Thermodon. On the other hand, they received accounts of the warlike
queens of the Saces and Massagetae, of Zarinaea, Sparethra, and Tomyris,
who fought against the Medes and Persians; and on the coasts of the
Black Sea, in the colonies of the Milesians, they heard of the riding,
the archery, and hunting of the women of the Sauromatae. Hence the Greeks
resolved to make the Amazons the ancestors of the Sarmatians. They were
represented as taking ship from the Thermodon across the Black Sea to
the coast of the Maeotis, because here, in the Crimea, on the "promontory
of the maiden," a cruel maiden goddess, who was also called Artemis
Tauropolus by the Greeks, was worshipped. Herodotus, and after him
Ephorus, tells us that the Amazons fled over the Pontus from the
Thermodon, and landed on the shore of the Maeotis. Here they took the
young men among the Scythians, who, according to Herodotus, were settled
between the mouths of the Danube and the Don, as their husbands, and
with them marched eastwards over the Tanais (Don), beyond which river
and north of the Caucasus lay, according to Herodotus, the dwellings of
the Sauromatae, whom later writers call the Sarmatians. Hence the
Sarmatian women still preserved the customs of the Amazons; they carried
bows and javelins, and wore the same clothing as the men, sat on
horseback, and rode with or without their husbands to the chase or to
battle, and no maiden married till she had slain an enemy; "so that some
never married at all, because they were unable to satisfy this rule."
The language of the Sauromatae was the same as the language of the
Scythians, but they spoke it badly, because the Amazons had never
perfectly learned it. These statements, and especially the assertion
that the Sarmatian women fought as long as they were maidens, were
repeated by Greek writers--in other respects very trustworthy--in the
fifth and fourth century B.C. Others also maintained that the women were
rulers among the Sarmatians.[799] Poetry and plastic art had stamped
the legend of the Amazons so firmly on the Greeks that they could not
break loose from it. Several of the historians of Alexander of Macedon
tell us that the queen Thalestris, with 300 Amazons, sought out
Alexander from a great distance, and made a proposal of marriage to him,
on his return from Hyrcania,[800] a story which has perhaps arisen out
of the fact that the satrap Atropates of Media sent 100 mounted women to
Alexander.[801] When at a later time Pompey fought in the Caucasus, and
women were found among the wounded, it was thought that the real Amazons
were at last found;[802] and the story was now told that the Amazons
dwelt northward of the Gelen (in Ghilan), on the southern foot of the
Caucasus. In order to solve the difficulty of their propagation of the
race, the story was invented that for two months in the spring they met
the Gargareans--a neighbouring tribe--on the mountains by night, and
associated with them, as accident might determine. The boys were then
sent to the Gargareans, who brought them up in common; the daughters
were retained by the Amazons.[803] In order to explain the name Amazon,
which in Greek can mean "without a breast," the story was invented that
they burnt off the right breast of the maidens, so that they might use
the right arm better, and draw the bow--a story which Hippocrates had
already told about the daughters of the Sarmatians.[804] On the
monuments of plastic art the Amazons have both breasts; the older
period represents them with a broad girdle, an ample robe, and a
Phrygian cap, a crescent shield (the symbol of the moon-goddess), a bow,
and a battle-axe. In later sculptures the Amazons, when they had been
connected with the Scythians and the Sarmatians, were generally
represented on horseback, in a Doric tunic, with naked arms and thighs,
a helmet on the head, and a spear in the hand.
On the western slopes of the table-land of Asia Minor, in the river
valleys of the Hermus and Maeander, the Lydians were settled. Their land
reached from the sources of the Hermus in Mount Dindymon to the AEgean
sea, from Messogis and Cadmus in the south to the Temnus range in the
north. The valley of the Hermus was exuberantly fertile, and still more
luxuriant was the vegetation in the district round the Gygaean lake. The
mountain pastures supported herds of powerful horses and numerous flocks
of sheep. The Pactolus brought sands of gold down from Tmolus; in the
rocks of this range and its western continuation, Sipylus, rich veins of
gold are said to have been found.[805]
But little has been preserved of the legendary accounts of the Lydians
about their rulers in the earliest times. About the middle of the fifth
century B.C. the Lydian Xanthus, the son of Candaules, wrote the history
of his people in four books, in the Greek language. Of this some
fragments have come down to us, which can here and there be supplemented
by the statements of Herodotus. From both we learn that the Lydians
traced back the origin of their royal house to the gods. Atys, the son
of the god Manes, was the first sovereign of the Lydians; after him
came his son Lydus, who gave the name to the people. From the brother of
Lydus, whom Xanthus calls Torrhebus, and Herodotus Tyrsenus, the tribe
of the Torrhebians or Tyrsenians was derived. The territory of the
Torrhebi lay on the upper Cayster. From Asius, the son of Cotys, the son
of Atys, sprang the tribe of the Asionaeans, who inhabited the Asian
meadow.[806] From Atys, their progenitor, the first king, his
successors, the first house of Lydian kings, were called Atyads. Among
the successors of Lydus the most pious and just was Alkimus. During his
reign there was peace and quiet in Lydia; every man lived securely and
without fear, and all things prospered. After him reigned king Akiamus,
who sent Ascalus with an army to Syria. There Ascalus founded the city
of Ascalon. After this, as Herodotus narrates, a lion was born to king
Meles from his concubine, and this lion, in obedience to an oracle, he
caused to be carried round the walls of Sardis, his metropolis, in order
that they might be impregnable.[807] According to Xanthus, Meles, who
was a tyrannous and cruel king, was overthrown by Moxus, a very just and
brave man, after he had vowed to the gods that, in gratitude for their
deliverance, the Lydians should henceforth offer to them a tenth of all
their animals. Then Moxus marched to Syria, and there took Atargatis
captive, with her son Ichthys (fish). As a punishment for her rebellion
she was thrown into the lake of Ascalon, and eaten by the fish. Then
king Cambletes reigned, who sacrificed his wife, and ate her, and then
slew himself with his sword before all the people. After him Jardanus,
who had been an enemy of Cambletes, ruled over Lydia.[808] Jardanus was
followed by his daughter Omphale.[809] To avenge the insult which had
been paid to her before she ascended the throne of Lydia, she compelled
the maidens of the land to give themselves up to the slaves at an
appointed place, and slew the strangers whom she entertained, when she
had lain with them.[810] After Omphale, Tylon reigned, who died from the
bite of a snake, but was again restored to life by a marvellous
herb.[811] But with the slave-girl of Jardanus, according to Herodotus,
or, according to others, with Omphale, Heracles begot Alcaeus; the son of
Alcaeus was Belus; the son of Belus was Ninus, and the son of Ninus was
Agron. With the accession of Agron the dominion of the Atyads came to an
end, and that of the Heracleids commenced, who then continued to rule
over Lydia for 505 years.[812]
Manes and Atys are already known to us as deities of the Phrygians; they
must therefore have been worshipped by the Lydians also. Lydus, the
second king of the land, is taken from the name of the nation. The
prosperous, peaceful reign of the good king Alkimus is no doubt founded
on some conception of an early happy age. The story of the lion of Meles
obviously goes back to the relations in which the lion was placed, in
the religious rites of the Syrians, to the sun-god, who was also
worshipped with zeal by the Lydians. We learn from a Lydian that the
