing
but a text for a sermon.[437]
* * * * *
There was some difficulty about the Queen's property, as she died
intestate. By the law of England everything she died possessed of passed to
her eldest son; by the law of France her property would be equally divided
among her children or their representatives. The property was not large,
and Ralph Montagu believed that when the debts were paid there would be
little left "but her two houses at Colombes, which would sell for ten or
twelve thousand pistols, and were always, if she had made a will, intended
to be given Madame." The person most inclined to dispute the claim of the
King of England was the Duke of Orleans, who, perhaps knowing his
mother-in-law's intentions, proposed that his wife should take the property
in France as her share, leaving to her two brothers their mother's
jointure, which had been granted for two further years. But another
claimant appeared in the person of Henrietta's grandson, the Prince of
Orange, who said that if Monsieur took a share he should advance a claim,
otherwise he would submit to the pleasure of the King of England. Madame
finally persuaded her husband to desist, which was esteemed a great service
to her brother, as by the terms of the late Queen's marriage contract it
would have been very difficult to parry his claims. Thus the whole of
Henrietta's slender fortune fell to her son Charles II of England. But
since he had always had a kindness for the nuns of Chaillot, he gave to
them the furniture of his mother's apartments there. Some of it was too
fine for them, and this portion they sold for the benefit of the house.
They had no use for Flanders tapestry, for state beds or arm-chairs; but
they kept, among other things, two feather beds, all the linen and pottery,
and three very beautiful pictures. The proceeds of the sale enabled the
nuns to build ten new cells, as well as to lay aside a sum of money for the
expenses of the yearly commemoration of their royal foundress.[438]
* * * * *
Of those who mourned for Henrietta Maria it remains to say a few words. The
future history of her two sons and of her nephew, Louis XIV, is too well
known to need remark, except that it may be mentioned that James, in the
tardy repentance of exile, found much comfort and edification among the
nuns of Chaillot. The tragic fate of her daughter has already been referred
to. Henrietta of Orleans, in the bloom of a beauty which recalled that of
her mother, died at S. Cloud in the autumn of 1670, not without suspicion
of poison. The Earl of St. Albans[439] returned to London, where he spent a
drinking and card-playing old age, of which the most notable achievement
was the foundation of St. James's Square, by which means he may almost
claim the title of founder of modern West London, where Jermyn Street yet
preserves his name. Walter Montagu, his friend of many years, had a very
different fate. After the death of his three patronesses, the Queen of
France, the Queen of England, and the Duchess of Orleans, he was made to
resign the Abbey of S. Martin's, Pontoise. He returned to Paris and entered
the Hospital of the Incurables in the Rue de Sève.[440] "My lord," said an
English priest[441] of remarkable piety, who was waiting there for death,
as he saw the Abbé enter, "you are come to teach me how to die." "No, Mr.
Clifford," replied Montagu, "I have come to learn from you how to live."
In this calm retreat his last years flowed quietly away. He "only occupied
himself with the eternal years and with the practice of all the
vertues,"[442] said the chronicler of S. Martin's; but incidentally he was
able to render many services to the English colony in Paris, though his
cousin Ralph complained that he had grown "very ignorant and out of
fashion."[443] He died peacefully at the Incurables in February, 1677, and
his body was carried to S. Martin's, at Pontoise, of which he had been a
princely benefactor, to be buried in the chapel[444] of S. Walter, the
first Abbot of the house and his patron saint, which he had beautified at
great expense. Mother Jeanne, who still ruled over the Carmelites of
Pontoise, caused a Mass to be sung for his soul, and equal honour was paid
to his memory by the English Benedictine nuns of the same town. In Paris
another old friend was doubtless thinking of him, for in a retirement
almost monastical Madame de Chevreuse yet lived, one of the last of those
who had gathered at the brilliant Court of Charles I and Henrietta Maria.
* * * * *
Thus Henrietta Maria, Queen of England,
"Left love and life and slept in endless rest."[445]
As she was unfortunate in life, so she has been unfortunate in death; for a
people whose historical judgments were stereotyped by the revolution of
1688 has remembered her failings and forgotten her charms. It is only
within recent years that the justice of history, working on the materials
which are slowly unfolding the secrets of time, has been able to redress
the balance and to reveal the personality of the woman who, amid all her
misfortunes and all her faults, never lacked while living the devotion of
love and friendship.
[Footnote 421: _Lettres de Henriette Marie à sa soeur Christine_, p. 121.]
[Footnote 422: This fine old house is still standing in the Rue François
Mirron.]
[Footnote 423: Loret: _La Muse Historique_, t. 3, p. 252.]
[Footnote 424: This friar seems to have been more highly esteemed than, to
judge by his memoirs, he quite deserved. _La Muse Historique_ has a long
panegyric of him beginning--
Ce père a beaucoup de science
De vertue d'esprit d'eloquence
Faizans quelque fois des Sermons
A pouvoir toucher des Demons.--T. IV, p. 116.]
[Footnote 425: Archives of See of Westminster.]
[Footnote 426: Pepys: _Diary_, November 22nd, 1660.]
[Footnote 427: Mme de Motteville: _Mémoires_ (1783), VI, pp. 307, 308.]
[Footnote 428: Hist. MSS. Com. MSS. of Duke of Buccleuch at Montagu House.
Vol. I, p. 438.]
[Footnote 429: There are several accounts of Henrietta's death differing
considerably in detail, especially as to the time when the opiate was
given. Vallot was much blamed for the advice he had given.]
