Mr. Denham took a warehouse in Water-street, where we exhibited our

commodities. I applied myself closely, studied accounts, and became

in a short time very expert in trade. We lodged and ate together. He

was sincerely attached to me, and acted towards me as if he had been

my father. On my side, I respected and loved him. My situation was

happy; but it was a happiness of no long duration.

Early in February, 1727, when I entered into my twenty-second year,

we were both taken ill. I was attacked with a pleurisy, which had

nearly carried me off; I suffered terribly, and considered it as

all over with me. I felt indeed a sort of disappointment when I

found myself likely to recover, and regretted that I had still to

experience, sooner or later, the same disagreeable scene again.

I have forgotten what was Mr. Denham's disorder; but it was a tedious

one, and he at last sunk under it. He left me a small legacy in his

will, as a testimony of his friendship; and I was once more abandoned

to myself in the wide world, the warehouse being confided to the care

of testamentary executor, who dismissed me.

My brother-in-law, Holmes, who happened to be at Philadelphia,

advised me to return to my former profession; and Keimer offered me

a very considerable salary if I would undertake the management of

his printing-office, that he might devote himself entirely to the

superintendence of his shop. His wife and relations in London had

given me a bad character of him; and I was loth, for the present, to

have any concern with him. I endeavoured to get employment as a clerk

to a merchant; but not readily finding a situation, I was induced to

accept Keimer's proposal.

The following were the persons I found in his printing-house:

Hugh Meredith, a Pennsylvanian, about thirty-five years of age.

He had been brought up to husbandry, was honest, sensible, had

some experience, and was fond of reading; but too much addicted to

drinking.

Stephen Potts, a young rustic, just broke from school, and of

rustic education, with endowments rather above the common order,

and a competent portion of understanding and gaiety; but a little

idle. Keimer had engaged these two at very low wages, which he had

promised to raise every three months a shilling a week, provided

their improvement in the typographic art should merit it. This future

increase of wages was the bait he had made use of to ensnare them.

Meredith was to work at the press, and Potts to bind books, which he

had engaged to teach them, though he understood neither himself.

John Savage, an Irishman, who had been brought up to no trade, and

whose service, for a period of four years, Keimer had purchased of

the captain of a ship. He was also to be a pressman.

George Webb, an Oxford scholar, whose time he had in like manner

bought for four years, intending him for a compositor. I shall speak

more of him presently.

Lastly, David Harry, a country lad, who was apprenticed to him.

I soon perceived that Keimer's intention, in engaging me at a price

so much above what he was accustomed to give, was, that I might form

all these raw journeymen and apprentices, who scarcely cost him any

thing, and who, being indentured, would, as soon as they should be

sufficiently instructed, enable him to do without me. I nevertheless

adhered to my agreement. I put the office in order, which was in the

utmost confusion, and brought his people by degrees, to pay attention

to their work, and to execute it in a more masterly style.

It was singular to see an Oxford scholar in the condition of a

purchased servant. He was not more than eighteen years of age,

and the following are the particulars he gave me of himself. Born

at Gloucester, he had been educated at a grammar-school, and had

distinguished himself among the scholars by his superior style of

acting, when they represented dramatic performances. He was a member

of a literary club in the town; and some pieces of his composition,

in prose as well as in verse, had been inserted in the Gloucester

papers. From hence he was sent to Oxford, where he remained about

a year: but he was not contented, and wished above all things to

see London, and become an actor. At length, having received fifteen

guineas to pay his quarter's board, he decamped with the money, from

Oxford, hid his gown in a hedge, and travelled to London. There,

having no friend to direct him, he fell into bad company, soon

squandered his fifteen guineas, could find no way of being introduced

to the actors, became contemptible, pawned his cloaths, and was in

want of bread. As he was walking along the streets, almost famished

with hunger, and not knowing what to do, a recruiting-bill was put

into his hand, which offered an immediate treat and bounty-money to

whoever was disposed to serve in America. He instantly repaired to

the house of rendezvous, inlisted himself, was put on board a ship

and conveyed to America, without ever writing a line to inform his

parents what was become of him. His mental vivacity, and good natural

disposition, made him an excellent companion; but he was indolent,

thoughtless, and to the last degree imprudent.

John, the Irishman, soon ran away. I began to live very agreeably

with the rest. They respected me, and the more so as they found

Keimer incapable of instructing them, and as they learned something

from me every day. We never worked on a Saturday, it being Keimer's

Sabbath, so that I had two days a week for reading.

I increased my acquaintance with persons of information and knowledge

in the town. Keimer himself treated me with great civility, and

apparent esteem; and I had nothing to give me uneasiness but my debt

to Vernon, which I was unable to pay, my savings as yet being very

little. He had the goodness, however, not to ask me for the money.

Our press was frequently in want of the necessary quantity of letter,

and there was no such trade as that of letter-founder in America. I

had seen the practice of this art at the house of James, in London,

but had at the time paid it very little attention; I however,

contrived to fabricate a mould. I made use of such letters as we had

for punches, founded new letters of lead in mattrices of clay, and

thus supplied in a tolerable manner the wants that were most pressing.

I also, upon occasion, engraved various ornaments, made ink, gave an

eye to the shop--in short, I was in every respect the _factotum_. But

useful as I made myself, I perceived that my services became every

day of less importance, in proportion as the other men improved;

and when Keimer paid me my second quarter's wages, he gave me to

understand they were too heavy, and that he thought I ought to make

an abatement. He became by degrees less civil, and assumed more the

tone of master. He frequently found fault, was difficult to please,

and seemed always on the point of coming to an open quarrel with me.

I continued, however, to bear it patiently, conceiving that his ill

humour was partly occasioned by the derangement and embarrassment of

his affairs. At last a slight incident broke our connection. Hearing

a noise in the neighbourhood, I put my head out at the window, to see

what was the matter. Keimer being in the street, observed me, and in

a loud and angry tone bid me to mind my work; adding some reproachful

words, which piqued me the more, as they were uttered in the street;

and the neighbours, whom the same noise attracted to the windows,

were witnesses of the manner in which I was treated. He immediately

came up to the printing-room, where he continued to exclaim against

me. The quarrel became warm on both sides, and he gave me notice to

quit him at the expiration of three months, as had been agreed upon

between us; regretting that he was obliged to give me so long a term.

I told him that his regret was superfluous, as I was ready to quit

him instantly; and I took my hat and came out of the house, begging

Meredith to take care of some things which I left, and bring them to

my lodgings.

Meredith came to me in the evening. We talked for some time upon the

quarrel that had taken place. He had conceived a great veneration

for me, and was sorry I should quit the house, while he remained in

it. He dissuaded me from returning to my native country, as I began

to think of doing. He reminded me that Keimer owed more than he

possessed; that his creditors began to be alarmed; that he kept his

shop in a wretched state, often selling things at prime cost for the

sake of ready money, and continually giving credit without keeping

any accounts; that of consequence he must very soon fail, which would

occasion a vacancy from which I might derive advantage. I objected my

want of money. Upon which he informed me that his father had a very

high opinion of me, and, from a conversation that had passed between

them, he was sure he would advance whatever might be necessary to

establish us, if I was willing to enter into partnership with him.