name Sardis was given to the city in honour of the sun-god.[813] The
coins of Sardis which have been preserved regularly present the image of
a lion and a bull.[814] The vow of Moxus is intended to explain the
blood-tithe, which we have already found in use among the tribes of
Syria. Still more definite are the references to Syrian rites in the
supposed marches of Moxus and Ascalus to Syria, and the prominent
position of Atargatis[815] and the temple of Ascalon, and the children
of Atargatis, the fish. We know Atargatis, the Astarte of the Assyrians,
as transformed into Hera, and the temple at Ascalon, the city of the
Philistines, as the oldest and most famous sanctuary of the Syrian
goddess of fertility. The name of the king Jardanus does not differ from
"jarden" (river), and if Omphale is said to have forced the maidens of
the land to prostitute themselves at a fixed place, we have already
found this prostitution in the worship of the Syrian goddess of birth
and the Babylonian Mylitta. The new dynasty which ascends the throne of
Lydia after the Atyads with Agron is again derived from a god, according
to the accounts of the Greeks, from Heracles and Omphale. The Greeks
narrated that Omphale carried the lion's skin and club of Heracles, and
that she clothed the hero in a transparent female robe of scarlet, and
caused him to card wool and spin as her slave.[816] Lydian coins exhibit
a female form with the lion's skin and the bow.[817] It was shown above
that the Greeks connected Melkarth (Melicertes) with their Heracles, and
that according to the mythus of the Syrians, the sun-god finds and
overpowers the moon-goddess; that after the holy marriage, the god on
his part succumbs to the goddess, and changes his nature with her; he
assumes the female nature, she the male; she carries the weapons, while
he performs woman's work. We saw that the Syrians symbolised the
pre-eminent nature, the unity of the deity, in this amalgamation of the
sexes--this female manhood and male womanhood. Johannes Lydus tells us
that the Lydians worshipped the sun-god under the name Sandon, and adds,
that because Sandon had lived as a woman, the men at the mysteries of
the god clothed themselves in women's clothes, and put on transparent
crimson garments, coloured with vermilion.[818] Thus the Greeks put
their hero in the place of the Lydian sun-god, who overwhelms the lion,
and changes his nature with the goddess; and if they farther tell us
that Omphale gave her love to strangers, but also slew all who lay with
her, this also is a trait which had already met us in the Syrian
Astarte, in the nature of Ashera-Astarte, which at one time grants the
enjoyment of love, and at another brings destruction.
The result of these considerations proves that the traits of the Lydian
legends, which have been preserved, present us with very little beyond
mere mythical elements. The connection of the Lydian worship with the
worship of the Syrians comes plainly to the surface, and this connection
is confirmed by all that we know from other sources of the rites of the
Lydians. The name of their sun-god Sandon[819] recurs on Assyrian
monuments, where it appears as Sandan.[820] In the Semitic languages the
word means "helper," and is used as an attribute of the god Adar, with
whom we are already acquainted as the god of the planet Saturn.[821] It
is obvious that the title "helper" could be given not to Adar only, but
to any other god, from whom special favour and assistance might be
expected. The Lydians gave the title to the good sun-god, who vanquishes
the glowing heat--the terrible sun-god--who looses the girdle of the
moon-goddess, and changes his nature with her. When the Greek colonists
landed on the coast of Lydia, they at first recognised their own Apollo,
i.e. their god of light, in the Lydian god. They allowed the sanctuary
of the Lydian god at Miletus to remain in the hands of a family of
native priests, the Branchidae. As god of the country and protector of
the coast, the Homeric poems give to Apollo the foremost place among the
deities who defend Troy. The Lydians also on their side recognised the
connection between their sun-god and the Apollo of the Greeks; Gyges and
Croesus send rich presents to Delphi. But when the Greeks of the coast
became more accurately acquainted with the nature and the myths of the
Lydian sun-god, that side which chiefly corresponded to their Heracles,
and the image of Heracles developed under the influence of the
Phenician Melkarth, came into prominence. The nature of the female
goddess also, whom the Lydians chiefly worshipped, is beyond doubt.
Herodotus tells us that all the daughters of the Lydians sold
themselves, and in this way collected their dowries; others narrate that
they received slaves or foreigners in the groves and porticoes of the
temples.[822] As we have seen, tradition connects this prostitution with
the rule of Omphale, and Johannes Lydus assures us that the goddess
Blatta worshipped in Lydia was the same as the Mylitta of the
Babylonians. Hence the worship of Bilit, the Ashera of the Syrians,
prevailed also among the Lydians, a fact which the campaigns (already
mentioned) of Ascalus and Moxus to the shrine of Derceto at Ascalon also
prove. That this goddess of the Lydians was not without her destructive
side--the power and nature of Astarte--we could already infer from the
bloody acts of Omphale (p. 562). At the mouths of the Cayster and the
Hermus the Greeks found the shrines of a goddess, whose priests were
eunuchs, and who was at the same time honoured with dances in armour by
maidens, as the moon and war-goddess of the Cappadocians.[823] This
goddess of the coasts of Lydia was called by the Greeks Artemis, and
this name distinguishes her as at once a maiden goddess and the goddess
of the moon and of war. And if at the same time the image of Artemis of
Ephesus was represented with large breasts, the obvious conclusion is
that in the goddess of Lydia, as in the goddesses of Babylonia and
Syria, the two opposites, of continence and sensual enjoyment, of
fertility and of destruction, were united.
The forms of religious worship also would appear to have been in all
essentials the same among the Lydians and the Syrians. Mutilation (which
we know was practised very widely among the Lydians),[824] and the
prostitution of girls, were common to both countries. We found above
that the Arabs and Syrians believed their gods to be present in stones,
and prayed to them in that shape. Not far from Magnesia on Sipylus, a
stone, some twenty feet in height, juts out of a wall of marble, and
this in ancient times must have been regarded with veneration as the
idol of a native goddess. Even in the Homeric poems we find mention of
this stone, and the legend connected with it by the Greek colonists. "I
have seen the stone of Niobe on Sipylus," said Pausanias. "At a near
view it is a fragment of stone, which does not look like a woman or a
person weeping; but from a distance you might believe that you saw a
weeping and mourning woman."[825]
The essential result of the examination of Lydian legend and Lydian
worship is the obvious and very close relationship between the Lydian
and Syrian deities and rites. Moreover, the mountain range which bounds
the valley of the Maeander to the south, bears the Semitic name of
Cadmus, _i.e._ "the Eastern;" and at the foot of the range lies the city
of Ninoe (Nineveh, _i.e._ "to dwell.")[826] Again, from one side the
languages of the Phrygians and Lydians are said to be distinctly
different; on the other hand, most of the Lydian words which have been
preserved to us by the Greeks--it is true they are not numerous--can be
traced back to Semitic roots;[827] and the national genealogy of the
Hebrews enumerates Lud among the sons of Shem, together with Elam,
Asshur, Arphaxad, and Aram. Yet, so far as the Lydian language allows us
to form an opinion, elements of a different character are not entirely
wanting. The gods Manes and Atys, from whom the first royal house was
derived, and after whom it was named, the goddess Cybele, whose temple
stood at Sardis,[828] do not belong to the circle of Semitic deities.