[Footnote 430: Hist. MSS. Com. MSS. of Duke of Buccleuch at Montagu House.
Vol. I, p. 440.]
[Footnote 431: "A nos chers et bien aimez le grand Prieur et Religieux de
l'Abbaye Royalle de S. Denis en France" (September 12th, 1669).--Arch.
Nat., K. 119, No. 7.]
[Footnote 432: The official account of the Queen's death and of the three
funeral services is contained in MS. Cinqants de Colbert, p. 142.]
[Footnote 433: "Oraison funèbre de Henriette Marie de France Reyne de la
Grande Bretagne prononcée dans l'Eglise de Saint Denys en France par
Monseigneur l'Evesque d'Amiens" (1670).]
[Footnote 434: Her confessor at the time of her death was Father Lambert,
who succeeded Father Viette.]
[Footnote 435: MS. Cinq cents de Colbert, p. 142.]
[Footnote 436: Cinq cents de Colbert, p. 142.]
[Footnote 437: On the first day of the year 1670 Walter Montagu "Voulant
temoyner sa reconnaissance envers la Reine d'Angleterre ... indiqua dans
son église [S. Martin's, Pontoise] un service solemnel par le repos de son
âme."--Histoire de l'Abbaye de S. Martin de Pontoise, 1769. Bibliothèque
Mazarine, MS. 3368.]
[Footnote 438: Arch. Nat., K. 1303, No. 6. The portion sold realized
£4143.]
[Footnote 439: It is necessary to say a few words as to the alleged
marriage between Henrietta Maria and Jermyn. It was believed by some
contemporaries (e.g. Pepys and Reresby) that they were married, but it is
very unlikely that this was the case. In a note to Smeaton's reprint (1820)
to _The Life and Death of that matchless mirror of Magnanimity and Heroick
Vertue Henrietta Maria de Bourbon_, it is asserted that a document was in
existence in which Jermyn settled property on Henrietta Maria at the time
of his marriage with her. This statement is absolutely unsupported, and
even if the document ever existed it may have been a forgery. Henrietta as
a Catholic could not have married Jermyn, a Protestant, without a
dispensation from the Pope, which it would have been very difficult to
obtain without the transaction becoming known. No trace of a dispensation
has ever been found. The Queen's closest friends, Mme de Motteville and the
Chaillot nuns, give no hint of such marriage, of which, had it existed,
they must have been aware.]
[Footnote 440: Now the Hôpital Laënnec in the Rue de Sèvres.]
[Footnote 441: William Clifford, whom Henrietta Maria recommended to the
Pope in 1656 as a suitable bishop for England. P.R.O. Roman Transcripts.]
[Footnote 442: Bib. Mazarin, MS. 3368.]
[Footnote 443: Hist. MSS. Com. MSS. of Duke of Buccleuch at Montagu House.
Vol. I, p. 423.]
[Footnote 444: It is usually said that he was buried at the Incurables, but
both the contemporary Gazette and Abbess Neville's Annals (of the English
Benedictines at Pontoise) say that he was buried at S. Martin's, and the
latter authority, which gives many details of his later life, adds that the
interment took place in the chapel of S. Walter, and there is no doubt that
their statement is correct. How the mistake arose is seen from a document
preserved in the Archives de l'Assistance Publique, fonds des Incurables,
carton 22, which speaks of a monument "posée, sur les entrailles de M. de
Montagu en la nef de l'èglise dud" hospital [des Incurables].]
[Footnote 445: William Browne.]
APPENDIX
I
ARCHIVES OF THE SEE OF WESTMINSTER
_The answer given by the Commissioners of the Counsell to the French
Embassadour Mareshall Bassompiere_
The French were sent away as delinquents, having by their ill-carriage
troubled the affaires of the kingdome, the domesticall government of his
Ma:ties house, and the sacred union betwixt his Ma:tie and the Queene. The
French Bishop and Blainvill endeavoured to make factione betwyeen the
subiectes and the King stirring up men of ill affections in the Parliament
against that which was for the service of the King and the tranquillity of
the State. Some French officers suffered others to take houses in their
names, where priestes might retire and there they brought up young weemen
and children to be sent to the Spanish seminaries. They made the Queene's
house a Rande-vous for Jesuits and fugitives. They subtly discovered what
passed in privat betweene the K. and the Queene. They obliged her to take
their opinion and allowance upon everything wh. the K. propounded and
required of her. They endeavoured to frame a repugnance in the Queene to
all wh. the King desired and ordained and they professed to foment discord
betweene their Ma:ties as a thing importing the good of the Churche. They
endeavoured to imprint in our Queene contempt of our nation, customes, and
language. They had wrought the Qu.'s person, as it were to a kinde of rule
of monasticall obedience, so farr as to make her doe things base and
servil. They led her a foote a long waye to make her goe in devotion to the
place where they are wont to execute infamous malefactours; which acte did
turne not only to the shame of the Queene, but to the infamie of the K's
predecessours for having put innocent persons to death, whom these fellows
count martyrs, whereas not one was executed for Religion, but for crime of
treason in the highest degree....