"My time with Keimer," added he, "will be at an end next spring. In

the mean time we may send to London for our press and types. I know

that I am no workman; but if you agree to the proposal, your skill in

the business will be balanced by the capital I shall furnish, and we

will share the profits equally." His proposal was reasonable, and I

fell in with it. His father, who was then in town, approved of it. He

knew that I had some ascendancy over his son, as I had been able to

prevail on him to abstain for a long time from drinking brandy; and

he hoped that, when more closely connected with him, I should cure

him entirely of this unfortunate habit.

I gave the father a list of what it would be necessary to import

from London. He took it to a merchant, and the order was given. We

agreed to keep the secret till the arrival of the materials, and

I was in the mean time to procure work, if possible, in another

printing-house; but there was no place vacant, and I remained idle.

After some days, Keimer having the expectation of being employed

to print some New Jersey money-bills, that would require types and

engravings which I only could furnish, and fearful that Bradford, by

engaging me, might deprive him of this undertaking, sent me a very

civil message, telling me that old friends ought not to be disunited

on account of a few words, which were the effect only of a momentary

passion, and inviting me to return to him. Meredith persuaded me to

comply with the invitation, particularly as it would afford him more

opportunities of improving himself in the business, by means of my

instructions. I did so; and we lived upon better terms than before

our separation.

He obtained the New Jersey business; and, in order to execute it, I

constructed a copper-plate printing-press! the first that had been

seen in the country. I engraved various ornaments and vignettes for

the bills; and we repaired to Burlington together, where I executed

the whole to the general satisfaction; and he received a sum of money

for this work, which enabled him to keep his head above water for a

considerable time longer.

At Burlington I formed an acquaintance with the principal personages

of the province; many of whom were commissioned by the assembly to

superintend the press, and to see that no more bills were printed

than the law had prescribed. Accordingly they were constantly with

us, each in his turn; and he that came, commonly brought with him

a friend or two to bear him company. My mind was more cultivated

by reading than Keimer's; and it was for this reason, probably,

that they set more value on my conversation. They took me to their

houses, introduced me to their friends, and treated me with the

greatest civility; while Keimer, though master, saw himself a little

neglected. He was, in fact, a strange animal, ignorant of the common

modes of life, apt to oppose with rudeness generally received

opinions, an enthusiast in certain points of religion, disgustingly

unclean in his person, and a little knavish withal.

We remained there nearly three months, and at the expiration of

this period I could include in the list of my friends, Judge Allen,

Samuel Bustil, secretary of the province, Isaac Pearson, Joseph

Cooper, several of the Smiths, all members of the assembly, and Isaac

Decon, inspector-general. The last was a shrewd and subtle old man.

He told me, that, when a boy, his first employment had been that of

carrying clay to the brick-makers; that he did not learn to write

till he was somewhat advanced in life; and that he was afterwards

employed as an underling to a surveyor, who taught him his trade,

and that by industry he had at last acquired a competent fortune.

"I foresee," said he one day to me, "that you will soon supplant

this man," speaking of Keimer, "and get a fortune in the business at

Philadelphia." He was wholly ignorant at the time, of my intention of

establishing myself there, or any where else. These friends were very

serviceable to me in the end, as was I also, upon occasion, to some

of them; and they have continued ever since their esteem for me.

Before I relate the particulars of my entrance into business, it may

be proper to inform you what was at that time the state of my mind

as to moral principles, that you may see the degree of influence they

had upon the subsequent events of my life.

My parents had given me betimes religious impressions; and I received

from my infancy a pious education in the principles of Calvinism.

But scarcely was I arrived at fifteen years of age, when, after

having doubted in turn of different tenets, according as I found

them combated in the different books that I read, I began to doubt

of revelation itself. Some volumes against deism fell into my hands.

They were said to be the substance of sermons preached at Boyle's

lecture. It happened that they produced on me an effect precisely

the reverse of what was intended by the writers; for the arguments

of the deists, which were cited in order to be refuted, appeared

to me much more forcible than the refutation itself. In a word, I

soon became a perfect deist. My arguments perverted some other young

persons, particularly Collins and Ralph. But in the sequel, when I

recollected that they had both used me extremely ill, without the

smallest remorse; when I considered the behaviour of Keith, another

free-thinker, and my own conduct towards Vernon and Miss Read, which

at times gave me great uneasiness, I was led to suspect that this

doctrine, though it might be true, was not very useful. I began to

entertain a less favourable opinion of my London pamphlet to which I

had prefixed as a motto, the following lines of Dryden:

Whatever is--is right; though purblind man

Sees but a part of the chain, the nearest link,

His eyes not carrying to the equal beam

That poises all above.

And of which the object was to prove, from the attributes of God,

his goodness, wisdom, and power, that there could be no such thing

as evil in the world; that vice and virtue did not in reality exist,

and were nothing more than vain distinctions. I no longer regarded it

as so blameless a work as I had formerly imagined; and I suspected

that some error must have imperceptibly glided into my argument, by

which all the inferences I had drawn from it had been affected, as

frequently happens in metaphysical reasonings. In a word, I was at

last convinced that truth, probity, and sincerity in transactions

between man and man, were of the utmost importance to the happiness

of life; and I resolved from that moment, and wrote the resolution in

my journal, to practise them as long as I lived.

Revelation, indeed, as such, had no influence on my mind; but I was

of opinion that, though certain actions could not be bad merely

because revelation had prohibited them, or good because it enjoined

them, yet it was probable that those actions were prohibited because

they were bad for us, or enjoined because advantageous in their

nature, all things considered. This persuasion, divine providence,

or some guardian angel, and perhaps a concurrence of favourable

circumstances co-operating, preserved me from all immorality, or

gross and _voluntary_, injustice, to which my want of religion was

calculated to expose me, in the dangerous period of youth, and in

the hazardous situations in which I sometimes found myself, among

strangers, and at a distance from the eye and admonitions of my

father. I may say _voluntary_, because the errors into which I had

fallen, had been in a manner the forced result either of my own

inexperience, or the dishonesty of others. Thus, before I entered

on my new career, I had imbibed solid principles, and a character

of probity. I knew their value; and I made a solemn engagement with

myself never to depart from them.

I had not long returned from Burlington before our printing materials

arrived from London. I settled my accounts with Keimer, and quitted

him, with his own consent, before he had any knowledge of our plan.

We found a house to let near the market. We took it; and to render

the rent less burdensome, (it was then twenty-four pounds a year, but

I have since known it let for seventy,) we admitted Thomas Godfrey, a

glazier, with his family, who eased us of a considerable part of it;

and with him we agreed to board.

We had no sooner unpacked our letters, and put our press in order,

than a person of my acquaintance, George House, brought us a

countryman, whom he had met in the streets enquiring for a printer.

Our money was almost exhausted by the number of things we had

been obliged to procure. The five shillings we received from this

countryman, the first fruits of our earnings, coming so seasonably,

gave me more pleasure than any sum I have since gained; and the

recollection of the gratitude I felt on this occasion to George

House, has rendered me often more disposed, than perhaps I should

otherwise have been, to encourage young beginners in trade.

There are in every country morose beings, who are always

prognosticating ruin. There was one of this stamp at Philadelphia.