Manes, as well as Atys, we found in Phrygia. Hence, looking back at the
connection between the Armenians, Phrygians, and Thracians, already
brought into prominence we may suppose that the original population of
the river valley of the Hermus was Phrygian, and that Semitic invaders
from the east subjugated these Phrygians and absorbed them; but not
without adopting on their part some elements of the Phrygian language
and worship.
That a monarchy was in existence among the Lydians before the first
Heracleid ascended the throne cannot be doubted. In the time of the
Heracleids we find mention made of the descendants of Tylon (p. 562), a
king who is said to have belonged to the family of the Atyads. The
foundation and fortification of Sardis also seem to belong to the period
before the Heracleids, the period of the Atyads. Herodotus tells us that
the second dynasty, the supposed descendants of Sandon-Heracles, gave
twenty-two sovereigns to the Lydians, who ruled over Lydia for 505
years.[829] However astonishing the pedigree which Herodotus gives to
these Heracleids (the son of Heracles, Alcaeus, begets Belus, Belus
begets Ninus, and Ninus Agron),[830] we may regard his statement of the
period for which this dynasty lasted, of which several later members are
established, as historical. And since, after the Heracleids, the family
of Gyges ruled for 140 years down to the time when Cyrus took Sardis,
and since the taking of Sardis fell in the year 549 B.C., the Heracleids
must have ascended the throne of Lydia 645 years previously, _i.e._ in
the year 1194 B.C.[831] What degree of civilisation had been reached by
the Lydians about the year 1000 B.C. we can only conclude from the fact
that the Greek settlers on their coasts found money already coined by
the Lydians, and therefore ascribe to them the invention of the art of
coining.[832] The art of dying wool also was, in the opinion of the
Greeks, an invention of the Lydians; and games at ball as well as at
dice were thought to have been learnt from the Lydians by the
Greeks.[833] That the Greeks made use of the Lydian flute, and
subsequently of the Lydian cithara (both the cithara with three strings
and that with twenty strings), and the Lydian harmonies to enrich their
own music, is an established fact.[834] The Homeric poems describe the
Lydians (Maeonians) as an "armed equestrian people," and mention their
trade and wealth.[835]
North of the Lydians, in the river valleys of the Caicus Macestus and
Rhyndacus, were settled the Mysians. According to Strabo, they spoke a
language of mixed Phrygian and Lydian elements.[836] It was apparently
the Mysian legend which told of king Tantalus, who possessed the
greatest treasures, who slew his son and offered him for a banquet,
_i.e._ for a sacrifice to the gods. His grave was shown on Sipylus.[837]
Before the Greek colonists took the coasts from them, the Mysians may
have risen to the first elements of civilisation; but when they were
debarred from the sea, they remained within the limits of their
mountains, pursuing an agricultural and pastoral life. About the year
500 B.C. their armour was still a small round shield and javelins, the
points of which were hardened in the fire.[838] In spite of these
miserable weapons they gave a good deal of trouble to the satraps of the
Persian king, and even at a later time desolated the fruitful plains on
the coasts by marauding inroads. Of their worship we only know that the
Greeks found the rites of a god of light on the coasts at Thymbra,
Chryse, and Cilla, who was invoked under the title Smintheus, a word
which is said to mean the expeller or destroyer of field-mice;[839] and
that a goddess of procreation and fertility was worshipped on Ida.[840]
In the Homeric poems it is Aphrodite, by the side of Apollo, who
protects Ilium, and favours Capys and the sons of Priam in the dells of
Ida.
The coast of Asia Minor, to the south of the Lydians, was in the
possession of the Carians. Herodotus tells us that, according to the
legends of the Cretans, the Carians were, in the most ancient times,
called Leleges, and inhabited the islands of the AEgean at the time when
Minos reigned in Crete. They were compelled to man the fleet of Minos. A
long time afterwards they were driven out of the islands by the Ionians
and Dorians, and migrated to Asia Minor. But the Carians themselves
maintained that they had always lived in the land which they
possessed.[841] We cannot hesitate to give the preference to the
assertion of the Carians. From the numerous harbours of their coast they
could easily cross to the neighbouring islands, and thus they could
populate Rhodes Samos and Chios.[842] Advancing from one to another in
the numerous islands of this sea, they reached the Cyclades and settled
there. The most ancient population of Crete, called by the Greeks
Eteocretes, may very likely have consisted of Carians only, as is proved
by the position which Greek legend gives to the Carians in reference to
Minos, as well as by other evidence. This occupation of the islands of
the AEgean Sea by the Carians must be placed about the year 1500 B.C. For
when the Phenicians colonised these islands in the thirteenth century,
they were occupied by Carians. The Carian population became dependent on
the Phenicians. Subsequently, about the year 1000 B.C., the Hellenes
landed on the islands of the AEgean, and drove out the Carians. The
Carians lost even Samos and Chios; they were again confined to their old
home, and they could not even maintain themselves in that, for the best
harbours of their coasts passed into the hands of the Greeks. Yet the
Carians continued to be seamen and pirates. They lay in wait, as before,
for the merchants, and overran the rich coast land. Even in the seventh
century we meet with Carian pirates and mercenaries, and these not only
on the mouths and banks of the Nile; and the Chronographers mention,
apparently, a hegemony of the Carians on the sea, which is placed in the
interval from the year 731 to the year 670 B.C.[843]
The Carians had no monarchy embracing the whole of their territory. But
here also, so far as we can see, princes stood at the head of the
various cities. A kind of confederation united the several places. About
the year 500 we hear of assemblies of Carians on the banks of the
Marsyas near the white pillars, and afterwards we find common sacrifices
of the Carian cities, and days of meeting in the temple of Zeus
Chrysaor, which was situated in the neighbourhood of Mylasa (now Milas)
at Lagina (now Leina).[844] Among the Carians the Greek colonists found
a style of armour superior to their own, and they adopted it. The
"Catalogue of ships," in Homer, represents the leader of the Carians as
going into battle decked with gold.[845] In Alcaeus "the Carian helmet
laments," and Anacreon speaks "of putting the hand upon the well-fitted
Carian haft." Herodotus tells us that the Greeks learned from the
Carians to wear plumes upon their helmets, to paint devices upon their
shields, and to furnish them with fixed handles,--in Homer the shields
are carried over the shoulder by straps. Greaves also are said to have
been invented by the Carians.[846]