II
P.R.O. ROMAN TRANSCRIPTS
(_To Cardinal Barberini_)
Le grand zele qui a tourjours paru en sa Saintete pour procurer ladvantage
de la religion catolique en ce peis et la passion que jay par tout les
moyens possibles de contribuer, moblige a communi que a sa saintete a quoy
la conjonction presante menase de la reduire; et de proposer a Sa Satete
les melieurs expedients que je puis trouuer pour y remidier a fin de voir
sette descharge de mestre aquitee de tout ce qui despandoit de moy tout le
monde a ases de congnoisance de v[~re] piete et moy ases de preuues de
v[~re] affection pour massurer que vous contribures de bon coeur a se
deseing: en quoy le secret est sy important que je nay pas trouue apropos
de vous envoyer une personne expres de peur de donner ombrage ysy qui
pouroit fort nuir aux affaires du Roy Monseigneur et des catoliques: la
Violence avec quoy le parlement a commance contre les catoliques a oblige
le Roy Monseigneur a leur accorder la demande quils ont faite de banir les
catoliques a dix milles de Londre, ils commansent a faire une riguoreuse
recherche contre touts les prestres et menasent de mestre toute les loix
les plus severes en execution contre eux qui vont jusques au sang, et moy
mesme suis menacee de avoir mon contract de marriage rompu: et
particulierement en se qui est des prestres; et la misere est que les
affaires du Roy Monseigneur ne luy permette pas de soposer a toute sette
violance a quoy il a bien paru depuis son avenemant a la couronne que son
naturel ne a pas estte porte car au contaire il soufre maintenant pour sa
bonte envers seux de [~nr]e religion; jay songe a un moyen et le seull que
se tamps sy permet pour prevenir une grande partie de ses violances qui est
pour employer de largent pour gagner les principaux de sette faction
puritaine, et je croye avoir tellemant dispoise mon deseing quil ne me
manquera que argent pour en venir about: les desordres de se peis sy
randent impossible de trouuer ysy une telle somme dargent quil faudroit a
cause _de lesclat que sela feroit_, se qui pouroit aussy frustrer le
sucses: sest pour quoy jay cru en premier lieu estre obligee davoir recours
a sa Saintete pour luy demander son assistance en une occasion sy presante
et le danger sy ineuitable sans se remede a fin quil voye quil nia rien que
je ne desire exposer en sette cause je mofre a donner telle caution qui
sera valable pour la somme de cinc cent mil escus; car les catoliques
estant une fois eschapes de se parlement present il ne oroit que a esperer
et rien a craindre dhors en avant et le seul moyent est seluy que je
propose: sest pourquoy je vous prie de communiquer sesy a Sa Saintete, a
qui je suplie tres humblement de ne le consulter quavec vous car sy sela
venoit a estre seu je serois perduee; et de me faire responce la plus
prompte que sera possible, et selon v[~re] resolution, vous pouues envoyer
les lettres de change a Paris pour me les faire tenir ysy et le plus
secretement que faire se peut. Je ne doute pas que si il plaist a sa Stete
de masister en ce deseing de remestre les catoliques en repos et de porter
le Roy Monseigneur a leur faire plus de grases que jamais. En tout cas
joray le temognage de sa Stete et le v[~re] davoir fait de mon coste tout
mon possible pour faire reusir se deseing sy bon et utille a la religion;
je nay que faire a vous presser de contribuer a sesy v[~re] piete vous
porte ases a le faire seullemant une prompte responce la queue jatans par
le mesme porteur le quel jay envoye a Paris pour vous faire tenir selle sy
par Mr. le nonce la faire demandant rien plus que la diligence et le secret
je me remest a la prudence de Sa Stete. et a la vostre et demeureray.
Mon cousin,
V[~re] bien affectionne cousine,
HENRIETTE MARIE R.
Il nia personne que sa Stete.
vous et moy qui sache se sy encore.
III
THOMASOM TRACTS
The Queene's Proceedings in Holland. Being the copie of a letter from the
Staple at Middleborough to Mr. Vanrode a Dutch Marchant in London. (19 Dec.
1642.).... Colonel Goring is travelled into Ortoys and Flanders to raise
forces of Men and Armour, he having a Commission from the King of France to
take a certaine number from each Garrison, for the Queene and present
supply for England. Colonel Gage who is Colonell over the English in
Flanders, gave Colonel Goring a Challenge for presuming to beat up his
Drums to flock away his Officers and Souldiers, nevertheless the souldiers
being poore and long behind of their contribution mony agreed, and five or
600 English followed Colonel Goring to Dunkirke, Newport, Ostend, and
Graveling, where they now remaine till they be Shipt for England, there
hath bin great meanes to the States that these Souldiers might bee
permitted to passe through their Country and so take shipping for England,
but the Queene nor the Ambassador can prevaile with the States for their
consents therein. I have also here set you downe the summes of money raised
amongst the Priests, Jesuites, Seminaries, Friers, Nuns, and holy Sisters
through the land, and paid in to the Jesuites of St. Omers his Colledge
towards the maintenance of his Majesties warres. And first as in order the
English Cloyster at St. Omers,[446] the Jesuits have raised 3000 pounds,
besides the Taxes they have imposed upon every Scholler 5_l._ a man being
about 400, and that if any shall refuse the payment thereof to lose their
Degrees in the House, and be for ever discharged for having any future
benefit therein: in which Colledge the sum collected amounts about 3500_l_,
Secondly at Ayres, the summe collected amounts unto 500_l_, Thirdly, at
Beteone, the summe collected amounts unto 500_l_, Fourthly at Arras, the
some of 2000_l_, Fifthly at the University of Doway 1000_l_, Sixtly at
Gaunt, betweene the Colledge of English and Irish Priests, and the Matron
of the Nunnes there, was Collected 500_l_, Seventhly at Durmount, 50_l_,
eightly at Bruzels, from the Countesse of Westmoreland, and the Lady
Babthorpe, Matrons of the holy Nuns, and the three Cloysters English,
Irish, and Walloons, 3000_l_, Ninthly at Lovain, 1000_l_, Tenthly at
Bridges, 300_l_, Eleventhly at Casteele, 200_l_, Twelfely at Newport
200_l_, Thirteenth at Ostend 100_l_, Fourteenth at Graveling, 100_l_,
Fifteenth at Dunkerke, 500_l_, all which summes amounteth about 15000_l_,
have bin Collected and in the hands of Father Browne the Head of St. Omers
Colledges, besides 5000_l_ more gathered from the Governours of every Towne
Village or petty Dorpe, which makes the sum of 20 thousand pounds, all
which is intended to be transported to his Majesty from Dunkirke, besides
the weekely allowance the Colledges will disburse towards the maintenance
of the five hundred Souldiers under the command of Colonell Goring during
his Majesties warres with the Parliament....