He was a man of fortune, declining in years, had an air of wisdom,

and a very grave manner of speaking. His name was Samuel Mickle. I

knew him not; but he stopped one day at my door, and asked me if I

was the young man who had lately opened a new printing-house. Upon

my answering in the affirmative, he said he was very sorry for me,

as it was an expensive undertaking, and the money that had been

laid out upon it would be lost, Philadelphia being a place falling

into decay; its inhabitants having all, or nearly all of them,

been obliged to call together their creditors. That he knew, from

undoubted fact, the circumstances which might lead us to suppose the

contrary, such as new buildings, and the advanced price of rent, to

be deceitful appearances, which, in reality, contributed to hasten

the general ruin; and he gave me so long a detail of misfortunes,

actually existing, or which were soon to take place, that he left me

almost in a state of despair. Had I known this man before I entered

into trade, I should doubtless never have ventured. He continued,

however, to live in this place of decay, and to declaim in the same

style, refusing for many years to buy a house because all was going

to wreck; and in the end I had the satisfaction to see him pay five

times as much for one as it would have cost him had he purchased it

when he first began his lamentations.

I ought to have related, that, during the autumn of the preceding

year, I had united the majority of well-informed persons of my

acquaintance into a club, which we called by the name of the _Junto_,

and the object of which was to improve our understandings. We met

every Friday evening. The regulations I drew up, obliged every member

to propose, in his turn, one or more questions upon some point of

morality, politics, or philosophy, which were to be discussed by

the society; and to read, once in three months, an essay of his

own composition, on whatever subject he pleased. Our debates were

under the direction of a president, and were to be dictated only by

a sincere desire of truth; the pleasure of disputing, and the vanity

of triumph having no share in the business; and in order to prevent

undue warmth, every expression which implied obstinate adherence to

an opinion, and all direct contradiction, were prohibited, under

small pecuniary penalties.

The first members of our club were Joseph Breintnal, whose occupation

was that of a scrivener. He was a middle-aged man, of a good natural

disposition, strongly attached to his friends, a great lover of

poetry, reading every thing that came in his way, and writing

tolerably well, ingenious in many little trifles, and of an agreeable

conversation.

Thomas Godfrey, a skilful, though self-taught mathematician, and

who was afterwards the inventor of what now goes by the name of

Hadley's quadrant; but he had little knowledge out of his own line,

and was insupportable in company, always requiring, like the majority

of mathematicians that had fallen in my way, an unusual precision

in every thing that is said, continually contradicting, or making

trifling distinctions; a sure way of defeating all the ends of

conversation. He very soon left us.

Nicholas Scull, a surveyor, and who became afterwards,

surveyor-general. He was fond of books, and wrote verses.

William Parsons, brought up to the trade of a shoe-maker, but who,

having a taste for reading, had acquired a profound knowledge of

mathematics. He first studied them with a view to astrology, and

was, afterwards, the first to laugh at his folly. He also became

surveyor-general.

William Mawgridge, a joiner, and very excellent mechanic; and in

other respects a man of solid understanding.

Hugh Meredith, Stephen Potts, and George Webb, of whom I have already

spoken.

Robert Grace, a young man of fortune; generous, animated, and witty;

fond of epigrams, but more fond of his friends.

And lastly, William Coleman, at that time a merchant's clerk, and

nearly of my own age. He had a cooler and clearer head, a better

heart, and more scrupulous morals, than almost any other person

I have ever met with. He became a very respectable merchant, and

one of our provincial judges. Our friendship subsisted, without

interruption, for more than forty years, till the period of his

death; and the club continued to exist almost as long.

This was the best school of politics and philosophy that then existed

in the province; for our questions, which were read a week previous

to their discussion, induced us to peruse attentively such books

as were written upon the subjects proposed, that we might be able

to speak upon them more pertinently. We thus acquired the habit of

conversing more agreeably; every object being discussed conformably

to our regulations, and in a manner to prevent mutual disgust. To

this circumstance may be attributed the long duration of the club;

which I shall have frequent occasion to mention as I proceed.

I have introduced it here, as being one of the means on which I had

to count for success in my business, every member exerting himself

to procure work for us. Breintnal, among others, obtained for us,

on the part of the Quakers, the printing of forty sheets of their

history; of which the rest was to be done by Keimer. Our execution

of this work was by no means masterly; as the price was very low.

It was in folio, upon _pro patria_ paper, and in the _pica_ letter,

with heavy notes in the smallest type. I composed a sheet a-day, and

Meredith put it to the press. It was frequently eleven o'clock at

night, sometimes later, before I had finished my distribution for the

next day's task; for the little things which our friends occasionally

sent us, kept us back in this work: but I was so determined to

compose a sheet a-day, that one evening, when my form was imposed,

and my day's work, as I thought, at an end, an accident having broken

this form, and deranged two complete folio pages, I immediately

distributed, and composed them anew before I went to bed.

This unwearied industry, which was perceived by our neighbours,

began to acquire us reputation and credit. I learned, among other

things, that our new printing-house being the subject of conversation

at a club of merchants, who met every evening, it was the general

opinion that it would fail; there being already two printing-houses

in the town, Keimer's and Bradford's. But Dr. Bard, whom you and I

had occasion to see, many years after, at his native town of St.

Andrew's, in Scotland, was of a different opinion. "The industry of

this Franklin, (said he,) is superior to any thing of the kind I

ever witnessed. I see him still at work when I return from the club

at night, and he is at it again in the morning before his neighbours

are out of bed." This account struck the rest of the assembly, and

shortly after, one of its members came to our house, and offered to

supply us with articles of stationary; but we wished not as yet to

embarrass ourselves with keeping a shop. It is not for the sake of

applause that I enter so freely into the particulars of my industry,

but that such of my descendants as shall read these memoirs may know

the use of this virtue, by seeing in the recital of my life the

effects it operated in my favour.

George Webb, having found a friend who lent him the necessary sum to

buy out his time of Keimer, came one day to offer himself to us as

a journeyman. We could not employ him immediately; but I foolishly

told him, under the rose, that I intended shortly to publish a

new periodical paper, and that we should then have work for him.

My hopes of success, which I imparted to him, were founded on the

circumstance, that the only paper we had in Philadelphia at that

time, and which Bradford printed, was a paltry thing, miserably

conducted, in no respect amusing, and which yet was profitable. I

consequently supposed that a good work of this kind could not fail

of success. Webb betrayed my secret to Keimer, who, to prevent me,

immediately published the _prospectus_ of a paper that he intended to

institute himself, and in which Webb was to be engaged.

I was exasperated at this proceeding, and, with a view to counteract

them, not being able at present to institute my own paper, I wrote

some humourous pieces in Bradford's, under the title of the Busy

Body[5]; and which was continued for several months by Breintnal.

I hereby fixed the attention of the public upon Bradford's paper;

and the _prospectus_ of Keimer, which we turned into ridicule, was

treated with contempt. He began, notwithstanding, his paper; and

after continuing it for nine months, having at most not more than

ninety subscribers, he offered it me for a mere trifle. I had for

some time been ready for such an engagement; I therefore instantly

took it upon myself, and, in a few years, it proved extremely

profitable to me.

