[13] Upon the application of archbishop Herring and P. Collinson,
Esq. at Dr. Franklin's request, (aided by the letters of Mr. Allen
and Mr. Peters,) the Hon. Thomas Penn, Esq. subscribed an annual sum,
and afterwards gave at least 5000_l._ to the founding or engrafting the
college upon the academy.
"_Philad. April 18th, 1754._
"DEAR SIR,
"I have had but one letter from you since your arrival in
England, which was but a short one, _via_ Boston, dated October
18th, acquainting me that you had written largely by Captain
Davis.--Davis was lost, and with him your letters, to my great
disappointment.--Mesnard and Gibbon have since arrived here, and I
hear nothing from you. My comfort is, an imagination that you only
omit writing because you are coming, and propose to tell me every
thing _viva voce_. So not knowing whether this letter will reach you,
and hoping either to see or hear from you by the Myrtilla, Captain
Budden's ship, which is daily expected, I only add, that I am, with
great esteem and affection
"Your's, &c.
"B. FRANKLIN.
"_Mr. Smith._"
About a month after the date of this last letter, the gentleman to
whom it was addressed arrived in Philadelphia, and was immediately
placed at the head of the seminary; whereby Dr. Franklin and the
other trustees were enabled to prosecute their plan, for perfecting
the institution, and opening the college upon the large and liberal
foundation on which it now stands; for which purpose they obtained
their additional charter, dated May 27th, 1755.
Thus far we thought it proper to exhibit in one view Dr. Franklin's
services in the foundation and establishment of this seminary. He
soon afterwards embarked for England, in the public service of his
country; and having been generally employed abroad, in the like
service, for the greatest part of the remainder of his life, (as
will appear in our subsequent account of the same) he had but few
opportunities of taking any further active part in the affairs of
the seminary, until his final return in the year 1785, when he found
its charters violated, and his ancient colleagues, the original
founders, deprived of their trust, by an act of the legislature; and
although his own name had been inserted amongst the new trustees,
yet he declined to take his seat among them, or any concern in the
management of their affairs, till the institution was restored by
law to its original owners. He then assembled his old colleagues at
his own house, and being chosen their president, all their future
meetings were, at his request, held there, till within a few months
of his death, when with reluctance, and at their desire, lest he
might be too much injured by his attention to their business, he
suffered them to meet at the college.
Franklin not only gave birth to many useful institutions himself,
but he was also instrumental in promoting those which had originated
with other men. About the year 1752, an eminent physician of this
city, Dr. Bond, considering the deplorable state of the poor when
visited with disease, conceived the idea of establishing an hospital.
Notwithstanding very great exertions on his part, he was able to
interest few people so far in his benevolent plan, as to obtain
subscriptions from them. Unwilling that his scheme should prove
abortive, he sought the aid of Franklin, who readily engaged in
the business, both by using his influence with his friends, and by
stating the advantageous influence of the proposed institution in his
paper. These efforts were attended with success. Considerable sums
were subscribed; but they were still short of what was necessary.
Franklin now made another exertion. He applied to the assembly; and,
after some opposition, obtained leave to bring in a bill, specifying,
that as soon as two thousand pounds were subscribed, the same sum
should be drawn from the treasury by the speaker's warrant, to be
applied to the purposes of the institution. The opposition, as the
sum was granted upon a contingency which they supposed would never
take place, were silent, and the bill passed. The friends of the plan
now redoubled their efforts, to obtain subscriptions to the amount
stated in the bill, and were soon successful. This was the foundation
of the Pennsylvanian Hospital, which, with the Bettering-house, and
Dispensary, bears ample testimony of the humanity of the citizens of
Philadelphia.
Dr. Franklin had conducted himself so well in the office of
post-master, and had shown himself to be so well acquainted with
the business of that department, that it was thought expedient to
raise him to a more dignified station. In 1753 he was appointed
deputy post-master general for the British colonies. The profits
arising from the postage of letters formed no inconsiderable part
of the revenue, which the crown of Great Britain derived from these
colonies. In the hands of Franklin, it is said, that the post-office
in America, yielded annually thrice as much as that of Ireland.
The American colonies were much exposed to depredations on their
frontiers, by the Indians; and more particularly whenever a war took
place between France and England. The colonies, individually, were
either too weak to take efficient measures for their own defence,
or they were unwilling to take upon themselves the whole burden of
erecting forts and maintaining garrisons, whilst their neighbours,
who partook equally with themselves of the advantages, contributed
nothing to the expence. Sometimes also the disputes, which subsisted
between the governors and assemblies, prevented the adoption of means
of defence; as we have seen was the case in Pennsylvania in 1745.
To devise a plan of union between the colonies, to regulate this
and other matters, appeared a desirable object. To accomplish this,
in the year 1754, commissioners from New Hampshire, Massachussets,
Rhode Island, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, met at Albany.