[Footnote 446: The inaccuracies with regard to St. Omers are probably
typical of those with regard to the other places. St. Omers was at this
time very poor. The pupils numbered 60, not 400; the Superior's name was
Port, not Browne.
There is no trace of such a collection in the records of Les Dames
Anglaises at Bruges.]
IV
AFFAIRES ETRANGÈRES ANG., T. 49
_Walter Montague to Cardinal Mazarin_ (_apparently_)
La Haye 9 February 1642 [O.S.].
Les mesmes tempestes qu'ont rejette la Reyne en Hollande m'ont retenu icy
car d'abord quelle fut partye le mauvais temps ne nous pouvoit rien
promestre de meilleur sur son renvoy icy ce qua este le 9 iour apres son
embarquement ayant endure le peril sept iours de tempeste continuelle
n'ayant ramene que trois de ses vaisslaux en ayant perdu un avec tout son
equipage descuyrie et les autres encore sont demeures en doute de leur
salut: le peril ou elle a este, a este si grand quelle eut bien pu
iustifier sa mort de peur mais Dieu luy a donne un soutien par sa grace:
... elle na iamais tesmoigne aprehension dans les preparatifs de la mort
que pour les affaires de Dieu et du Roy son mary: les relations que les
peres en font sont si extraordinaires quelle ont besoin dune telle
authorité pour les faire croyables. Le iour apres quelle debarqua (ce
quelle fit dans un petit bateau de pescheur trouve a la mer) elle receut
nouvelle dune trahison decouverte dans son armee pour la livrer entre les
mains des rebelles mais aussi beaucoup des instances de la part du Roy et
du pays pour sa venue avec grand apparence de surete pour sa persone et
grande aprehension de confusion dans les affaires sans l'assistance de sa
presence tellement quelle se resoult contre tous les sentiments de son sexe
et de sa sante mesme de se rambarquer au plus tost ... elle a fait grande
perte dans ce naufrage mais elle a gagne dans l'opinion de tous les temoins
ce quelle ne scauroit iamais perdre....
V
P.R.O. ROMAN TRANSCRIPTS
(_To Cardinal Barberini_)
Mon cousin,
Les bons effets que vous m'aues rendu de v[~re] amitie et particulierement
en les vingt et cinque mille escus, que vous m'auez fourny par le Baron
Herbert filtz du Marquis Wostre ont bien fait voyr le sentiment que vous
auez des nos souffrances et de l'estat de nos affayres icy. Je vous supplye
de croyre que comme j'embrasse auec une singuliere affection cette v[~re]
bonne volonte envers nous, aussy vous fairray je paroystre la gratitude que
j'en ay en toute occasion qui se presentera a ce fayre estant.
Mon cousin,
vostre affectionnee cousine,
HENRIETTE MARIE R.
D'Oxford ce 20^{me} de Septembre 1643.
(The transcriber notes that the hand is like that of the King and that the
signature is "Vostre affectionnee cousine," instead of the Queen's usual
"Vostre tres affectionnee cousine"; he also notes the use of the pronoun
"nous.")
VI
ARCHIVES OF THE SEE OF WESTMINSTER
_Endorsed_ Securitus in jurando. 1645.
Si ex una parte dignabitur regia Maiestus liberare Catholicus suos subditos
à timore legum poenalium edictarum contra Recusantes ob causam Reliquiis
eis qué certo et constanter concedere liberum usum Catholicae Religionis
intra privatos parietes.
Dicti Subditi ex altera parte exhibent se parotos ex hac hora ad fidem et
obedientiam suae maiestati perpetuò ac firmiter servandam sub solemni
juramento; quantum libet augeatur Catholicorum numerus in posterum vel
conspirent ullo tempore inter se quincunque Principes esterii ad
restituendum, sen stabiliendum vi et armis publicum usum Catholicae
religionis in hoc Regno.
Ad maius robur (si expedire videbitur) addi potest Breve pontificum, quod
sine dubio sua S^{tas} facile concedet, pro ratificatione seu confirmatione
dicti juramenti.