I perceive that I am apt to speak in the first person, though our

partnership still continued. It is, perhaps, because, in fact, the

whole business devolved upon me. Meredith was no compositor, and

but an indifferent pressman; and it was rarely that he abstained

from hard drinking. My friends were sorry to see me connected with

him; but I contrived to derive from it the utmost advantage the case

admitted.

Our first number produced no other effect than any other paper

which had appeared in the province, as to type and printing; but

some remarks, in my peculiar style of writing, upon the dispute

which then prevailed between governor Burnet and the Massachusetts

assembly, struck some persons as above mediocrity, caused the paper

and its editors to be talked of, and in a few weeks, induced them to

become our subscribers. Many others followed their example; and our

subscription continued to increase. This was one of the first good

effects of the pains I had taken to learn to put my ideas on paper. I

derived this farther advantage from it, that the leading men of the

place, seeing in the author of this publication a man so well able

to use his pen, thought it right to patronize and encourage me.

The votes, laws, and other public pieces, were printed by Bradford.

An address of the house of assembly to the governor had been executed

by him in a very coarse and incorrect manner. We reprinted it

with accuracy and neatness, and sent a copy to every member. They

perceived the difference; and it so strengthened the influence of our

friends in the assembly, that we were nominated its printer for the

following year.

Among these friends I ought not to forget one member in particular,

Mr. Hamilton, whom I have mentioned in a former part of my narrative,

and who was now returned from England. He warmly interested

himself for me on this occasion, as he did likewise on many others

afterwards; having continued his kindness to me till his death.

About this period Mr. Vernon reminded me of the debt I owed him, but

without pressing me for payment. I wrote a handsome letter on the

occasion, begging him to wait a little longer, to which he consented;

and as soon as I was able I paid him, principal and interest, with

many expressions of gratitude; so that this error of my life was in a

manner atoned for.

But another trouble now happened to me, which I had not the smallest

reason to expect. Meredith's father, who, according to our agreement,

was to defray the whole expence of our printing materials, had

only paid a hundred pounds. Another hundred was still due, and the

merchant being tired of waiting, commenced a suit against us. We

bailed the action, but with the melancholy prospect, that, if the

money was not forthcoming at the time fixed, the affair would come

to issue, judgment be put in execution, our delightful hopes be

annihilated, and ourselves entirely ruined; as the type and press

must be sold, perhaps, at half their value, to pay the debt.

In this distress, two real friends, whose generous conduct I

have never forgotten, and never shall forget while I retain the

remembrance of any thing, came to me separately, without the

knowledge of each other, and without my having applied to either of

them. Each offered me whatever money might be necessary to take the

business into my own hands, if the thing was practicable, as they

did not like I should continue in partnership with Meredith, who,

they said, was frequently seen drunk in the streets, and gambling

at ale-houses, which very much injured our credit. These friends

were William Coleman and Robert Grace. I told them, that while there

remained any probability that the Merediths would fulfil their part

of the compact, I could not propose a separation, as I conceived

myself to be under obligations to them for what they had done

already, and were still disposed to do, if they had the power; but,

in the end, should they fail in their engagement, and our partnership

be dissolved, I should then think myself at liberty to accept the

kindness of my friends.

Things remained for some time in this state. At last, I said one

day to my partner, "Your father is, perhaps, dissatisfied with your

having a share only in the business, and is unwilling to do for two,

what he would do for you alone. Tell me frankly if that be the case,

and I will resign the whole to you, and do for myself as well as I

can."--"No, (said he,) my father has really been disappointed in his

hopes; he is not able to pay, and I wish to put him to no farther

inconvenience. I see that I am not at all calculated for a printer;

I was educated as a farmer, and it was absurd in me to come here,

at thirty years of age, and bind myself apprentice to a new trade.

Many of my countrymen are going to settle in North Carolina, where

the soil is exceedingly favourable. I am tempted to go with them,

and to resume my former occupation. You will doubtless find friends

who will assist you. If you will take upon yourself the debts of the

partnership, return my father the hundred pounds he has advanced, pay

my little personal debts, and give me thirty pounds and a new saddle,

I will renounce the partnership, and consign over the whole stock to

you."

I accepted this proposal without hesitation. It was committed to

paper, and signed and sealed without delay. I gave him what he

demanded, and he departed soon after for Carolina, from whence he

sent me, in the following year, two long letters, containing the best

accounts that had yet been given of that country, as to climate,

soil, agriculture, &c. for he was well versed in these matters. I

published them in my newspaper, and they were received with great

satisfaction.

As soon as he was gone, I applied to my two friends, and not wishing

to give a disobliging preference to either of them, I accepted

from each, half what he had offered me, and which it was necessary

I should have. I paid the partnership debts, and continued the

business on my own account; taking care to inform the public, by

advertisement, of the partnership being dissolved. This was, I

think, in the year 1729, or thereabout.

Nearly at the same period, the people demanded a new emission of

paper money; the existing and only one that had taken place in the

province, and which amounted to fifteen thousand pounds, being soon

to expire. The wealthy inhabitants, prejudiced against every sort of

paper currency, from the fear of its depreciation, of which there

had been an instance in the province of New England, to the injury

of its holders, strongly opposed the measure. We had discussed this

affair in our Junto, in which I was on the side of the new emission;

convinced that the first small sum, fabricated in 1723, had done

much good in the province, by favouring commerce, industry, and

population, since all the houses were now inhabited, and many others

building; whereas I remembered to have seen, when I first paraded

the streets of Philadelphia eating my roll, the majority of those

in Walnut-street, Second-street, Fourth-street, as well as a great

number in Chesnut and other streets, with papers on them signifying

that they were to be let; which made me think at the time that the

inhabitants of the town were deserting it one after another.

Our debates made me so fully master of the subject, that I wrote

and published an anonymous pamphlet, entitled, "An Enquiry into the

Nature and Necessity of a Paper currency." It was very well received

by the lower and middling class of people; but it displeased the

opulent, as it increased the clamour in favour of the new emission.

Having, however, no writer among them capable of answering it,

their opposition became less violent; and there being in the house

of assembly a majority for the measure, it passed. The friends I

had acquired in the house, persuaded that I had done the country

essential service on this occasion, rewarded me by giving me the

printing of the bills. It was a lucrative employment, and proved a

very seasonable help to me; another advantage which I derived from

having habituated myself to write.

Time and experience so fully demonstrated the utility of paper

currency, that it never after experienced any considerable

opposition; so that it soon amounted to 55,000_l._ and in the year

1739, to 80,000_l._ It has since risen, during the last war, to

350,000_l._, trade, buildings and population, having in the interval

continually increased: but I am now convinced that there are limits

beyond which paper money would be prejudicial.

I soon after obtained, by the influence of my friend Hamilton, the

printing of the Newcastle paper money, another profitable work,

as I then thought it, little things appearing great to persons of

moderate fortune; and they were really great to me, as proving great

encouragements. He also procured me the printing of the laws and

votes of that government, which I retained as long as I continued in

the business.

I now opened a small stationer's shop. I kept bonds and agreements of

all kinds, drawn up in a more accurate form than had yet been seen in

that part of the world; a work in which I was assisted by my friend

Breintnal. I had also paper, parchment, pasteboard, books, &c. One

Whitemash, an excellent compositor, whom I had known in London, came

to offer himself, I engaged him: and he continued constantly and

diligently to work with me. I also took an apprentice, the son of

Aquila Rose.