Dr. Franklin attended here, as a commissioner from Pennsylvania,
and produced a plan, which, from the place of meeting, has been
usually termed, "The Albany plan of Union." This proposed, that
application should be made for an act of parliament, to establish
in the colonies a general government, to be administered by a
president-general, appointed by the crown, and by a grand council,
consisting of members, chosen by the representatives of the different
colonies; their number to be in direct proportion to the sums paid
by each colony into the general treasury, with this restriction,
that no colony should have more than seven, nor less than two
representatives. The whole executive authority was committed to
the president-general. The power of legislation was lodged in the
grand council and president-general jointly; his consent being made
necessary to passing a bill into a law. The power vested in the
president and council was, to declare war and peace, and to conclude
treaties with the Indian nations; to regulate trade with, and to make
purchases of vacant lands from them, either in the name of the crown,
or of the union; to settle new colonies, to make laws for governing
these until they should be erected into separate governments; and
to raise troops, build forts, and fit out armed vessels, and to use
other means for the general defence; and, to effect these things, a
power was given to make laws, laying such duties, imposts, or taxes,
as they should find necessary, and as would be least burdensome
to the people. All laws were to be sent to England for the king's
approbation; and unless disapproved of within three years, were to
remain in force. All officers in the land or sea service were to be
nominated by the president-general, and approved of by the general
council; civil officers were to be nominated by the council, and
approved of by the president. Such are the outlines of the plan
proposed, for the consideration of the congress, by Dr. Franklin.
After several days' discussion, it was unanimously agreed to by the
commissioners, a copy transmitted to each assembly, and one to the
king's council. The fate of it was singular. It was disapproved of by
the ministry of Great Britain, because it gave too much power to the
representatives of the people; and it was rejected by every assembly,
as giving to the president-general, the representative of the crown,
an influence greater than appeared to them proper, in a plan of
government intended for freemen. Perhaps this rejection, on both
sides, is the strongest proof that could be adduced of the excellence
of it, as suited to the situation of America and Great Britain at
that time. It appears to have steered exactly in the middle between
the opposite interests of both.
Whether the adoption of this plan would have prevented the separation
of America from Great Britain, is a question which might afford much
room for speculation. It may be said, that, by enabling the colonies
to defend themselves, it would have removed the pretext upon which
the stamp-act, tea-act, and other acts of the British parliament,
were passed; which excited a spirit of opposition, and laid the
foundation for the separation of the two countries. But, on the other
hand, it must be admitted, that the restriction laid by Great Britain
upon our commerce, obliging us to sell our produce to her citizens
only, and to take from them various articles, of which, as our
manufactures were discouraged, we stood in need, at a price greater
than that for which they could have been obtained from other nations,
must inevitably produce dissatisfaction, even though no duties were
imposed by the parliament; a circumstance which might still have
taken place. Besides, as the president-general was to be appointed
by the crown, he must, of necessity, be devoted to its views, and
would, therefore, refuse his assent to any laws, however salutary
to the community, which had the most remote tendency to injure the
interests of his sovereign. Even should they receive his assent, the
approbation of the king was to be necessary; who would indubitably,
in every instance, prefer the advantage of his home dominions to
that of his colonies. Hence would ensue perpetual disagreements
between the council and the president-general, and thus, between
the people of America and the crown of Great Britain:--While the
colonies continued weak, they would be obliged to submit, and as soon
as they acquired strength they would become more urgent in their
demands, until, at length, they would shake off the yoke, and declare
themselves independent.
Whilst the French were in possession of Canada, their trade with
the natives extended very far; even to the back of the British
settlements. They were disposed, from time to time, to establish
posts within the territory, which the English claimed as their own.
Independent of the injury to the fur trade, which was considerable,
the colonies suffered this further inconvenience, that the Indians
were frequently instigated to commit depredations on their frontiers.
In the year 1753, encroachments were made upon the boundaries of
Virginia. Remonstrances had no effect. In the ensuing year, a body
of men were sent out under the command of Mr. Washington, who,
though a very young man, had, by his conduct in the preceding year,
shewn himself worthy of such an important trust. Whilst marching
to take possession of the post at the junction of the Allegany and
Monongahela, he was informed that the French had already erected
a fort there. A detachment of their men marched against him. He
fortified himself as strongly as time and circumstances would
admit. A superiority of numbers soon obliged him to surrender _Fort
Necessity_. He obtained honourable terms for himself and men, and
returned to Virginia. The government of Great Britain now thought
it necessary to interfere. In the year 1755, General Braddock, with
some regiments of regular troops, and provincial levies, was sent
to dispossess the French of the posts upon which they had seized.
After the men were all ready, a difficulty occurred, which had nearly
prevented the expedition. This was the want of waggons. Franklin now
stepped forward, and with the assistance of his son, in a little time
procured a hundred and fifty. Braddock unfortunately fell into an
ambuscade, and perished, with a number of his men. Washington, who
had accompanied him as an aid-de-camp, and had warned him, in vain,
of his danger, now displayed great military talents in effecting a
retreat of the remains of the army, and in forming a junction with
the rear, under colonel Dunbar, upon whom the chief command now
devolved. With some difficulty they brought their little body to a
place of safety; but they found it necessary to destroy their waggons
and baggage, to prevent them falling into the hands of the enemy. For
the waggons which he had furnished, Franklin had given bonds to a
large amount. The owners declared their intention of obliging him to
make a restitution of their property. Had they put their threats in
execution, ruin must inevitably have been the consequence. Governor
Shirley, finding that he had incurred these debts for the service of
government, made arrangements to have them discharged, and released
Franklin from his disagreeable situation.