VII
P.R.O. ROMAN TRANSCRIPTS
(_To Innocent X_)
Tressaint Pere,
Le sieur Crashau ayant esté Ministre en Angleterre et nourri dans les
Universités de ce pais parmy des gens tres esloignes des sentiments de
nostre Sainte Religion sest toutes fois par sa lecture et son estude rendu
Catholique et pour en jouïr plus paisiblement l'exercise, s'est transporté
en decà et vescu prés d'un an aupres de moy, ou par le bon example de sa
vie il a beaucoup edifié tous ceux qui ont, conversé avec luy. Ce qui m'a
convié s'en allant presentem á Rome d'escrire ce mot á vostre Ste pour la
prier de le considerer comme une personne de qui les Catholique Anglois ont
conceu de grandes esperances, et que j'estime beaucoup, et de luy departir
ses graces, et faveurs aux occasions qui se presenteront. Ce que
j'estim[~ea]y parmy les autres obligations particulieres que jay a V.S. Et
sur ce je prie Dieu Tressaint Père quil conserve V.S. longues années pour
le bien et utilité de son Esglise.
De S. Germain-en-Laye ce 7 Septembre 1646.
V[~re] tres devotte fille
HENRIETTE MARIE R.
VIII
ARCHIVES OF THE SEE OF WESTMINSTER
Upon the Ground given in the 12th Proposall, printed August the first 1647,
by authoritie from his Excellence Sir Thomas Fayrfax, that All the Penall
statutes in force against Roman Catholickes shall be repealed.
And further that they shall enjoy the liberty of theyr consciencés, by
Grant from the Parliament; It may bee enacted that it shall not be lawfull
for any person or persons beeinge subiects to the Crowne of England to
professe or acknowledge for truth, or perswade others to beeleive these
ensuinge Propositions.
1
That the Pope or church, hath powre to absolve any person or persons
whatsoeuer, from his or theyr obedience to the Civill Government
established in this Nation.
2
That it is lawfull in it selfe or by the Popes dispensation to break eyther
word or oath with any Heretickes.
3
That it is lawfull by the Pope, or churches command or dispensation to
kill, destroy, or otherwise to iniure or offende any person or persons
whatsoever because hee or they are accused, or condemned, censured, or
exco[~m]unicated for Error, Schisme or Heresy.
The premises considered wee on the other side sett our hands that every one
of these three propositions may bee lawfully answered unto in the Negative.
INDEX
Abercorn, James Hamilton, Earl of, 121
Aiguillon, Duchess of, 268
Alexander, Sir William, Earl of Stirling, 116
Andrewes, Lancelot, Bishop of Winchester, 109
Angus, William Douglas, Earl of, 114
Anne of Austria, Queen of France--
Wife of Louis XIII, 3;
disliked by Richelieu, 15;
relations with Buckingham, 15, 16, 22-4, 66-8;
intrigues against France, 131;
falls under Mazarin's influence, 207;
receives Henrietta in Paris, 219;
death of, 309, 310;
mentioned, 12, 34, 49, 208, 220, 225, 252, 260, 266, 273, 280, 283,
284, 286, 289, 293, 314
Ashburnham, John, 131
Aubert, Maurice, 56 _n._
Ayton, Sir Robert, 69, 160
Banbury, Elizabeth, Countess of, 222
Barberini, Cardinal Francesco--
His interest in England, 110, 118;
Henrietta's letters to, 175-7;
policy with regard to Ireland, 231;
men., 121, 122, 124, 125, 136, 160, 163, 164, 178, 231, 243
Bassompierre, Marshal de--
His mission to England, 57-60;
men., 286, 287
Bellièvre, M. de, 143
Berkeley, Sir John, 240, 241
Bernini, 111
Berthaud, Eugénie Madeline, 290
Bérulle, Cardinal--
Sent to Rome to procure dispensation, 6;
friend of Mary de' Medici, 169;
Henrietta's confessor, 23;
character of, 21-2;
death of, 81;
men., 11, 23, 34, 38, 40, 45, 60, 76, 95, 96, 98, 103, 109, 110, 112,
169, 277
Blainville, Marquis de, 39-46
Bossuet, Jacques Bénigne--
Preaches Henrietta's funeral sermon at Chaillot, 316;
men., 31, 202
Bouillon, Duke of, 232
Bristol, John Digby, 1st Earl of, 212
Bristol, George Digby, 2nd Earl of, 190, 196, 212, 224, 251
Brook, Sir Basil, 173
Browne, Sir Richard, 266, 292
Buckingham, George Villiers, Duke of--
Relations with Anne of Austria, 15, 16, 22, 23, 66-8;
his conduct to Henrietta and her household, 35 _sqq._;
death of, 62;
men., 5, 7, 67, 130, 135, 137, 221, 310
Buckingham, Mary, Countess of, 25, 42, 79
Buckingham, Katherine, Duchess of, 139
Cary, Patrick, 249
Carlisle, James Hay, Earl of--
Ambassador at Henrietta's marriage, 5 _sqq._;
men., 46, 50, 51, 57, 66
Carlisle, Lucy, Countess of, 66-8, 152, 157, 186, 191