We are unable to tell with certainty the origin or the national
characteristics of the Carians, though Herodotus maintains that the
Lydians, Mysians, and Carians spoke the same language. Of the religious
worship of the Carians he tells us that they were the only nation who
worshipped Zeus as a warrior. Mylasa was the centre of their worship. On
the heights which tower over the plain of Mylasa, in a forest of
plane-trees, near Labranda, lay the temple of "Zeus Stratius." The image
of the god is said to have carried the double axe. Carian coins of the
fourth century B.C. display the image of a god with a double axe.[847]
The same axe is also found on the remains of Carian altars. The Greeks
even maintain that the god was named after this axe, that his national
name was Labrandeus, and that in Lydian and Carian _labrys_ meant a
battle-axe. Plutarch says:--Arselis, the Carian of Mylasa, marched to
the aid of Candaules, king of Lydia (he ruled about the year 700 B.C.),
and afterwards he left the sacred axe of the kings of Lydia to the god
of Labranda.[848] This giving up of the battle-axe to the god of the
battle-axe allows us to suppose that the god of Mylasa is meant by the
Carian of Mylasa; and that Arselis may have been the name or attribute
of this god--a supposition which is changed into a certainty by the fact
that in Semitic languages, Chars-el means "axe of El," "axe of
God."[849] Beside this warrior Zeus, a warlike Aphrodite was also
worshipped at Mylasa,[850] and if Strabo calls the goddess of Leina
Hecate, the reason of the name may be the death-bringing power of the
goddess Astarte-Ashera. The sacred fish who were to be found in a pool
at Mylasa, with gold rings round the neck, would then be evidence of the
bountiful, increase-giving side of the nature of this goddess.[851]
East of the Carians, on the south coast, in the valley of the Xanthus,
were the settlements of the Lycians. The range of Taurus, which here
rises to a height of 10,000 feet, sinks down in fields of snow and
Alpine pastures to the course of the Xanthus. The sides of this valley,
Mounts Kragus and Anti-Kragus, are beautifully wooded, and traversed by
sounding rills. The view extends from the upper course of the river over
the luxuriant vegetation of the plain down to the sea.
Herodotus tells us that this district was once known as Milyas, and that
the Lycians, who were originally called Termilians, immigrated from
Crete. Sarpedon and Minos contended for the throne, and as Minos got the
upper hand, Sarpedon went with the Termilians to Asia, and took
possession of Milyas. Afterwards Lycus, the son of the Attic king
Pandion, when driven out by his brother Aegeus, came to Sarpedon, and
from him the Termilians got the name of Lycians. Their laws were Cretan
and Carian. They wore hats adorned with feathers, goat skins round their
shoulders, sickle-shaped swords and daggers, coats of mail, greaves,
bows, and arrows of reeds. They were named after the mother, and not
after the father, and spoke of the mothers of their mothers as their
ancestors. The son of a free woman and a slave was free and passed for a
well-born man; but if a free man, even the first among them, begot
children with a foreign woman or a concubine, these were outlaws.[852]
Heraclides of Pontus extends these statements so far as to assert that
the Lycians from ancient times had been under the dominion of their
wives; Nicolaus, of Damascus tells us that the daughters of the Lycians,
and not the sons, took the inheritance.[853]
In the Homeric poems, Proetus, king of Argos, sends Bellerophontes of
Ephyra (Corinth) to the king of the Lycians, to be put to death. The
king bade him slay the Chimaera, a monster which was a lion in front, a
goat in the middle part, and a dragon behind, and when he succeeded in
this he sent him to fight against the Solymi and the Amazons. But
afterwards he gave him half his kingdom and his daughter, who bore him
Hippolochus and Laodameia. The son of Hippolochus was Glaucus, and the
son of Laodameia was Sarpedon, the chieftains who led the Lycians to the
aid of the Trojans.
Beside the supposed immigration of the Lycians from Crete and the poetry
of Homer we know nothing of the history of the Lycians beyond the fact
that they did not submit to the army of Cyrus without a most obstinate
resistance. And even under the supremacy of the Persians the Lycians
managed their internal affairs independently. They formed a federation
which was in existence at Strabo's time, and then included twenty-three
places. Each city was represented at the assembly; the six larger cities
had three votes each, the next largest had two, and the smaller cities
had one.[854]
The name Milyas, which, according to Herodotus, was borne by the valley
of the Xanthus, clung even in later times to the spur under the ridge of
Mount Taurus, which runs out eastward towards Mount Solyma. Hence the
Lycians could easily be represented as in conflict with the Solymi. The
name Chimaera is given to a high mountain valley on Mount Kragus.[855] If
the Greeks call the inhabitants of the valley of the Xanthus Lycians,
the name has not arisen among them from the supposed Lycus, the brother
of AEgeus, but rather from the Grecian god of light, Apollo Lyceus.
According to the mythus of the Greeks, Apollo Bellerophontes (who was
worshipped at Corinth), dashes down from his cloud-horse and with his
crown of rays breaks through the thick clouds which obscure the sun; he
overcomes Bellerus, the spirit of darkness. In the mind of the Greeks,
Lycia was free from the clouds of winter; and, as a fact, the climate of
the valley of the Xanthus is excellent. Into this bright land,
therefore, the god was thought to have marched when he had become a
hero; here he overcame the Chimaera, the creature of mist and cloud. The
Greeks went still further in this conception. The east, the land of
sunrise, was in itself the land of light, of the god of light, Lyceus.
The god of light was thought to pass the winter in the brighter east, in
the home of the sun. When the Greek colonists had settled on the western
coasts of Asia Minor, they regarded the valley of the Xanthus as the
eastern land of light, they gave it this name, and supposed that Apollo
passed the winter in Lycia, and gave oracles during the six winter
months at Patara in Lycia.[856] In spite of the eastern situation and
the climate of Lycia, this idea would hardly have taken root had not the
Lycians at Patara, and probably at other places in Lycia, worshipped a
god in whom the Greeks could recognise their own god of light. The
Homeric poems place the Lycians in the closest connection with the
Teucrians. There is a Xanthus in Lycia and in the Troad, and the name
Tros seems to be identical with the name of the Lycian city of Tlos,
which lies high up in the valley of the Xanthus under Taurus. In any
case, from this close combination of the Teucrians and Lycians in Homer,
we may conclude that with the Greeks of the coast the Lycians passed for
a tribe who had already been for a long time in possession of their
settlements. None but native Asiatic tribes could be represented as
fighting beside the native Teucrians as their closest confederates.