The alarm spread through the colonies, after the defeat of Braddock,
was very great. Preparations to arm were every where made. In
Pennsylvania, the prevalence of the Quaker interest prevented the
adoption of any system of defence, which would compel the citizens
to bear arms. Franklin introduced into the assembly a bill for
organizing a militia, by which every man was allowed to take arms or
not, as to him should appear fit. The Quakers, being thus left at
liberty, suffered the bill to pass; for although their principles
would not suffer them to fight, they had no objection to their
neighbours fighting for them. In consequence of this act a very
respectable militia was formed. The sense of impending danger infused
a military spirit in all, whose religious tenets were not opposed to
war. Franklin was appointed colonel of a regiment in Philadelphia,
which consisted of 1200 men.
The north-western frontier being invaded by the enemy, it became
necessary to adopt measures for its defence. Franklin was directed
by the governor to take charge of this. A power of raising men,
and of appointing officers to command them, was vested in him. He
soon levied a body of troops, with which he repaired to the place
at which their presence was necessary. Here he built a fort, and
placed a garrison in such a posture of defence, as would enable them
to withstand the inroads, to which the inhabitants had previously
been exposed. He remained here for some time, in order the more
completely to discharge the trust committed to him. Some business of
importance at length rendered his presence necessary in the assembly,
and he returned to Philadelphia.
The defence of her colonies was a great expence to Great Britain.
The most effectual mode of lessening this was, to put arms into the
hands of the inhabitants, and to teach them their use. But England
wished not that the Americans should become acquainted with their
own strength. She was apprehensive, that, as soon as this period
arrived, they would no longer submit to that monopoly of their trade,
which to them was highly injurious, but extremely advantageous to the
mother-country. In comparison with the profits of this, the expence
of maintaining armies and fleets to defend them was trifling. She
fought to keep them dependent upon her for protection; the best plan
which could be devised for retaining them in peaceable subjection.
The least appearance of a military spirit was therefore to be guarded
against, and, although a war then raged, the act for organizing a
militia was disapproved of by the ministry. The regiments which had
been formed under it were disbanded, and the defence of the province
entrusted to regular troops.
The disputes between the proprietaries and the people continued in
full force, although a war was raging on the frontiers. Not even
the sense of danger was sufficient to reconcile, for ever so short
a time, their jarring interests. The assembly still insisted upon
the justice of taxing the proprietary estates, but the governors
constantly refused their assent to this measure, without which no
bill could pass into a law. Enraged at the obstinacy, and what
they conceived to be unjust proceedings of their opponents, the
assembly at length determined to apply to the mother-country for
relief. A petition was addressed to the king, in council, stating
the inconveniencies under which the inhabitants laboured, from the
attention of the proprietaries to their private interests, to the
neglect of the general welfare of the community, and praying for
redress. Franklin was appointed to present this address, as agent
for the province of Pennsylvania, and departed from America in June,
1757. In conformity to the instructions which he had received from
the legislature, he held a conference with the proprietaries who
then resided in England, and endeavoured to prevail upon them to
give up the long contested point. Finding that they would harken to
no terms of accommodation, he laid his petition before the Council.
During this time governor Denny assented to a law imposing a tax,
in which no discrimination was made in favour of the estates of the
Penn family. They, alarmed at this intelligence, and Franklin's
exertions, used their utmost endeavours to prevent the royal sanction
being given to this law, which they represented as highly iniquitous,
designed to throw the burden of supporting government upon them, and
calculated to produce the most ruinous consequences to them and their
posterity. The cause was amply discussed before the privy Council.
The Penns found here some strenuous advocates; nor were there wanting
some who warmly espoused the side of the people. After some time
spent in debate, a proposal was made, that Franklin should solemnly
engage, that the assessment of the tax should be so made, as that the
proprietary estates should pay no more than a due proportion. This
he agreed to perform; the Penn family withdrew their opposition, and
tranquillity was thus once more restored to the province.
The mode in which this dispute was terminated is a striking proof
of the high opinion entertained of Franklin's integrity and honour,
even by those who considered him as inimical to their views. Nor
was their confidence ill-founded. The assessment was made upon the
strictest principles of equity; and the proprietary estates bore only
a proportionable share of the expences of supporting government.
After the completion of this important business, Franklin remained
at the court of Great Britain, as agent for the province of
Pennsylvania. The extensive knowledge which he possessed of the
situation of the colonies, and the regard which he always manifested
for their interests, occasioned his appointment to the same office by
the colonies of Massachussets, Maryland, and Georgia. His conduct,
in this situation, was such as rendered him still more dear to his
countrymen.