I began to pay, by degrees, the debt I had contracted; and, in order

to insure my credit and character as a tradesman, I took care not

only to be _really_ industrious and frugal, but also to avoid every

appearance of the contrary. I was plainly dressed, and never seen in

any place of public amusement. I never went a fishing or hunting. A

book, indeed, enticed me sometimes from my work, but it was seldom,

by stealth, and occasioned no scandal; and to show that I did not

think myself above my profession, I conveyed home, sometimes in a

wheelbarrow, the paper I purchased at the warehouses.

I thus obtained the reputation of being an industrious young man, and

very punctual in his payments. The merchants who imported articles

of stationary solicited my custom; others offered to furnish me with

books, and my little trade went on prosperously.

Meanwhile the credit and business of Keimer diminishing every day,

he was at last forced to sell his stock to satisfy his creditors;

and he betook himself to Barbadoes, where he lived for sometime in

a very impoverished state. His apprentice, David Harry, whom I had

instructed while I worked for Keimer, having bought his materials,

succeeded him in the business. I was apprehensive, at first, of

finding in Harry a powerful competitor, as he was allied to an

opulent and respectable family; I therefore proposed a partnership,

which, happily for me, he rejected with disdain. He was extremely

proud, thought himself a fine gentleman, lived extravagantly, and

pursued amusements which suffered him to be scarcely ever at home; of

consequence he became in debt, neglected his business, and business

neglected him. Finding in a short time nothing to do in the country,

he followed Keimer to Barbadoes, carrying his printing materials with

him. There the apprentice employed his old master as a journeyman.

They were continually quarrelling; and Harry still getting in debt,

was obliged at last to sell his press and types, and return to his

old occupation of husbandry in Pennsylvania. The person who purchased

them employed Keimer to manage the business; but he died a few years

after.

I had now at Philadelphia no competitor but Bradford, who, being in

easy circumstances, did not engage in the printing of books, except

now and then as workmen chanced to offer themselves; and was not

anxious to extend his trade. He had, however, one advantage over me,

as he had the direction of the post-office, and was of consequence

supposed to have better opportunities of obtaining news. His paper

was also supposed to be more advantageous to advertising customers;

and in consequence of that supposition, his advertisements were

much more numerous than mine: this was a source of great profit to

him, and disadvantageous to me. It was to no purpose that I really

procured other papers, and distributed my own, by means of the post;

the public took for granted my inability in this respect; and I was

indeed unable to conquer it in any other mode than by bribing the

post-boys, who served me only by stealth, Bradford being so illiberal

as to forbid them. This treatment of his excited my resentment; and

my disgust was so rooted, that, when I afterwards succeeded him in

the post-office, I took care to avoid copying his example.

I had hitherto continued to board with Godfrey, who, with his wife

and children, occupied part of my house, and half of the shop for

his business; at which indeed he worked very little, being always

absorbed by mathematics. Mrs. Godfrey formed a wish of marrying

me to the daughter of one of her relations. She contrived various

opportunities of bringing us together, till she saw that I was

captivated; which was not difficult, the lady in question possessing

great personal merit. The parents encouraged my addresses, by

inviting me continually to supper, and leaving us together, till at

last it was time to come to an explanation. Mrs. Godfrey undertook

to negociate our little treaty. I gave her to understand, that I

expected to receive with the young lady a sum of money that would

enable me at least to discharge the remainder of the debt for my

printing materials. It was then, I believe, not more than a hundred

pounds. She brought me for answer, that they had no such sum at their

disposal. I observed that it might easily be obtained, by a mortgage

on their house. The reply to this was, after a few days interval,

that they did not approve of the match; that they had consulted

Bradford, and found that the business of a printer was not lucrative;

that my letters would soon be worn out, and must be supplied with new

ones; that Keimer and Harry had failed, and that, probably, I should

do so too. Accordingly they forbade me the house, and the young lady

was confined. I know not if they had really changed their minds, or

if it was merely an artifice, supposing our affections to be too

far engaged for us to desist, and that we should contrive to marry

secretly, which would leave them at liberty to give or not as they

pleased. But, suspecting this motive, I never went again to their

house.

Some time after, Mrs. Godfrey informed me that they were very

favourably disposed towards me, and wished me to renew the

acquaintance; but I declared a firm resolution never to have any

thing more to do with the family. The Godfreys expressed some

resentment at this: and as we could no longer agree, they changed

their residence, leaving me in possession of the whole house. I

then resolved to take no more lodgers. This affair having turned

my thoughts to marriage, I looked around me, and made overtures of

alliance in other quarters: but I soon found that the profession of a

printer being generally looked upon as a poor trade, I could expect

no money with a wife, at least, if I wished her to possess any other

charm. Meanwhile, that passion of youth, so difficult to govern, had

often drawn me into intrigues with despicable women who fell in my

way; which were not unaccompanied with expence and inconvenience,

besides the perpetual risk of injuring my health, and catching a

disease which I dreaded above all things. But I was fortunate enough

to escape this danger.

As a neighbour and old acquaintance, I had kept up a friendly

intimacy with the family of Miss Read. Her parents had retained

an affection for me from the time of my lodging in their house. I

was often invited thither; they consulted me about their affairs,

and I had been sometimes serviceable to them. I was touched with

the unhappy situation of their daughter, who was almost always

melancholy, and continually seeking solitude. I regarded my

forgetfulness and inconstancy, during my abode in London, as the

principal cause of her misfortune, though her mother had the candour

to attribute the fault to herself, rather than to me, because after

having prevented our marriage previously to my departure, she had

induced her to marry another in my absence.

Our mutual affection revived; but there existed great obstacles

to our union. Her marriage was considered, indeed, as not being

valid, the man having, it was said, a former wife still living in

England; but of this it was difficult to obtain a proof at so great

a distance; and though a report prevailed of his being dead, yet we

had no certainty of it; and supposing it to be true, he had left

many debts, for the payment of which his successor might be sued. We

ventured, nevertheless, in spite of all these difficulties; and I

married her on the 1st of September, 1730. None of the inconveniences

we had feared happened to us. She proved to me a good and faithful

companion, and contributed essentially to the success of my shop. We

prospered together, and it was our mutual study to render each other

happy. Thus I corrected, as well as I could, this great error of my

youth.

Our club was not at that time established at a tavern. We held our

meetings at the house of Mr. Grace, who appropriated a room to

the purpose. Some member observed one day, that as our books were

frequently quoted in the course of our discussions, it would be

convenient to have them collected in the room in which we assembled,

in order to be consulted upon occasion; and that, by thus forming a

common library of our individual collections, each would have the

advantage of using the books of all the other members, which would

nearly be the same as if he possessed them all himself. The idea

was approved, and we accordingly brought such books as we thought

we could spare, which were placed at the end of the club-room.

They amounted not to so many as we expected; and through we made

considerable use of them, yet some inconveniences resulting, from

want of care, it was agreed, after about a year, to discontinue the

collection; and each took away such books as belonged to him.

It was now that I first started the idea of establishing, by

subscription, a public library, I drew up the proposals, had them

ingrossed in form by Brockden the attorney, and my project succeeded,

as will be seen in the sequel.