The Lycians developed a peculiar civilisation and a peculiar art, of
which numerous monuments, and many of them accompanied by inscriptions,
have come down to us. The alphabet in these inscriptions closely
resembles the Greek. With the aid of some inscriptions written in the
Greek and Lycian languages, scholars have succeeded in fixing the value
of the Lycian letters--of which there are ten for vowels and diphthongs,
and twenty for consonants.[857] By this means we have become acquainted
with the name by which the Lycians called themselves. They were not
merely called Termilians, as Herodotus supposed, in the most ancient
times, but even in their own inscriptions they call themselves Tramele.
The city which the Greeks calls Xanthus is in the language of the
Tramele, Arna; the city of Patara is Pttarazu; Pegasa is Begssere.[858]
In fixing the character of the Lycian language, it was at first supposed
that the Lycians might have been a branch of the Phrygians, who had
forced their way over the Taurus to the south coast--an assumption
which seems to be supported by the fact that the Lycian monuments
resemble the Phrygian in plan and style; and that the Lycians, like the
Phrygians, loved to excavate walls of rock and that in Lycia, as in
Phrygia, the influence of the Greeks was felt at an early time. But the
Lycian idiom, so far as the remains of it have been examined at present,
was distinctly different from the Phrygian language. While some of our
scholars find in the Lycian language words and inflexions allied to the
Albanian, _i.e._ to the remains of the language of the ancient
Illyrians, others are more inclined to place the Lycian in close
connection with the Iranian languages.[859] In either case the Lycians,
like the Armenians and Phrygians, belong to the Indo-Germanic stock, and
not only the Armenians and Phrygians, but along with them the
forefathers of the Lycians came into Asia Minor from the north-east.
The Lycians were settled in a region of strong natural boundaries, and
of a very defined and picturesque form. The position of their land,
protected as it was by strong natural boundaries, secured for them a
more undisturbed development than was possible to the other tribes of
Asia Minor. Their cities and towers, Xanthus, Phellus, Myra, Telmissus,
Patara, Pinara, and Tlos were surrounded by strong walls of Cyclopian
architecture, and the splendid remains are evidence of great skill in
masonry. The noble ruins of Xanthus, not far from the mouth of the river
of the same name, still proclaim, even at a distance, the ancient
metropolis of the Lycians. How far back the monuments of Lycia extend
cannot be determined as yet. The oldest of which the date can be fixed
go back to the reign of Darius II., the Itariayush of Lycian
inscriptions. The reliefs exhibit the Chimaera, as described in Homer;
and they repeatedly exhibit a lion slaying a bull.[860] The Lycians
themselves are represented in long garments, just as in works of Greek
art; and even to this day the peasants on the Xanthus are to be seen in
the caftan.[861] Pictures of battles, of agricultural and pastoral
occupations are frequent on the monuments; but so far as the
inscriptions have been deciphered at present, they afford no single
instance in support of the statement of Herodotus that the Lycians were
not named after the father, but after the mother.[862] The most
important remains are the tombs, which are evidence of the great
industry and care which the Lycians devoted to the repose and memory of
the dead. A considerable number of these tombs lie within the walls of
the city, and are surrounded by the ruins of other buildings. Hence the
dwellings of the dead and of the living were not separated among the
Lycians. Besides sarcophagi, made of blocks brought for the purpose, we
also find detached rocks, which are changed into great sarcophagi, rocky
peaks transformed into sepulchres, and extensive walls of rock, in which
grave-chambers have been cut. The face of the rocky wall, thus hollowed
out for tombs, is provided with facades which rise up in rich variety to
the number of many thousands, over and alongside of each other,
sometimes advancing, sometimes receding, according to the nature of the
rock. The style of these tombs, which is for the most part very
delicate and slender, is an imitation of a kind of wooden structure,
which must have been common in Lycia in ancient times, and the simplest
forms of which are still in use among the peasants of the region which
corresponds to Lycia;[863] sometimes the structure is simpler, at others
more complicated, and the effect is strengthened by delicate and
luxuriant ornamentation. The faces of the rock-tombs sometimes end with
a flat framework of beams, at others with a gable in low relief. The
detached sepulchres exhibit the same imitation of a wooden building.
Many of these sepulchres are obviously intended for three corpses; in
the single chamber included in them are generally found two stone
benches in the sides and at the back a receptacle for a corpse in a
recess.[864] The detached sarcophagi are the most numerous. On a
sub-structure, or immediately on the ground, stands a long stone coffin,
closed by a high massive cover, the section of which exhibits a Gothic
pointed arch. On these sarcophagi also the ornamentation is almost
always rich, and carried out with neatness even to the smallest detail.
Beside the sarcophagi we also find pillars and obelisks among the ruins.
The tympana, friezes, and surfaces of all these monuments are covered
with reliefs, which represent with much truth and liveliness the life of
animals as well as the life of men. Evident remains of colouring on all
the monuments show us that a layer of lively and even startling colours
was laid upon these buildings. The reliefs also were painted, and some
are treated almost as pictures. The inscriptions upon the tombs prove
that the Lycians erected these tombs in their lifetime for themselves,
wives, and children, and that this was done by several families in
common; they invoke the anger of a goddess Phate--whom the Greeks call
Leto--on those who might dare to violate them. From the nature and
solidity of these tombs and sarcophagi, it is clear that the Lycians
were almost at as much trouble to give a secure resting-place to their
dead as the Egyptians were to give rest to their mummies, while the
ornaments show that the Lycians must have regarded the life after death
as a state of peaceful repose; the sculptures on the tombs invariably
represent friendly scenes of family life, of occupation in the country,
of social life or festal enjoyment. We see mothers with their children,
carriage journeys, riders, processions, banquets, and feasts, and
finally battle-pieces, in which the combatants are partly armed as
Lycians and partly as Greeks. Nothing, not even in the pictures of
battles, reminds us of the horrors of death, or of a judgment in the
under world. The monuments of Lycia prove that the supremacy of the
Persians did not interrupt the progress of Lycian art. But the creations
of the later period enable us to see that Greek art, in her bloom,
obtained and exercised the strongest influence over the Lycians. The
most beautiful monument of Lycia, the tomb of Harpagus, the Persian
satrap, which belongs to the first half of the fourth century, exhibits
a preponderance of Greek forms.
FOOTNOTES:
[688] Strabo, pp. 525, 530, 532, 559.
[689] Kiepert, "Monatsberichte der B. Akad.," 1869, s. 238.
[690] Kiepert, _loc. cit._ s. 239.
[691] Von Gutschmid, "Saechs. Gesell. d. W." 1876, p. 5, _seqq._
[692] Mos. Chor. 1, 10-22.
[693] Mos. Chor. 1, 23-30.
[694] Kiepert, "Monatsberichte der B. Akad.," 1869, s. 222.
[695] Kiepert, _loc. cit._ s. 236.