He had now an opportunity of indulging in the society of those
friends, whom his merits had procured him while at a distance. The
regard which they had entertained for him was rather increased by
a personal acquaintance. The opposition which had been made to his
discoveries in philosophy gradually ceased, and the rewards of
literary merit were abundantly conferred upon him. The Royal Society
of London, which had at first refused his performances admission into
its transactions, now thought it an honour to rank him amongst its
fellows. Other societies of Europe were equally ambitious of calling
him a member. The university of St. Andrew's, in Scotland, conferred
upon him the degree of Doctor of Laws. Its example was followed by
the universities of Edinburgh and Oxford. His correspondence was
sought for by the most eminent philosophers of Europe. His letters
to these abound with true science, delivered in the most simple
unadorned manner.
The province of Canada was at this time in the possession of the
French, who had originally settled it. The trade with the Indians,
for which its situation was very convenient, was exceedingly
lucrative. The French traders here found a market for their
commodities, and received in return large quantities of rich
furs, which they disposed of at a high price in Europe. Whilst
the possession of this country was highly advantageous to France,
it was a grievous inconvenience to the inhabitants of the British
colonies. The Indians were almost generally desirous to cultivate the
friendship of the French, by whom they were abundantly supplied with
arms and ammunition. Whenever a war happened, the Indians were ready
to fall upon the frontiers: and this they frequently did, even when
Great Britain and France were at peace. From these considerations, it
appeared to be the interest of Great Britain to gain the possession
of Canada. But the importance of such an acquisition was not well
understood in England. Franklin about this time published his
Canada pamphlet, in which he, in a forcible manner, pointed out the
advantages which would result from the conquest of this province.
An expedition against it was planned, and the command given to
General Wolfe. His success is well known. At the treaty in 1762,
France ceded Canada to Great Britain, and by her cession of
Louisiana, at the same time, relinquished all her possessions on the
continent of America.
Although Dr. Franklin was now principally occupied with political
pursuits, he found time for philosophical studies. He extended
his researches in electricity, and made a variety of experiments,
particularly on the tourmalin. The singular properties which this
stone possesses of being electrified on one side positively and on
the other negatively, by heat alone, without friction, had been but
lately observed.
Some experiments on the cold produced by evaporation, made by Dr.
Cullen, had been communicated to Dr. Franklin, by Professor Simpson,
of Glasgow. These he repeated, and found, that, by the evaporation
of æther in the exhausted receiver of an air-pump, so great a degree
of cold was produced in a summer's day, that water was converted
into ice. This discovery he applied to the solution of a number of
phenomena, particularly a singular fact, which philosophers had
endeavoured in vain to account for, viz. that the temperature of the
human body, when in health, never exceeds 96 degrees of Fahrenheit's
thermometer, though the atmosphere which surrounds it may be heated
to a much greater degree. This he attributed to the increased
perspiration, and consequent evaporation, produced by the heat.
In a letter to Mr. Small, of London, dated in May, 1760, Dr. Franklin
makes a number of observations, tending to show that, in North
America, north-east storms begin in the south-west parts. It appears,
from actual observations, that a north-east storm, which extended a
considerable distance, commenced at Philadelphia near four hours
before it was felt at Boston. He endeavoured to account for this,
by supposing that, from heat, some rarefaction takes place about
the gulph of Mexico, that the air further north rushes in, and is
succeeded by the cooler and denser air still farther north, and that
thus a continual current is at length produced.
The tone produced by rubbing the brim of a drinking-glass with a wet
finger, had been generally known. A Mr. Puckeridge, an Irishman,
by placing on a table a number of glasses of different sizes, and
tuning them by partly filling them with water, endeavoured to form an
instrument capable of playing tunes. He was prevented by an untimely
end, from bringing his invention to any degree of perfection. After
his death some improvements were made upon his plan. The sweetness of
the tones induced Dr. Franklin to make a variety of experiments; and
he at length formed that elegant instrument which he has called the
_Armonica_.
In the summer of 1762, he returned to America. On his passage he
observed the singular effect produced by the agitation of a vessel,
containing oil, floating on water. The surface of the oil remains
smooth and undisturbed, whilst the water is agitated with the utmost
commotion. No satisfactory explanation of this appearance has, we
believe, ever been given.
Dr. Franklin received the thanks of the assembly of Pennsylvania,
"as well for the faithful discharge of his duty to that province in
particular, as for the many and important services done to America in
general, during his residence in Great Britain." A compensation of
5000_l._, Pennsylvania currency, was also decreed him for his services
during six years.
During his absence he had been annually elected member of the
assembly. On his return to Pennsylvania he again took his seat in
this body, and continued a steady defender of the liberties of the
people.
In December 1762, a circumstance which caused great alarm in the
province took place. A number of Indians had resided in the county of
Lancaster, and conducted themselves uniformly as friends to the white
inhabitants. Repeated depredations on the frontiers had exasperated
the inhabitants to such a degree, that they determined on revenge
upon every Indian. A number of persons, to the number of about 120,
principally inhabitants of Donegal and Peckstang or Paxton township,
in the county of York, assembled; and, mounted on horseback,
proceeded to the settlement of these harmless and defenceless
Indians, whose number had now been reduced to about twenty. The
Indians had received intelligence of the attack which was intended
against them, but disbelieved it. Considering the white people as
their friends, they apprehended no danger from them. When the party
arrived at the Indian settlement, they found only some women and
children, and a few old men, the rest being absent at work. They
murdered all whom they found, and amongst others the chief Shaheas,
who had been always distinguished for his friendship to the whites.