[The life of Dr. Franklin, as written by himself, so far as it

has yet been communicated to the world, breaks off in this place.

We understand that it was continued by him somewhat farther,

and we hope that the remainder will, at some future period, be

communicated to the public. We have no hesitation in supposing that

every reader will find himself greatly interested by the frank

simplicity and the philosophical discernment by which these pages

are so eminently characterized. We have therefore thought proper,

in order as much as possible to relieve his regret, to subjoin the

following continuation, by one of the Doctor's intimate friends.

It is extracted from an American periodical publication, and was

written by the late Dr. Stuber,[6] of Philadelphia.]

The promotion of literature had been little attended to in

Pennsylvania. Most of the inhabitants were too much immersed in

business to think of scientific pursuits; and those few, whose

inclinations led them to study, found it difficult to gratify them,

from the want of libraries sufficiently large. In such circumstances,

the establishment of a public library was an important event. This

was first set on foot by Franklin, about the year 1731. Fifty persons

subscribed forty shillings each, and agreed to pay ten shillings

annually. The number increased; and in 1742, the company was

incorporated by the name of "The Library Company of Philadelphia."

Several other companies were formed in this city in imitation of

it. These were all at length united with the Library Company of

Philadelphia, which thus received a considerable accession of books

and property. It now contains about eight thousand volumes on all

subjects, a philosophical apparatus, and a well-chosen collection of

natural and artificial curiosities. For its support the company now

possesses landed property of considerable value. They have lately

built an elegant house in Fifth-street, in the front of which will be

erected a marble statue of their founder, Benjamin Franklin.

This institution was greatly encouraged by the friends of literature

in America and in Great Britain. The Penn family distinguished

themselves by their donations. Amongst the earliest friends of

this institution must be mentioned the late Peter Collinson,

the friend and correspondent of Dr. Franklin. He not only made

considerable presents himself, and obtained others from his friends,

but voluntarily undertook to manage the business of the Company

in London, recommending books, purchasing and shipping them. His

extensive knowledge, and zeal for the promotion of science, enabled

him to execute this important trust with the greatest advantage.

He continued to perform these services for more than thirty years,

and uniformly refused to accept of any compensation. During this

time, he communicated to the directors every information relative to

improvements and discoveries in the arts, agriculture, and philosophy.

The beneficial influence of this institution was soon evident. The

terms of subscription to it were so moderate that it was accessible

to every one. Its advantages were not confined to the opulent. The

citizens in the middle and lower walks of life were equally partakers

of them. Hence a degree of information was extended amongst all

classes of people. The example was soon followed. Libraries were

established in various places, and they are now become very numerous

in the United States, and particularly in Pennsylvania. It is to

be hoped that they will be still more widely extended, and that

information will be every where increased. This will be the best

security for maintaining our liberties. A nation of well informed

men, who have been taught to know and prize the rights which God has

given them, cannot be enslaved. It is in the regions of ignorance

that tyranny reigns. It flies before the light of science. Let the

citizens of America, then, encourage institutions calculated to

diffuse knowledge amongst the people; and amongst these, public

libraries are not the least important.

In 1732, Franklin began to publish Poor Richard's Almanack. This

was remarkable for the numerous and valuable concise maxims which

it contained, all tending to exhort to industry and frugality. It

was continued for many years. In the almanack for the last year, all

the maxims were collected in an address to the reader, entitled, The

Way to Wealth. This has been translated into various languages, and

inserted in different publications. It has also been printed on a

large sheet, and may be seen framed in many houses in this city. This

address contains, perhaps, the best practical system of economy that

ever has appeared. It is written in a manner intelligible to every

one, and which cannot fail of convincing every reader of the justice

and propriety of the remarks and advice which it contains. The demand

for this almanack was so great, that ten thousand have been sold in

one year; which must be considered as a very large number, especially

when we reflect, that this country was, at that time, but thinly

peopled. It cannot be doubted that the salutary maxims contained in

these almanacks must have made a favourable impression upon many of

the readers of them.

It was not long before Franklin entered upon his political career.

In the year 1736, he was appointed clerk to the general assembly

of Pennsylvania, and was re-elected by succeeding assemblies for

several years, until he was chosen a representative for the city of

Philadelphia.

Bradford, the printer, mentioned above, was possessed of some

advantages over Franklin, by being post-master, thereby having an

opportunity of circulating his paper more extensively, and thus

rendering it a better vehicle for advertisements, &c. Franklin, in

his turn, enjoyed these advantages, by being appointed post-master

of Philadelphia in 1737. Bradford, while in office, had acted

ungenerously towards Franklin, preventing as much as possible the

circulation of his paper. He had now an opportunity of retaliating;

but his nobleness of soul prevented him from making use of it.

The police of Philadelphia had early appointed watchmen, whose duty

it was to guard the citizens against the midnight robber, and to

give an immediate alarm in case of fire. This duty is, perhaps, one

of the most important that can be committed to any set of men. The

regulations, however, were not sufficiently strict. Franklin saw the

dangers arising from this cause, and suggested an alteration, so as

to oblige the guardians of the night to be more watchful over the

lives and property of the citizens. The propriety of this was

immediately perceived, and a reform was effected.

There is nothing more dangerous to growing cities than fires. Other

causes operate slowly, and almost imperceptibly; but these in a

moment render abortive the labours of ages. On this account there

should be, in all cities, ample provisions to prevent fires from

spreading. Franklin early saw the necessity of these; and, about

the year 1728, formed the first fire company in this city. The

example was soon followed by others; and there are now numerous fire

companies in the city and liberties. To these may be attributed in

a great degree the activity in extinguishing fires, for which the

citizens of Philadelphia are distinguished, and the inconsiderable

damage this city has sustained from this cause. Some time after,

Franklin suggested the plan for an association for insuring houses

from losses by fire, which was adopted; and the association continues

to this day. The advantages experienced from it have been great.

From the first settlement of Pennsylvania, a spirit of dispute

appears to have prevailed among its inhabitants. During the life-time

of William Penn, the constitution had been three times altered. After

this period the history of Pennsylvania is little else than a recital

of the quarrels between the proprietaries, or their governors,

and the assembly. The proprietaries contended for the right of

exempting their land from taxes; to which the assembly would by no

means consent. This subject of dispute interfered in almost every

question, and prevented the most salutary laws from being enacted.

This at times subjected the people to great inconveniences. In the

year 1774, during a war between France and Great Britain, some

French and Indians had made inroads upon the frontier inhabitants

of the province, who were unprovided for such an attack. It became

necessary that the citizens should arm for their defence. Governor

Thomas recommended to the assembly, who were then sitting, to pass

a militia law. To this they would agree only upon condition, that

he should give his assent to certain laws, which appeared to them

calculated to promote the interests of the people. As he thought

these laws would be injurious to the proprietaries, he refused his

assent to them; and the assembly broke up without passing a militia

bill. The situation of the province was at this time truly alarming:

exposed to the continual inroad of an enemy, and destitute of every

means of defence. At this crisis Franklin stepped forth, and proposed

to a meeting of the citizens of Philadelphia, a plan of a voluntary

association for the defence of the province. This was approved

of, and signed by twelve hundred persons immediately. Copies were

circulated without delay through the province; and in a short time

the number of signatures amounted to ten thousand. Franklin was

chosen colonel of the Philadelphia regiment; but he did not think

proper to accept of the honour.