[696] Kiepert, "Monatsberichte der B. Akad.," 1869, s. 226.
[697] Jer. li. 27; Ezek. xxvii. 14; xxxviii. 6.
[698] Moses Chor. c. 24-30, in Le Vaillant's translation.
[699] Anab. 4, 5.
[700] G. Rawlinson, "Monarch.," 2, 64, 79; Menant, "Annal.," pp. 49, 64,
73, 82.
[701] G. Smith, "Zeit. fur. aegypt. Sprache," 1869, s. 9-13, 98.
[702] Oppert, "Inscript. des Sargonid.," p. 22, _et seq._, 37;
"Inscript. de DurSarkayan", pp. 14, 21. G. Rawlinson, "Monarchies," 2,
188. According to Oppert's reading the two gods of Arsissa were called
Haldia and Bagabarta.
[703] Joseph. "Antiq.," 1, 3, 6; Kiepert, "Monatsberichte der B. Akad.,"
1869, s. 236.
[704] G. Smith, "Assurb.," 61, 75, 84 _seqq._
[705] Botta, "Monum. de Ninive," 2, pl. 140, 141.
[706] Lenormant, "Lettr. Assyr." 1, 121, 142, reads Belitdur and Menuas
Hincks read Niriduris and Kinuas.
[707] Mordtmann, "Zeit. d. d. M. G.," 26, 484 ff.
[708] Herod. 7, 73; 8, 138.
[709] Strabo, p. 471.
[710] Herod. 7, 75; Thucyd. 4, 75; Xenoph. "Anab." 6, 4, 2; Strabo, p.
541, 542.
[711] Otto Abel, "Makedonien," s. 57 ff.
[712] Lassen, "Zeit. d. d. M. G.," 10, 369 ff.
[713] Herod. 2, 2.
[714] Justin, "Hist.," 11, 7; Plut. "Alex.," c. 18; Arrian, "Anab.," 2,
3; Steph. Byzant, [Greek: Gordieion]; Pausan. 1, 4, 5.
[715] Aristoph. "Plut.," 287; Ovid, "Metamorph.," 11, 146.
[716] Arist. "Pol." 8, 55.
[717] Diod. 3, 59.
[718] Herod. 7, 26; Xenoph. "Anab." 1, 2, 8.
[719] Fragm. 128, ed. Mueller.
[720] A communication from Kiepert.
[721] Pollux, 9, 83; Heracl. Pont. Fragm. 11, ed. Mueller.
[722] Euseb. "Chron." 2, 82, ed. Schoene.
[723] [Plato, "Phaedr." 264 D. (Jowett.)]
[724] Diog. Laert. 1, 89; Simonid. Fragm. 57, ed. Bergk; Herod. 1, 14,
35; Strabo, p. 61; "Bergk-Griech. Litteratur-Gesch." 1, 779. The date of
the second Midas is fixed by the observation of Herodotus that the
dedicatory offerings of Midas were older than those of Gyges, and by the
date of the first invasion of the Cimmerians, which will be ascertained
below: the second invasion of the Cimmerians took place far later, in
the time of Ardys of Lydia, _i.e._ at a time when monarchy was no longer
in existence in the Greek cities. Hence I believe that the Midas of the
tomb must be distinguished from the Midas of the dedicatory offering.
[725] The upper inscription of this tomb is as follows: "Ates arkiaevos
akenanogavos Midai lavaltaie vanaktei edaes;" the lower is: "Baba
memavais proitavos kphizan avozos sikeman edaes."--Leake, "Asia Minor,"
p. 22-36; Barth, in Petermann "Geog. Mittheilungen," 1860, s. 91-93;
Lassen, in "Zeit. d. d. M. G." 10, 372. For "lavaltaie" R. Stuart reads
"na-" or "gavaltaie."
[726] Strabo, p. 569; Vitruvius, 2, 1, 5.
[727] Perrot, "Exploration," pp. 218, 224.
[728] Hamilton, "Asia Minor," 1, 95-98, 401, 451; 2, 233-252.
[729] Lucian, "Jup. Trag." c. 8. 42.
[730] Etym. Magn. [Greek: Amma.]
[731] Diod. 3, 59; Livy, 29, 14.
[732] Arist. "Rhet." 3, 2; Ovid. "Fast." 4, 265; Arnoh. "Adv. Gent." 9,
5, 4.
[733] Diod. 3, 59.
[734] Herod. 1, 94. In Hippolytus ("Philosoph." 5, 9, p. 118, ed.
Miller) Atys is called the sun of Rhea. Agdistis appears to have been
androgynous; Paus. 7, 17, 5. Hesych. [Greek: Agdistis]. The chief
priests at Pessinus were always called Atys, according to the
inscriptions of Sivrihissar, cf. Polyb. 22, 20.
[735] Plut. "De Isid." 69.
[736] Arnob. "Adv. Gent." 5, 16; Herodian, 1, 10.
[737] Hippolyt. _loc. cit._, p. 119.
[738] "Il." 3, 187; Hym. Ven. 112.
[739] "Bacch." 55 ff., 120 ff.; Diod. 3, 57.
[740] Herod. 1, 173, and H. Stein _ad loc._; Choerilus in "Joseph. c.
Apion." 1, 22.
[741] "Anab." 1, 2, 21 ff.
[742] Blau, "Num. Achaem. Aram-persic," p. 5.
[743] Lassen, "Zeit. d. d. M. G." 10, 385.
[744] Herod. 7, 91; 5, 118; 7, 98; Xenoph. "Anab." 7, 8, 25.
[745] H. Stein, on Herodotus, 1, 74.
[746] Hellan. fragm. 158, ed Mueller.
[747] Berosi Fragm. 12, ed. Mueller; Abyd. Fragm. 7, ed. Mueller. That
Anchialensium should be read instead of Atheniensium need not be proved
at length.
[748] Arrian, "Anab." 2, 5; Athen. p. 529; Steph. Byz. [Greek:
Anchiale].
[749] Menant, "Annal." pp. 107, 228, 231, 242; G. Smith, "Assurbanipal,"
p. 62.
[750] AEsch. "Persae," 326; Herod. 3, 90; 7, 91, 98; Xenoph. "Anab." 1,
2, 12.
[751] Brandis, "Muenzwesen," s. 348 ff., 354, 497 ff., 574.
[752] 1, 72; cf. 5, 62.
[753] "Il." 2, 857.
[754] "Prom. Vinct." 613-617.
[755] Sandwich, "Siege of Kars," p. 35 of translation. On the Murad
Tshai, near Charput, the best iron is still procured.
[756] Herod. 1, 72; 7, 72.
[757] Fragm. incert. 150, ed. Bergk.
[758] Scymn. Ch. 943.
[759] "Peripl. P. E." c. 20, ed. Mueller.
[760] Plut. "Lucull," 23.
[761] C. 89, 90.