Carter, Master, 205
Casimir, King of Poland, 314
Catherine of Braganza, wife of Charles II, 307-9
Caussin, Father, 282, 283
Chantal, Jeanne, Mother, 279, 285
Charles I, King of England--
His marriage, 4 _sqq._;
harshness of, to his wife, 28 _sqq._;
subserviency of, to Buckingham, 5, 38 _sqq._;
gentleness of, to Catholics, 107 _sqq._;
signs Strafford's death-warrant, 185;
final parting of, from his wife, 213;
takes refuge with Scotch, 238;
sold to English, 239;
in hands of Independents, 240;
execution of, 254;
men., _passim_
Charles II, King of England--
Birth of, 64, 65;
men., 147, 180, 219, 257, 261, 264, 265, 268, 269, 270, 272, 275, 302,
303, 304, 307, 308, 316, 317
Chateauneuf, Marquis of--
His mission to England, 78 _sqq._;
enemy of Richelieu, 80; men., 84, 85, 89, 99, 221, 225
Chaulnes, Duchess of, 22
Chaulnes, Duke of, 19
Chevreuse, Mme de, 5, 16, 18, 21, 22, 30, 36, 49, 66, 80, 82, 85, 146,
147, 152, 158-60, 218, 219, 224, 225, 319
Chevreuse, Duke of--
Proxy for Charles at his marriage, 8 _sqq._;
men., 159
Christine, of France, Duchess of Savoy, 2, 3, 135, 188, 267, 280, 303
Cholmondley, Sir Hugh, 205
Clarendon, Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of, 235, 261, 265, 305
Clifford, William, 318
Con, George--
Arrives at Court, 122;
death of, 125;
men., 114-16, 123, 124, 129, 136-8, 149, 150, 160, 161, 164, 173
Cosin, John, Bishop of Durham, 137, 266
Cowley, Abraham, 221, 222
Crashaw, Richard, 221, 222, 249
Cromwell, Oliver, 239, 273-5
Culpepper, John Culpepper, Lord, 240, 241, 261
Cyprien de Gamache, Father, 100, 107, 254, 255, 306, 308
D'Avenant, Sir William, 154, 222, 238
Denbigh, Susan, Countess of, 68, 137, 181, 194, 200, 220, 222
Denbigh, William Fielding, Earl of, 181, 220
Denham, Sir John, 240
Des Anges, Mother, 133
D'Ewes, Sir Simonds, 74
Digby, Sir Kenelm--
Goes to Rome as Henrietta's ambassador, 231;
his conduct there, 233 _sqq._;
men., 144, 145, 150, 164, 172, 173, 178, 180, 250 _n._
Dorset, Frances, Countess of, 65
Douglas, Sir Robert, 114-17
Du Perron, Jacques Nowell--
Arrives in England, 100;
death of, 259;
men., 101, 128, 136, 197, 226-8, 266
Elizabeth of England, daughter of Charles I, 267
Elizabeth of England, Queen of Bohemia, 195, 212
Elizabeth of France, Queen of Spain, 2, 3, 230
Estrades, Count of, 143
Evelyn, John, 132, 266, 287
Fairfax, Sir Thomas, 245
Falkland, Lucius Cary, Viscount, 132, 249
Faure, Francis, Bishop of Amiens, 314
Fayette, Louise de la--
Relations with Louis XIII, 280-5;
Superior of Chaillot, 295, 296;
friendship with Henrietta, 297;
death of, 299;
men., 286, 290, 293, 294, 298, 303
Fayette, Mme de la, 293
Felton, John, 62
FitzWilliams, Colonel, 229
Fontenay-Mareuil, Marquis of, 83, 84, 102
Ford, Sir Edward, 240
Gaston of France, Duke of Orleans, 8, 12, 17, 24-6, 49, 51, 81, 82, 219,
309
Goffe, Stephen, 223
Gondi, Jean François de, Archbishop of Paris, 9, 10, 286, 289, 295
Goodman, Godfrey, Bishop of Gloucester, 109, 171
Goring, George Goring, Lord, 181-3
Grebner, Paul, 192
Gressy, M. de, 208, 223
Habington, William, 63
Hamilton, James Hamilton, Duke of, 64
Hamilton, Anne, Marchioness of, 137
Hamilton, Mary, 290
Hamilton, Sir William, 121, 163, 164
Hatton, of Kirby--
Christopher Hatton, Baron, 263, 271
Harcourt, Count of, 208, 209
Hobbes, Thomas, 222, 267
Holden, Henry, 248
Holland, Henry Rich, Earl of, 5, 6, 9 _sqq._, 61, 73, 83, 85-7, 117, 147,
162, 186, 212
Henrietta Maria, Queen of England--
Birth and early years, 1 _sqq._;
her personal appearance, 4, 5, 74;
betrothal, 8;
marriage, 9 _sqq_;
departure for England, 17;
at Amiens, 19-23;
at Boulogne, 23-5;
sails for England, 26;
early relations with her husband, 28 _sqq._;
her household, 30-3;
conduct of Buckingham to, 35 _sqq._;
Charles' unkindness to, 41-5;
goes to Tyburn, 47;
her household expelled, 51-5;
her letter to Bishop of Mende, 53, 54;
her married happiness, 60-2, 91;
her children, 63, 65;
her friendships, 65, 66, 73;
her theatricals, 69-72;
her wardrobe, 74-6;
intrigues with Jars and Chateauneuf against Richelieu and Portland, 88;
development of her character, 88, 89;
her relations with English Catholics, 95 _sqq._;
receives Capuchins, 99;
builds chapel at Somerset House, 101-3;
pleads with Charles for Catholics, 105;
sends Douglas to Rome, 114-17;
receives Panzani, 118;
sends Hamilton to Rome, 121;