This bloody deed excited much indignation in the well-disposed part
of the community.
The remainder of these unfortunate Indians, who by absence, had
escaped the massacre, were conducted to Lancaster, and lodged in
the gaol as a place of security. The governor issued a proclamation
expressing the strongest disapprobation of the action, offering
a reward for the discovery of the perpetrators of the deed, and
prohibiting all injuries to the peaceable Indians in future. But,
notwithstanding this, a party of the same men shortly after marched
to Lancaster, broke open the gaol, and inhumanly butchered the
innocent Indians, who had been placed there for security. Another
proclamation was issued, but it had no effect. A detachment marched
down to Philadelphia, for the express purpose of murdering some
friendly Indians, who had been removed to the city for safety. A
number of the citizens armed in their defence. The quakers, whose
principles are opposed to fighting, even in their own defence, were
most active upon this occasion. The rioters came to Germantown. The
governor fled for safety to the house of Dr. Franklin, who, with
some others, advanced to meet the Paxton boys, as they were called,
and had influence enough to prevail upon them to relinquish their
undertaking, and return to their homes.
The disputes between the proprietaries and the assembly, which, for
a time, had subsided, were again revived. The proprietaries were
dissatisfied with the concessions made in favour of the people, and
made great struggles to recover the privilege of exempting their
estates from taxation, which they had been induced to give up.
In 1763, the assembly passed a militia-bill, to which the governor
refused to give his assent, unless the assembly would agree to
certain amendments which he proposed. These consisted in increasing
the fines, and in some cases, substituting death for fines. He wished
too, that the officers should be appointed altogether by himself,
and not be nominated by the people, as the bill had proposed. These
amendments the assembly considered as inconsistent with the spirit of
liberty. They would not adopt them--the governor was obstinate, and
the bill was lost.
These, and various other circumstances, encreased the uneasiness
which subsisted between the proprietaries and the assembly, to such
a degree, that, in 1764, a petition to the king was agreed to by
the house, praying an alteration from a _proprietary_ to a _regal_
government. Great opposition was made to this measure, not only in
the house, but in the public prints. A speech of Mr. Dickenson on
the subject was published, with a preface by Dr. Smith, in which
great pains were taken to show the impropriety and impolicy of this
proceeding. A speech of Mr. Galloway, in reply to Mr. Dickenson,
was published, accompanied with a preface by Dr. Franklin, in
which he ably opposed the principles laid down in the preface to
Mr. Dickenson's speech. This application to the throne produced no
effect. The proprietary government was still continued.
At the election of a new assembly, in the fall of 1764, the friends
of the proprietaries made great exertions to exclude those of the
adverse party; and they obtained a small majority in the city of
Philadelphia. Franklin now lost his seat in the house, which he had
held for fourteen years. On the meeting of the assembly, it appeared
there was still a decided majority of Franklin's friends. He was
immediately appointed provincial agent, to the great chagrin of his
enemies, who made a solemn protest against his appointment, which was
refused admission upon the minutes, as being unprecedented. It was,
however, published in the papers, and produced a spirited reply from
him, just before his departure for England.
The disturbances produced in America by Mr. Grenville's stamp-act,
and the opposition made to it, are well known. Under the marquis
of Rockingham's administration, it appeared expedient to endeavour
to calm the minds of the colonists; and the repeal of the odious
tax was contemplated. Amongst other means of collecting information
on the disposition of the people to submit to it, Dr. Franklin was
called to the bar of the house of commons. The examination which
he underwent was published, and contains a striking account of the
extent and accuracy of his information, and the facility with which
he communicated his sentiments. He represented facts in so strong a
point of view, that the inexpediency of the act must have appeared
clear to every unprejudiced mind. The act, after some opposition, was
repealed, about a year after it was enacted, and before it had ever
been carried into execution.
In the year 1766, he made a visit to Holland and Germany, and
received the greatest marks of attention from men of science. In
his passage through Holland he learned from the watermen the effect
which a diminution of the quantity of water in canals has, in
impeding the progress of boats. Upon his return to England, he was
led to make a number of experiments, all of which tended to confirm
the observation. These, with an explanation of the phenomenon, he
communicated in a letter to his friend, Sir John Pringle, which will
be found among his philosophical pieces.
In the following year he travelled into France, where he met a no
less favorable reception than he had experienced in Germany. He was
introduced to a number of literary characters, and to the king, Louis
XV.
Several letters written by Hutchinson, Oliver, and others, to persons
in eminent stations in Great Britain, came into the hands of Dr.