[762] Strabo, p. 533, 544, 737; cf. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1, 948.
[763] Brandis, "Muenzwesen," 308, 427; Blau, "Phoeniz. Muenzkunde," 2,
12, 19. These, and the reasons given above, seem to me sufficient to
prevent my agreeing to Lassen's opinion ("Zeit. d. d. M. G." 10, 377)
that the Cappadocians were an Indo-Germanic tribe.
[764] Herod. 4, 1, 10-12; 1, 103, 104.
[765] "Odyss." 11, 14-19.
[766] "Ranae," 187.
[767] Scym. Ch. 239, 240; Strabo, 244; Virgil, "Aen." 3, 441; Plin.
"Hist. Nat." 3, 9.
[768] Callinus, apud Strabo, 648; Herod. 1, 6, 15, 16; 4, 12.
[769] Aristot. apud Steph. Byz. [Greek: Antandros]: Scymn. Ch. 941.
[770] [Greek: Treres].
[771] Strabo, p. 61, 552, 494. On p. 647 we find "The Treres, a
Cimmerian nation."
[772] Strabo, p. 552.
[773] Strabo, p. 20, 149, 573.
[A] Strabo, p. 61.
[774] Strabo, pp. 627, 647, 61. That in this passage, where Madys is
mentioned a second time with the epithet: the Cimmerian, [Greek:
Skythes] must be read instead of Madys, as Madys has been mentioned just
before, is self-evident.
[775] Thuc. 2, 96; Strabo, p. 59; Theopomp (Fragm. 313, ed. Mueller) call
them Trares.
[776] Herod. 1, 6; Plut. "Marius," 11.
[777] Justin. 2, 4.
[778] Strabo, p. 545; Euseb. "Chron." ann., 1260; Syncell. p. 401, ed.
Dind. Cf. Xenophon, "Anab." 4, 8; Steph. Byzant. [Greek: Trapezous].
[779] Orosius, 1, 21: "Anno ante urbem conditam tricesimo" (Orosius
follows the Catonian era), "tunc etiam Amazonum gentis et Cimmeriorum in
Asiam repentinus incursus plurimam diu lateque vastationem et stragem
edidit." Grote ("History of Greece," 3, 334) objects that if this
statement is allowed to hold good for the Cimmerians, we are justified
in making the same conclusions for the Amazons, who would thus become
historical. The Amazons are connected with the Cimmerians because the
land round Sinope was the abode of the Cimmerians, and it was in this
place that the Amazons were said to have dwelt. I too should be inclined
to give the less weight to the testimony of Orosius, as the number 30
may be a corruption for 300. But the other evidence given is enough to
prove that the Cimmerians immigrated into Asia Minor in the period
between 750 and 700 B.C., and settled round the Halys at the mouth of
the river.
[780] Above, p. 517.
[781] Menant, "Annal." p. 242; G. Smith, "Assurbanipal," pp. 64-72.
[782] Syncell. "Chron." p. 49; Kiepert, "Monatsber. Berl. Akad." 1859,
p. 204.
[783] Perrot, "Explor. Archeol. de la Galatie," pp. 339, 340, 371.
[784] H. Barth, "Reise von Trapezunt nach Skutari," s. 42 ff; Perrot,
_loc. cit._ p. 328 ff.
[785] Barth, "Monatsberichte der Berl. Akad." 1859, s. 142 ff.; Perrot,
"Explor. Archeol. de la Galatie," pp. 330 ff. 352-356.
[786] Perrot, "Explor. Archeol. de la Galatie," p. 157.
[787] Diod. 3, 57; Strabo, pp. 535-537, 557, 559; Plut. "Sulla," c. 9;
Hirt. "Bell. Alex." 66.
[788] "Il." 3, 184-190.
[789] Pausan. 1, 2, 1; Appian, "Bell. Mithrid." 78.
[790] "Prom. Vinct." 723, Suppl. 287. In other passages, following the
later view, he places them in Scythia.
[791] Frag. 25, ed. Mueller.
[792] Strabo, p. 505.
[793] Herod. 9, 27; Plut. "Menex." p. 239; Isocr. "Panegyr." 19.
[794] Diod. 2, 45, 46; 3, 55; Strabo, p. 505; Schol. Apoll. Rhod. 2,
949.
[795] Callim. "in Dian." 237.
[796] "Il." 2, 814; Ephori Fragm. 87, ed. Mueller; Pausan. 7, 2, 7.
According to Diodorus, Priene and Pitane were also founded by the Amazon
Myrina, 3, 55.
[797] Plut. "Thes." 27, 28; Pausan. 2, 32; 3, 25; Diod. 4, 28.
[798] Herod. 4, 189; Diod. 3, 52-55.
[799] Herod. 4, 110-117; Plato, "Legg." p. 804; Hippocr. "De aere," c.
17; Ephor. fragm. 78, 103, ed. Mueller; Ctes. fragm. 25-28, ed. Mueller.
Justinus (2, 4), as remarked, represents Ilinus, and Skolopitus, as
making their way from Scythia to the Thermodon, and when these Scythians
had for many years plundered their neighbours from this centre, they
were attacked and cut down by the conspirators among their neighbours.
Their wives remained; they seized the weapons, and founded a female
kingdom. In order to preserve the race, they came together with the
neighbouring people, but they slew all the male children. Marpesia and
Lampedo, who called themselves daughters of Mars, ruled over this female
kingdom. Then Lampedo with a part of the Amazons marched out and founded
Ephesus, and many other cities; over those who remained behind, when
Marpesia was slain, Antiope and Oreithyia reigned; and in their time
Heracles and Theseus came and carried off two sisters of Antiope. To
avenge this act Oreithyia marched against Athens, supported by the
Scythian king Sagillus, and his son Panasagorus. After Oreithyia,
Penthesilea reigned; after her reign the power of the Amazons declined.
Cf. Steph. Byzant, _s. v._ [Greek: Amazones], where the story which
Herodotus (4, 1-4) tells of the returning Scythians of Madyas is turned
to the advantage of the Amazons.
[800] Plut. "Alex." 46; Curtius, 6, 5; Diod. 17, 77; Strabo, p. 505;
Justin, 2, 4; 12, 3. Cf. Arrian, "Anab." 4, 15.
[801] Arrian, _loc. cit._ 7, 13.
[802] Plut. "Pompeius," c. 35; Appian, "Bell. Mithrid." c. 103.
[803] Strab, pp. 503-505, 547, 550, 552.
[804] Hippoc. "De aere," c. 89, 91. If the name Amazon were Greek, it
could only have been invented in a contrast to [Greek: polymazos], "with
many breasts," the epithet of the Ephesian Artemis, as the goddess of
birth, to denote the maidens devoted to chastity.
[805] Strabo, pp. 591, 680.
[806] Herod. 1, 7, 94; 4, 45; Dion. Hal. 1, 27, 28; "Il." 2, 461;
Strabo, p. 627; Steph. Byz. [Greek: Asia].