her affection for Con, 123;
writes to Christine on Montagu's behalf, 135;
scene in her chapel, 140;
procures Jars' release, 144, 145;
writes urging Catholics to contribute to expenses of Scotch war, 150;
further development of her character, 152;
acts in _Salmacida Spolia_: relations with her mother, 158;
attempts to gain Cardinal's hat for Montagu, 160;
counsels calling of Parliament, 165;
relations with Richelieu, 169;
submits to Parliament, 174;
her letter to Barberini, 175-7;
efforts to keep open communications with Rome, 178;
refused a refuge in France, 180;
efforts to save Strafford, 181;
her share in army plot, 182;
last interview with Rosetti, 187;
accused of complicity in Irish rebellion, 190;
urges Charles to arrest five members, 191;
change in her character, 193;
goes to Holland, 194;
her activity there, 196;
letters to Charles, 198, 199;
shipwrecked, 200, 201;
reception at Burlington Bay, 203;
her military career, 204;
at Oxford, 205-13;
at Exeter, 214;
escapes to France, 215;
reception of, in Paris, 219;
asks for money from French clergy, 226;
intrigues with Confederate Catholics, 229 _sqq._;
sends Digby to Rome, 231;
refuses to receive Rinuccini, 236;
weakness of her policy, 251;
grief on Charles' death, 255-7;
counsels Anne of Austria, 260;
head of "Louvre party," 261, 262;
attempts to convert Gloucester, 267-72;
claims her dowry, 273;
goes to convent in Rue S. Antoine, 279;
founds Chaillot, 286 _sqq._;
her life there, 292, 296, 297;
her letter to nuns on death of Mother de la Fayette, 299;
her joy at the Restoration, 303;
returns to England, 305;
returns again to France, 306;
her last visit to England, 307;
last journey to France, 309;
her last years, 309;
death of, 311;
funeral of, 313-16;
her estate, 316, 317;
supposed marriage with Jermyn, 317 _n._
Henrietta of England, Duchess of Orleans--
Birth of, 214;
marriage of, 307;
death of, 317;
men., 215, 253, 268, 272, 293, 296, 304, 309, 312, 315, 316
Henry IV, King of France, 1-3, 65, 92, 96, 105, 126, 128, 142, 174, 180,
194, 204, 211, 216, 253, 257, 272, 273, 280, 285, 308, 309, 312, 315
Henry of England, Duke of Gloucester--
Henrietta's attempt to convert him, 267-72;
death of, 304;
men., 169
Innocent X--
His refusal to help Henrietta, 249, 250;
men., 222, 231, 234, 235, 241, 248
James I, King of England, 6, 7, 48, 108, 127, 128
James, Duke of York (James II), 198, 261, 272, 301, 305, 307, 317
Jars, Chevalier de, 78, 83, 84, 85, 87, 89, 90, 144, 145, 219
Jones, Inigo, 154
Jonson, Ben, 69, 154
Killigrew, Thomas, 132, 134
Lambert, Father, 315 _n._
Laud, William, Archbishop of Canterbury, 69, 88, 108-10, 127, 138, 139,
141, 166, 171
Leander de S. Martino, Father, 33 _n._
Leicester, Robert Sidney, Earl of, 168
Lennox, James Stuart, Duke of, 64
Lewknor, Sir Lewis, 34 _n._
Leybourn, George, 247
Lhulier, Mother, 286, 288, 290, 295
Lilly, William, 106, 192 _n._
Louis XIII, King of France--
At Henrietta's wedding, 8 _sqq._;
relations with his wife, 15;
death of, 207;
relations with Louise de la Fayette, 281-5;
men., 3, 16, 17, 19, 27, 38, 45, 49, 50, 54, 55, 60, 67, 95, 102, 145,
157, 197, 221
Louis XIV, King of France, 153, 219, 252, 259, 266, 274, 293, 303, 304,
311, 312, 315-17
Louise of the Palatine, 294, 295
Magdeleine of S. Joseph, Mother, 11
Manchester, Edward Montagu, Baron Montagu of Kimbolton, afterwards 2nd
Earl of, 190, 211, 262
Manchester, Henry Montagu, 1st Earl of, 72, 131
Mary of England, daughter of Charles I, 181, 194-6
Mary de' Medici, Queen of France--
Satisfaction of, at Henrietta's marriage, 6;
anger at dismissal of her household, 56;
takes refuge in England, 145-8;
death of, 197;
men., 1, 2, 4, 12, 16, 17, 22, 23, 31, 40, 48, 75, 79, 80, 98, 103,
143, 158, 161, 162
Mary, Queen of Scotland, 10, 26, 115, 260
Matthew, Sir Tobie--
His character of Henrietta, 25;
men., 24, 138, 166, 180
Mayerne, Sir Theodore, 63, 104, 123, 179, 214, 215, 311
Mazarin, Cardinal--
His friendship with Montagu, 197, 206;
successor of Richelieu, 207;
his policy, 208;
his distrust of Henrietta, 224, 225;
his alliance with Cromwell, 273;
death of, 309;
men., 206, 209, 216, 223, 224, 228, 230, 232, 238, 239, 252, 253, 259,
260, 274, 275, 302, 305, 309
Mende, Daniel du Plessis, Bishop of, 31-4, 36, 37, 40, 41, 46-8, 50, 51,
53, 54, 59-61, 96, 101, 220, 221
Montagu, Ralph Montagu, Duke of, 311, 312