Pursuits of a different nature now occupied the greatest part of

his attention for some years. He engaged in a course of electrical

experiments, with all the ardor and thirst for discovery which

characterized the philosophers of that day. Of all the branches of

experimental philosophy, electricity had been least explored. The

attractive power of amber is mentioned by Theophrastus and Pliny,

and from them, by later naturalists. In the year 1600, Gilbert, an

English physician, enlarged considerably the catalogue of substances

which have the property of attracting light bodies. Boyle, Otto

Guericke, a burgomaster of Magdeburg, celebrated as the inventor

of the air-pump, Dr. Wall, and Sir Isaac Newton added some facts.

Guericke first observed the repulsive power of electricity, and the

light and noise produced by it. In 1709, Hawkesbec communicated

some important observations and experiments to the world. For

several years electricity was entirely neglected, until Mr. Grey

applied himself to it, in 1728, with great assiduity. He and his

friend Mr. Wheeler, made a great variety of experiments, in which

they demonstrated, that electricity may be communicated from one

body to another, even without being in contact, and in this way may

be conducted to a great distance. Mr. Grey afterwards found, that,

by suspending rods of iron by silk or hair lines, and bringing

an excited tube under them, sparks might be drawn, and a light

perceived at the extremities in the dark. M. du Faye, intendant

of the French king's gardens, made a number of experiments, which

added not a little to the science. He made the discovery of two

kinds of electricity, which he called _vitreous_ and _resinous_; the

former produced by rubbing glass, the latter from excited sulphur,

sealing-wax, &c. But this he afterwards gave up as erroneous. Between

the years 1739 and 1742, Desaguliers made a number of experiments,

but added little of importance. He first used the terms _conductors_

and _electrics per se_. In 1742, several ingenious Germans engaged

in this subject, of these the principal were, professor Boze

of Wittemberg, professor Winkler of Leipsic, Gordon, a Scotch

Benedictine monk, professor of philosophy at Erfurt, and Dr. Ludolf,

of Berlin. The result of their researches astonished the philosophers

of Europe. Their apparatus was large, and by means of it they were

enabled to collect large quantities of the electric fluid, and thus

to produce phenomena which had been hitherto unobserved. They killed

small birds, and set spirits on fire. Their experiments excited the

curiosity of other philosophers. Collinson, about the year 1745,

sent to the Library Company of Philadelphia, an account of these

experiments, together with a tube, and directions how to use it.

Franklin, with some of his friends, immediately engaged in a course

of experiments, the result of which is well known. He was enabled

to make a number of important discoveries, and to propose theories

to account for various phenomena, which have been universally

adopted, and which bid fair to endure for ages. His observations

he communicated in a series of letters, to his friend Collinson,

the first of which is dated March 28, 1747. In these he shews the

power of points in drawing and throwing off the electrical matter,

which had hitherto escaped the notice of electricians. He also made

the grand discovery of a _plus_ and _minus_, or of a _positive_ and

_negative_ state of electricity. We give him the honour of this,

without hesitation; although the English have claimed it for their

countryman, Dr. Watson. Watson's paper is dated January 21, 1748;

Franklin's July 11, 1747: several months prior. Shortly after,

Franklin, from his principles of the plus and minus state, explained,

in a satisfactory manner, the phenomena of the Leyden phial, first

observed by Mr. Cuneus, or by professor Muschenbroeck, of Leyden,

which had much perplexed philosophers. He shewed clearly, that when

charged, the bottle contained no more electricity than before, but

that as much was taken from one side as was thrown on the other;

and that, to discharge it, nothing was necessary but to produce a

communication between the two sides, by which the equilibrium might

be restored, and that then no signs of electricity would remain.

He afterwards demonstrated, by experiments, that the electricity

did not reside in the coating, as had been supposed, but in the

pores of the glass itself. After a phial was charged, he removed

the coating, and found that upon applying a new coating, the shock

might still be received. In the year 1749, he first suggested his

idea of explaining the phenomena of thunder-gusts, and of the aurora

borealis, upon electrical principles. He points out many particulars

in which lightning and electricity agree; and he adduces many

facts, and reasonings from facts, in support of his positions. In

the same year he conceived the astonishingly bold and grand idea of

ascertaining the truth of his doctrine, by actually drawing down

the lightning, by means of sharp-pointed iron rods, raised into the

region of the clouds. Even in this uncertain state, his passion

to be useful to mankind, displayed itself in a powerful manner.

Admitting the identity of electricity and lightning, and knowing the

power of points in repelling bodies charged with electricity, and in

conducting their fire silently and imperceptibly, he suggested the

idea of securing houses, ships, &c. from being damaged by lightning,

by erecting pointed rods, that should rise some feet above the most

elevated part, and descend some feet into the ground or the water.

The effect of these, he concluded, would be either to present a

stroke by repelling the cloud beyond the striking distance, or by

drawing off the electrical fire which it contained; or, if they could

not effect this, they would at least conduct the electric matter to

the earth, without any injury to the building.

It was not until the summer of 1752, that he was enabled to complete

his grand and unparalleled discovery by experiment. The plan, which

he had originally proposed, was, to erect on some high tower, or

other elevated place, a centry-box, from which should rise a pointed

iron rod, insulated by being fixed in a cake of resin. Electrified

clouds passing over this, would, he conceived, impart to it a

portion of their electricity, which would be rendered evident to the

senses by sparks being emitted, when a key, the knuckle, or other

conductor was presented to it. Philadelphia at this time afforded

no opportunity of trying an experiment of this kind. While Franklin

was waiting for the erection of a spire, it occurred to him that he

might have more ready access to the region of clouds by means of a

common kite. He prepared one by fastening two cross sticks to a silk

handkerchief, which would not suffer so much from the rain as paper.

To the upright stick was affixed an iron point. The string was, as

usual, of hemp, except the lower end, which was silk. Where the

hempen string terminated, a key was fastened. With this apparatus, on

the appearance of a thunder-gust approaching, he went out into the

commons, accompanied by his son, to whom alone he communicated his

intentions, well knowing the ridicule which, too generally for the

interest of science, awaits unsuccessful experiments in philosophy.

He placed himself under a shade, to avoid the rain--his kite was

raised--a thunder-cloud passed over it--no sign of electricity

appeared. He almost despaired of success, when, suddenly, he observed

the loose fibres of his string to move towards an erect position. He

now presented his knuckle to the key, and received a strong spark.

How exquisite must his sensations have been at this moment! On this

experiment depended the fate of his theory. If he succeeded, his

name would rank high among those who had improved science; if he

failed, he must inevitably be subjected to the derision of mankind,

or, what is worse, their pity, as a well-meaning man, but a weak,

silly projector. The anxiety with which he looked for the result

of his experiment, may be easily conceived. Doubts and despair

had begun to prevail, when the fact was ascertained in so clear a

manner, that even the most incredulous could no longer withhold

their assent.--Repeated sparks were drawn from the key, a phial

was charged, a shock given, and all the experiments made which are

usually performed with electricity.

About a month before this period, some ingenious Frenchman had

completed the discovery in the manner originally proposed by Dr.