Franklin. These contained the most violent invectives against the
leading characters of the state of Massachussets, and strenuously
advised the prosecution of vigorous measures, to compel the people
to obedience to the measures of the ministry. These he transmitted
to the legislature, by whom they were published. Attested copies of
them were sent to Great Britain, with an address, praying the king
to discharge from office persons who had rendered themselves so
obnoxious to the people, and who had shown themselves so unfriendly
to their interests. The publication of these letters produced a
duel between Mr. Whately and Mr. Temple, each of whom was suspected
of having been instrumental in procuring them. To prevent any
farther disputes on this subject, Dr. Franklin, in one of the public
papers, declared that he had sent them to America, but would give no
information concerning the manner in which he had obtained them--nor
was this ever discovered.
Shortly after, the petition of the Massachussets assembly was taken
up for examination, before the privy council. Dr. Franklin attended,
as agent for the assembly; and here a torrent of the most violent
and unwarranted abuse was poured upon him by the solicitor-general,
Wedderburne, who was engaged as council for Oliver and Hutchinson.
The petition was declared to be scandalous and vexatious, and the
prayer of it refused.
Although the parliament of Great Britain had repealed the stamp-act,
it was only upon the principle of expediency. They still insisted
upon their right to tax the colonies; and, at the same time that
the stamp-act was repealed, an act was passed, declaring the
right of parliament to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever.
This language was used even by the most strenuous opposers of the
stamp-act: and, amongst others, by Mr. Pitt. This right was never
recognized by the colonists; but, as they flattered themselves that
it would not be exercised, they were not very active in remonstrating
against it. Had this pretended right been suffered to remain
dormant, the colonists would cheerfully have furnished their quota
of supplies, in the mode to which they had been accustomed; that
is, by acts of their own assemblies, in consequence of requisitions
from the secretary of state. If this practice had been pursued, such
was the disposition of the colonies towards their mother-country,
that, notwithstanding the disadvantages under which they laboured,
from restraints upon their trade, calculated solely for the benefit
of the commercial and manufacturing interests of Great Britain,
a separation of the two countries might have been a far distant
event. The Americans, from their earliest infancy, were taught to
venerate a people from whom they were descended; whose language,
laws, and manners, were the same as their own. They looked up to them
as models of perfection; and, in their prejudiced minds, the most
enlightened nations of Europe were considered as almost barbarians,
in comparison with Englishmen. The name of an Englishman conveyed to
an American the idea of every thing good and great. Such sentiments
instilled into them in early life, what but a repetition of unjust
treatment could have induced them to entertain the most distant
thought of separation! The duties on glass, paper, leather, painters'
colours, tea, &c. the disfranchisement of some of the colonies;
the obstruction to the measures of the legislature in others, by
the king's governors; the contemptuous treatment of their humble
remonstrances, stating their grievances, and praying a redress of
them, and other violent and oppressive measures, at length excited an
ardent spirit of opposition. Instead of endeavouring to allay this
by a more lenient conduct, the ministry seemed resolutely bent upon
reducing the colonies to the most slavish obedience to their decrees.
But this only tended to aggravate. Vain were all the efforts made
use of to prevail upon them to lay aside their designs, to convince
them of the impossibility of carrying them into effect, and of the
mischievous consequences which must ensue from a continuance of the
attempts. They persevered, with a degree of inflexibility scarcely
paralleled.
The advantages which Great Britain derived from her colonies were
so great, that nothing but a degree of infatuation, little short of
madness, could have produced a continuance of measures calculated to
keep up a spirit of uneasiness, which might occasion the slightest
wish for a separation. When we consider the great improvements in the
science of government, the general diffusion of the principles of
liberty amongst the people of Europe, the effects which these have
already produced in France, and the probable consequences which will
result from them elsewhere, all of which are the offspring of the
American revolution, it cannot but appear strange, that events of so
great moment to the happiness of mankind, should have been ultimately
occasioned by the wickedness or ignorance of a British ministry.
Dr. Franklin left nothing untried to prevail upon the ministry to
consent to a change of measures. In private conversations, and in
letters to persons in government, he continually expatiated upon
the impolicy and injustice of their conduct towards America; and
stated, that, notwithstanding the attachment of the colonists to
the mother-country, a repetition of ill treatment must ultimately
alienate their affections. They listened not to his advice. They
blindly persevered in their own schemes, and left to the colonists
no alternative, but opposition, or unconditional submission. The
latter accorded not with the principles of freedom, which they had
been taught to revere. To the former they were compelled, though
reluctantly, to have recourse.
Dr. Franklin, finding all efforts to restore harmony between Great
Britain and her colonies useless, returned to America in the year
1775; just after the commencement of hostilities. The day after his
return he was elected by the legislature of Pennsylvania a delegate
to congress. Not long after his election a committee was appointed,
consisting of Mr. Lynch, Mr. Harrison, and himself, to visit the camp
at Cambridge, and, in conjunction with the commander in chief, to
endeavour to convince the troops, whose term of enlistment was about
to expire, of the necessity of their continuing in the field, and
persevering in the cause of their country.