[807] Herod. 1, 84; Xanth. Fragm. 10; Nicol. Damasc. Fragm. 26, 29, ed.
Mueller. The legend of Meles is obviously connected with the founding of
Sardis. This Meles therefore cannot be identified with the Heracleid
(the last but two) of the same name. In Nicolaus, Moxus is the successor
of Meles; Fragm. 24, 49.
[808] Xanth. Fragm. 11, 12; Nicol. Dam. Fragm. 25, 28, ed. Mueller.
[809] Diod. 4, 21.
[810] Ephor. Fragm. 9; Pherecyd. Fragm. 3, 4; Maeandri Mil. Fragm. 8;
Clearch. Sol. Fragm. 8, ed. Mueller; Apollod. 2, 6, 3.
[811] Pliny, "Hist. Nat." 25, 5. Cf. Nicol., Dam. Fragm. 49, ed. Mueller,
where Sadyuttes and Lixus are mentioned in the place of the Heracleidae
as the successors of Tylon, _loc. cit._ p. 382, 384.
[812] Herod. 1, 7. According to Apollodorus (2, 7, 8), the son of
Omphale and Heracles was Agelaus; according to Diodorus (4, 31) Heracles
first begot Cleodaeus with a slave, and then Lamus with Omphale. Others
call the son of Omphale and Heracles Meleus (Meles). Others again
represent Sandon, the son of Heracles, as the father of Damalisandus, or
Dalisandus, by Damalis. Cf. Mueller, on Nicol. Fragm. 28.
[813] Joh. Lyd. "De Mens." 3, 14.
[814] Brandis, "Muenzwesen," s. 168, 386.
[815] Hesych. [Greek: Attagathe Athare para to Xantho.] The native name
Athar-ath is found on a coin of Bambyke, in Brandis, _loc. cit._ s. 431.
[816] Joh. Lyd. "De Mag." 3, 64; Plut. "Quaest. Graec." c. 45; "An seni
resp." c. 4; Clearch. Sol. Fragm. 6, ed. Mueller; Ovid. "Heroid." 83-118;
"Fast." 2, 325.
[817] Hupfeld, "Res Lyd." pp. 55, 63, 67.
[818] Joh. Lyd. "De Mens." 4, 46; Lucian. "Dial. Deor." 13, 2.
[819] Compare the Lydian names Sandonis and Sandoces in Herod. 1, 71; 7,
194.
[820] Oppert, "Exped. en Mesopot." 2, 337.
[821] E. Schrader, "Theol. Studien und Kritiken," 1874, 2, 330.
[822] Herod. 1, 93; Athen. pp. 515, 516.
[823] Strabo, p. 641; Paus. 7, 2, 7.
[824] Herod. 3, 48; 8, 105.
[825] Paus. 1, 21; Kiepert, "Monatsberichte d. Berl. Akademie," 1866, s.
298.
[826] Steph. Byz. _s. v._
[827] Lassen, "Z. d. d. M. G." 10, 382 ff; cf. G. Curtius, "Grundzuege."
[828] Herod. 5, 102.
[829] Herodotus (1, 7) says twenty-two generations. But as these,
according to the length which he assumes for a generation, would give a
much longer interval than 505 years, he can only mean twenty-two
sovereigns. That lists of kings existed in Lydia is proved by the
considerable number of names of Atyadae given in Xanthus.
[830] Cf. H. Stein on the passages of Herodotus quoted; in one class of
MSS. Alcaeus, Belus, and Ninus are not found. The city of Ninoe has been
already mentioned (p. 567).
[831] The year 549 B.C., the year of the capture of Sardis, will be
proved below. I believe that we ought to maintain this statement.
Herodotus' total of 170 years for the dynasty of Gyges is untenable in
the face of the Assyrian monuments. According to them Gyges and Ardys
were contemporaries of Assurbanipal, who reigns from 668 to 626 B.C.
Hence for the 170 years of Herodotus we must adopt the number given by
Eusebius, which is 30 years less, and the separate dates of the latter.
[832] Boeckh, "Metrologie," s. 76.
[833] Herod. 1, 94.
[834] Plut. "De Mus." 6; Steph. Byz. [Greek: Asias].
[835] "Il." 18, 291; 10, 431.
[836] P. 572.
[837] Pausan. 2, 22, 3; 5, 13, 7.
[838] AEsch. "Pers." 52; Herod. 7, 74.
[839] Strabo, p. 604, 605, 612; Pausan. 10, 12, 6.
[840] Strabo, p. 469; Plut. "De Fluviis," c. 13.
[841] Herod. 1, 171; 5, 119.
[842] Thuc. 1, 8; Isoc. "Panath." p. 241. On the Carians in Samos and
Chios, see Diod. 5, 84; Strabo, p. 457, 633-637, 661; Paus. 7, 2, 5, 8,
9, 10.
[843] Archiloch. Fragm. 23, ed. Bergk; Euseb. "Chron." 1, 321, ed.
Auch.; cf. Bunsen, "AEgypten," 5, 4, 5, s. 427.
[844] Herod. 5, 118, 119; Strabo, p. 660.
[845] "Il." 2, 872.
[846] Alcaeus and Anacreon in Strabo, p. 661; Herod. 1, 171.
[847] Brandis, "Muenzwesen," s. 338.
[848] "Quaest. Graecae," c. 45.
[849] Lassen, "Zeit. d. d. M. G.," 10, 381.
[850] Boeckh, "Corp. Inscript." 26, 93.
[851] AElian, "Hist. Anim." 12, 30.
[852] 1, 173; 7, 92.
[853] Heracl. Pont. Fragm. 15; Nicol. Damasc. Fragm. 129, ed. Mueller.
[854] Strabo, p. 664.
[855] Strabo, p. 665.
[856] Herod. 1, 182; Serv. ad AEneid, 4, 143. Pausanias (1, 19, 3) says
that the Lyceum at Athens was a sanctuary of Apollo Lyceus; the "Iliad"
(5, 171) represents Lycaon as ruling in Lycia.
[857] Lassen, "Z. d. d. M. G." 10, 335 ff; Blau, _ibid._ 17, 667.
[858] Steph. Byzant., [Greek: Arna]: Fellowes, "Lyc. Coins," pl. 12, 7.
[859] Blau ("Z. d. d. M. G." 17, 649 ff) sustains the first view,
Savelsberg and M. Schmidt the second; M. Schmidt, "Lyc. Inscript."
[860] Fellowes, "Account," p. 174, 194; "Lyc. Coins," pl. x. 1, 2, 3.
[861] Ross, "Kleinasien," s. 57.
[862] Lassen, "Z. d. d. M. G." 10, 348.
[863] Ross, "Kleinasien," s. 51.
[864] Ross, _loc. cit._ s. 35.
THE END.
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