Montagu, Viscount, Francis Brown, 222
Montagu, Walter--
Friendship of, with Henrietta, 7 and _passim_;
with Anne of Austria, 49, 131, 207, 209, 262, 263, 310;
with Mazarin, 197;
conversion of, 130-6;
imprisonment of, 209;
takes orders, 263;
death of, 318;
men., 48, 71, 72, 82, 83, 85, 138, 144, 145, 148, 150, 159, 160, 163,
164, 172, 173, 178, 180, 182, 197, 201, 219, 246, 262, 265-7, 269-72,
291, 292, 305, 306, 313
Montague, Richard, Bishop of Chichester, 109
Montglas, Mme de, 331
Montpensier, Mlle de (later Duchess of Orleans), 12, 51, 221, 272
Montpensier, Mlle de (daughter of Gaston, Duke of Orleans), 219, 257
Montreuil, Jean de, 166, 169
Montrose, James Graham, Marquis of, 205, 238
Motteville, Mme de, 28, 35, 61, 196, 143, 203, 221, 279, 281, 285, 293,
294, 298, 309, 310
Newcastle, William Cavendish, Earl of (later Marquis and Duke), 202, 205
Newport, Anne, Countess of, 137, 138
Newport, Mountjoy Blount, Earl of, 138, 159
Nicholas, Sir Edward, 261, 238
Northumberland, Algernon Percy, Earl of, 154
Norwich, George Goring, Earl of, 13, 162, 194, 223, 224
Orange, Frederick Henry, Prince of, 194, 201, 218, 223
Orange, William, Prince of, 181, 196
Orange, William, Prince of (William III), 317
O'Hartegan, Father, 229-31, 236
Ormonde, James Butler, Marquis of, 237, 247, 261, 265
Panzani, Gregorio, 120, 129, 137, 188, 189
Patin, Gui, 314
Pendrick, Robert, 178
Percy, Henry, 73, 183, 220, 244
Peters, Hugh, 240
Philip of France, Duke of Anjou, later of Orleans, 219, 304, 315, 317
Philip, Father Robert--
Henrietta's confessor, 55;
enemy of Richelieu, 82, 99;
sent to Tower, 186;
death of, 265;
men., 113, 117, 150, 182, 194, 215, 244
Portland, Richard Weston, Earl of, 81, 85, 87, 88, 123
Prynne, William, 72
Pym, John, 66, 161, 171, 177, 183, 186, 191
Retz, Cardinal de, 9, 220, 252
Richelieu, Cardinal--
Arranges Henrietta's marriage, 4 _sqq._;
his spies, 33;
intrigues against him, 80 _sqq._;
relations of, with English Catholics, 94, 95;
dislike of, to Henrietta, 142, 143;
releases Jars, 144, 145;
relations of, with England, 167, 168;
refuses to receive Henrietta in France, 179;
friend of Puritans, 191;
death of, 206;
relations of, with Louise de la Fayette, 181-3;
men., 1, 30, 33, 34, 40, 49, 56, 59, 67, 78, 80, 85, 86, 88, 89, 104,
113, 117, 127, 134, 135, 152, 160, 169, 191, 197, 218
Richmond, Frances, Duchess of, 64
Rinuccini, Giovanni Battista--
His embassy in Ireland, 255 _sqq._
Rochefoucault, Cardinal de, 9, 13
Rosetti, Count--
His first impressions of England, 161;
leaves England, 187, 188;
men., 129, 162, 164, 170, 173, 174, 176-8
Roxburgh, Jane, Countess of, 65, 194
Rubens, Peter Paul, 70, 103, 111, 211
Rupert, Prince, 212
Rutland, Cecily, dowager Countess of, 151
Sabran, M. de, 215, 223
St. Albans, Henry Jermyn, Earl of--
His friendship with Henrietta, 73;
concerned in army plot, 182 _sqq._;
with Henrietta in France, 220;
his influence over her, 238; reported
marriage with, 317 _n._;
death of, 318;
men., 82, 86, 87, 196, 198, 203, 214-16, 230, 237, 243, 251, 254, 261,
265, 274, 305, 306, 312
S. Georges, Mme, 9, 31, 38, 44, 52, 53, 54, 58, 60, 61, 65, 80, 199, 221
Sancta Clara, Father, 120, 124
Sales, S. Francis de, 280, 286, 314
Salvetti, 142, 185
Saucy, Father, 39, 58
Scarampi, 235 _n._
Séguier, Mother Jeanne, 197, 319
Senault, Father, 315
Smith, William, Bishop of Chalcedon, 95, 112-14, 117, 232
Soissons, Count of, 3, 12
Strafford, Thomas Wentworth, Earl of--
Thrown into prison, 171;
his trial, 180;
execution, 185;
men., 66, 88, 138, 156, 157, 159, 161, 162, 184, 190, 252
Suckling, Sir John, 72, 183
Surin, Father, 133
Tillières, Count Leveneur de, 29, 30, 35, 38, 39, 51, 57, 125, 287, 288
Tillières, Mme de, 31, 52
Tomkins, Master, 211
Urban VIII, 6, 14, 33, 57, 110, 113-18, 121-4, 136, 172, 175-7, 187, 230,
231, 235
Valette, Duke of, 159, 179
Vane, Sir Henry, 170
Vantelet, Mme de, 55, 57, 82, 87
Van Dyck, Anthony, 25, 62, 111, 155
Velada, Marquis of, 159
Vendôme, Duchess of, 255
Viette, Father, 55 _n._, 315 _n._
Ville-aux-clercs, M. de (Comte du Brienne), 6 _n._, 27, 39, 64
Wadding, Father Luke, 234, 235
Waller, Edmund, 69, 211, 306
White, Thomas, 243, 244, 248
Williams, John, Bishop of Lincoln, later Archbishop of York, 32
Winchester, William Paulet, Marquis of, 97, 246
Windbank, Francis, 90, 120, 121, 163, 164, 168, 170, 182