In the fall of the same year he visited Canada, to endeavour to unite
them in the common cause of liberty; but they could not be prevailed
upon to oppose the measures of the British government. M. Le Roy,
in a letter annexed to Abbé Fauchet's eulogium of Dr. Franklin,
states, that the ill success of this negociation was occasioned, in a
great degree, by religious animosities, which subsisted between the
Canadians and their neighbours, some of whom had at different times
burnt their chapels.
When Lord Howe came to America, in 1776, vested with power to treat
with the colonists, a correspondence took place between him and
Dr. Franklin, on the subject of a reconciliation. Dr. Franklin was
afterwards appointed, together with John Adams, and Edward Rutledge,
to wait upon the commissioners, in order to learn the extent of their
powers. These were found to be only to grant pardons upon submission.
Such terms which could not be accepted; and the object of the
commissioners was not obtained.
The momentous question of independence was shortly after brought
into view, at a time when the fleets and armies, which were sent to
enforce obedience, were truly formidable. With an army, numerous
indeed, but ignorant of discipline, and entirely unskilled in
the art of war, without money, without a fleet, without allies,
and with nothing but the love of liberty to support them, the
colonists determined to separate from a country, from which they had
experienced a repetition of injury and insult. In this question, Dr.
Franklin was decidedly in favour of the measure proposed, and had
great influence in bringing others to his sentiments.
The public mind had been prepared for this event, by Mr. Paine's
celebrated pamphlet, _Common Sense_. There is good reason to
believe that Dr. Franklin had no inconsiderable share, at least, in
furnishing materials for this work.
In the convention which assembled at Philadelphia in 1776, for
the purpose of establishing a new form of government for the
state of Pennsylvania, Dr. Franklin was chosen president. The
late constitution of this state, which was the result of their
deliberations, may be considered as a digest of his principles of
government. The single legislature, and the plural executive, seem to
have been his favourite tenets.
In the latter end of 1776, Dr. Franklin was appointed to assist in
the negociation which had been set on foot by Silas Deane at the
court of France. A conviction of the advantages of a commercial
intercourse with America, and a desire of weakening the British
empire by dismembering it, first induced the French court to listen
to proposals of an alliance. But they shewed rather a reluctance
to the measure, which, by Dr. Franklin's address, and particularly
by the success of the American arms against general Burgoyne, was
at length overcome; and in February, 1778, a treaty of alliance,
offensive and defensive, was concluded; in consequence of which
France became involved in the war with Great Britain.
Perhaps no person could have been found more capable of rendering
essential services to the United States at the court of France, than
Dr. Franklin. He was well known as a philosopher, and his character
was held in the highest estimation. He was received with the greatest
marks of respect by all the literary characters; and this respect was
extended amongst all classes of men. His personal influence was hence
very considerable. To the effects of this were added those of various
performances which he published, tending to establish the credit and
character of the United States. To his exertions in this way, may, in
no small degree, be ascribed the success of the loans negociated in
Holland and France, which greatly contributed to bring the war to a
conclusion.
The repeated ill success of their arms, and more particularly the
capture of Cornwallis and his army, at length convinced the British
nation of the impossibility of reducing the Americans to subjection.
The trading interest particularly became clamorous for peace. The
ministry were unable longer to oppose their wishes. Provisional
articles of peace were agreed to, and signed at Paris on the 30th of
November, 1782, by Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, Mr. Jay, and Mr. Laurens,
on the part of the United States; and by Mr. Oswald on the part of
Great Britain. These formed the basis of the definitive treaty, which
was concluded the 3d of September, 1783, and signed by Dr. Franklin,
Mr. Adams, and Mr. Jay, on the one part, and by Mr. David Hartly on
the other.
On the third of April, 1783, a treaty of amity and commerce, between
the United States and Sweden, was concluded at Paris, by Dr. Franklin
and the Count Von Krutz.
A similar treaty with Prussia was concluded in 1785, not long before
Dr. Franklin's departure from Europe.
Dr. Franklin did not suffer his political pursuits to engross his
whole attention. Some of his performances made their appearance in
Paris. The object of these was generally the promotion of industry
and economy.
In the year 1784, when animal magnetism made great noise in the
world, particularly at Paris, it was thought a matter of such
importance, that the king appointed commissioners to examine into
the foundation of this pretended science. Dr. Franklin was one of
the number. After a fair and diligent examination, in the course of
which Mesmer repeated a number of experiments, in the presence of
the commissioners, some of which were tried upon themselves, they
determined that it was a mere trick, intended to impose upon the
ignorant and credulous--Mesmer was thus interrupted in his career to
wealth and fame, and a most insolent attempt to impose upon the human
understanding baffled.
The important ends of Dr. Franklin's mission being completed by the
establishment of American independence, and the infirmities of age
and disease coming upon him, he became desirous of returning to
his native country. Upon application to congress to be recalled,
Mr. Jefferson was appointed to succeed him in 1785. Some time in
September of the same year Dr. Franklin arrived in Philadelphia. He
was shortly after chosen member of the supreme executive council for
the city; and soon after was elected president of the same.
When a convention was called to meet in Philadelphia, in 1787, for
the purpose of giving more energy to the government of the union, by
revising and amending the articles of confederation, Dr. Franklin was
appointed a delegate from the State of Pennsylvania. He signed the
constitution which they proposed for the union, and gave it the most
unequivocal marks of his approbation.
A society for political enquiries, of which Dr. Franklin was
president, was established about this period. The meetings were
held at his house. Two or three essays read in this society were
published. It did not long continue.
In the year 1787, two societies were established in Philadelphia,
founded on the principles of the most liberal and refined
humanity--_The Philadelphia Society for alleviating the miseries
of public prisons; and the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the
abolition of slavery, the relief of free negroes unlawfully held in
bondage, and the improvement of the condition of the African race._
Of each of these Dr. Franklin was president. The labours of these
bodies have been crowned with great success; and they continue to
prosecute, with unwearied diligence, the laudable designs for which
they were established.
Dr. Franklin's increasing infirmities prevented his regular
attendance at the council-chamber; and, in 1788, he retired wholly
from public life.
His constitution had been a remarkably good one. He had been little
subject to disease, except an attack of the gout occasionally, until
about the year 1781, when he was first attacked with symptoms of the
calculous complaint, which continued during his life. During the
intervals of pain from this grievous disease, he spent many cheerful
hours, conversing in the most agreeable and instructive manner. His
faculties were entirely unimpaired, even to the hour of his death.
His name, as president of the abolition society, was signed to the
memorial presented to the house of representatives of the United
States, on the 12th of February, 1789, praying them to exert the full
extent of power vested in them by the constitution, in discouraging
the traffic of the human species. This was his last public act. In
the debates to which this memorial gave rise, several attempts were
made to justify the trade. In the Federal Gazette of March 25th,
there appeared an essay, signed Historicus, written by Dr. Franklin,
in which he communicated a speech, said to have been delivered in
the Divan of Algiers, in 1687, in opposition to the prayer of the
petition of a sect called _Erika_, or purists, for the abolition of
piracy and slavery. This pretended African speech was an excellent
parody of one delivered by Mr. Jackson, of Georgia. All the arguments
urged in favour of negro slavery, are applied with equal force to
justify the plundering and enslaving of Europeans. It affords, at
the same time, a demonstration of the futility of the arguments in
defence of the slave trade, and of the strength of mind and ingenuity
of the author, at his advanced period of life. It furnished too, a no
less convincing proof of his power of imitating the style of other
times and nations, than his celebrated parable against persecution.
And as the latter led many persons to search the scriptures with a
view to find, it, so the former caused many persons to search the
book-stores and libraries, for the work from which it was said to be
extracted.
In the beginning of April following, he was attacked with a fever
and complaint of his breast, which terminated his existence. The
following account of his last illness was written by his friend and
physician, Dr. Jones.
"The stone, with which he had been afflicted for several years, had
for the last twelve months confined him chiefly to his bed; and
during the extremely painful paroxysms, he was obliged to take large
doses of laudanum to mitigate his tortures--still, in the intervals
of pain, he not only amused himself with reading and conversing
cheerfully with his family, and a few friends who visited him, but
was often employed in doing business of a public as well as private
nature, with various persons who waited on him for that purpose; and
in every instance displayed, not only that readiness and disposition
of doing good, which was the distinguishing characteristic of his
life, but the fullest and clearest possession of his uncommon mental
abilities; and not unfrequently indulged himself in those _jeux
d'esprit_ and entertaining anecdotes, which were the delight of all
who heard him.
"About sixteen days before his death, he was seized with a feverish
indisposition, without any particular symptoms attending it, till
the third or fourth day, when he complained of a pain in the left
breast, which increased till it became extremely acute, attended
with a cough and laborious breathing. During this state, when the
severity of his pains sometimes drew forth a groan of complaint,
he would observe--that he was afraid he did not hear it as he
ought--acknowledged his grateful sense of the many blessings he had
received from the Supreme Being, who had raised him from small and
low beginnings to such high rank and consideration among men--and
made no doubt but his present afflictions were kindly intended to
wean him from a world, in which he was no longer fit to act the part
assigned him. In this frame of body and mind he continued till five
days before his death, when his pain and difficulty of breathing
entirely left him, and his family were flattering themselves with
the hopes of his recovery, when an imposthumation, which had formed
itself in his lungs, suddenly burst and discharged a great quantity
of matter, which he continued to throw up while he had sufficient
strength to do it, but, as that failed, the organs of respiration
became gradually oppressed--a calm lethargic state succeeded--and, on
the 17th of April, 1790, about eleven o'clock at night, he quietly
expired, closing a long and useful life of eighty-four years and
three months."
It may not be amiss to add to the above account, that Dr. Franklin,
in the year 1735, had a severe pleurisy, which terminated in an
abscess of the left lobe of his lungs, and he was then almost
suffocated with the quantity and suddenness of the discharge. A
second attack of a similar nature happened some years after this,
from which he soon recovered, and did not appear to suffer any
inconvenience in his respiration from these diseases.
The following epitaph on himself, was written by him many years
previous to his death:--