Franklin. The letters which he sent to Mr. Collinson, it is said,

were refused a place in the Transactions of the Royal Society of

London. However this may be, Collinson published them in a separate

volume, under the title of "New Experiments and Observations on

Electricity, made at Philadelphia, in America." They were read

with avidity, and soon translated into different languages. A very

incorrect French translation fell into the hands of the celebrated

Buffon, who, notwithstanding the disadvantages under which the work

laboured, was much pleased with it, and repeated the experiments

with success. He prevailed on his friend, M. D'Alibard, to give his

countrymen a more correct translation of the works of the American

electrician. This contributed much towards spreading a knowledge

of Franklin's principles in France. The king, Louis XV., hearing

of these experiments, expressed a wish to be a spectator of them.

A course of experiments was given at the seat of the D'Ayen, at

St. Germain, by M. de Lor. The applauses which the king bestowed

upon Franklin, excited in Buffon, D'Alibard, and De Lor, an earnest

desire of ascertaining the truth of his theory of thunder-gusts.

Buffon erected his apparatus on the tower of Montbar, M. D'Alibard

at Marly-la-ville, and De Lor at his house in the _Estrapade_ at

Paris, some of the highest ground in that capital. D'Alibard's

machine first shewed signs of electricity. On the 10th of May, 1752,

a thunder cloud passed over it, in the absence of M. D'Alibard, and

a number of sparks were drawn from it by Coiffier, joiner, with whom

D'Alibard had left directions how to proceed, and by M. Raulet, the

prior of Marly-la-ville. An account of this experiment was given to

the Royal Academy of Sciences, by M. D'Alibard, in a Memoir dated May

13th, 1752. On the 18th of May, M. de Lor proved equally successful

with the apparatus erected at his own house. These philosophers soon

excited those of other parts of Europe to repeat the experiment;

amongst whom, none signalised themselves more than Father Beccaria,

of Turin, to whose observations science is much indebted. Even the

cold regions of Russia were penetrated by the ardor for discovery.

Professor Richman bade fair to add much to the stock of knowledge on

this subject, when an unfortunate flash from his conductor, put a

period to his existence. The friends of science will long remember

with regret, the amiable martyr to electricity.

By these experiments Franklin's theory was established in the

most convincing manner. When the truth of it could no longer

be doubted, envy and vanity endeavoured to detract from its

merit. That an American, an inhabitant of the obscure city of

Philadelphia, the name of which was hardly known, should be able

to make discoveries, and to frame theories, which had escaped

the notice of the enlightened philosophers of Europe, was too

mortifying to be admitted. He must certainly have taken the idea

from some one else. An American, a being of an inferior order, make

discoveries!--Impossible. It was said, that the Abbé Nollet, 1748,

had suggested the idea of the similarity of lightning and electricity

in his _Leçons de Physique_. It is true that the Abbé mentions the

idea, but he throws it out as a bare conjecture, and proposes no

mode of ascertaining the truth of it. He himself acknowledges, that

Franklin first entertained the bold thought of bringing lightning

from the heavens, by means of pointed rods fixed in the air. The

similarity of lightning and electricity is so strong, that we need

not be surprised at notice being taken of it, as soon as electrical

phenomena became familiar. We find it mentioned by Dr. Wall and

Mr. Grey, while the science was in its infancy. But the honour of

forming a regular theory of thunder-gusts, of suggesting a mode of

determining the truth of it by experiments, and of putting these

experiments in practice, and thus establishing the theory upon a firm

and solid basis, is incontestibly due to Franklin. D'Alibard, who

made the first experiments in France, says, that he only followed the

tract which Franklin had pointed out.

It has been of late asserted, that the honour of completing the

experiment with the electrical kite, does not belong to Franklin.

Some late English paragraphs have attributed it to some Frenchman,

whose name they do not mention; and the Abbé Bertholon gives it to M.

de Romas, assessor to the presideal of Nerac; the English paragraphs

probably refer to the same person. But a very slight attention will

convince us of the injustice of this procedure: Dr. Franklin's

experiment was made in June 1752; and his letter, giving an account

of it, is dated October 19, 1752. M. de Romas made his first attempt

on the 14th of May, 1753, but was not successful until the 7th of

June; a year after Franklin had completed the discovery, and when it

was known to all the philosophers in Europe.

Besides these great principles, Franklin's letters on electricity

contain a number of facts and hints, which have contributed greatly

towards reducing this branch of knowledge to a science. His friend

Mr. Kinnersley communicated to him a discovery of the different

kinds of electricity, excited by rubbing glass and sulphur. This,

we have said, was first observed by M. Du Faye; but it was for many

years neglected. The philosophers were disposed to account for the

phenomena, rather from a difference in the quantity of electricity

collected, and even Du Faye himself seems at last to have adopted

this doctrine. Franklin at first entertained the same idea; but upon

repeating the experiments, he perceived that Mr. Kinnersley was

right; and that the _vitreous_ and _resinous_ electricity of du Faye

were nothing more than the _positive_, and _negative_ states which he

had before observed; and that the glass globe charged _positively_ or

increased the quantity of electricity on the prime conductor, while

the globe of sulphur diminished its natural quantity, or charged

_negatively_. These experiments and observations opened a new field

for investigation, upon which electricians entered with avidity; and

their labours have added much to the stock of our knowledge.

In September, 1752, Franklin entered upon a course of experiments,

to determine the state of electricity in the clouds. From a number

of experiments he formed this conclusion:--"That the clouds of a

thunder-gust are most commonly in a negative state of electricity,

but sometimes in a positive state;" and from this it follows, as a

necessary consequence, "that, for the most part, in thunder-strokes,

it is the earth that strikes into the clouds, and not the clouds that

strike into the earth." The letter containing these observations is

dated in September, 1753; and yet the discovery of ascending thunder

has been said to be of a modern date, and has been attributed to the

Abbé Bertholon, who published his memoir on the subject in 1776.

Franklin's letters have been translated into most of the European

languages, and into Latin. In proportion as they have become known,

his principles have been adopted. Some opposition was made to his

theories, particularly by the Abbé Nollet, who was, however, but

feebly supported, while the first philosophers in Europe stepped

forth in defence of Franklin's principles, amongst whom D'Alibard and

Beccaria were the most distinguished. The opposition has gradually

ceased, and the Franklinian system is now universally adopted, where

science flourishes.

The important practical use which Franklin made of his discoveries,

the securing of houses from injury by lightning, has been already

mentioned. Pointed conductors are now very common in America; but

prejudice has hitherto prevented their general introduction into

Europe, notwithstanding the most undoubted proofs of their utility

have been given. But mankind can with difficulty be brought to lay

aside practices, or to adopt new ones. And perhaps we have more

reason, to be surprised, that a practice however rational, which was

proposed about forty years ago, should in that time have been adopted

in so many places, than that it has not universally prevailed. It is

only by degrees that the great body of mankind can be led into new

practices, however salutary their tendency. It is now nearly eighty

years since inoculation was introduced into Europe and America; and

it is so far from being general at present, that it will, require one

or two centuries to render it so.

In the year 1745, Franklin published an account of his new-invented

Pennsylvania fire-places, in which he minutely and accurately states

the advantages of different kinds of fire-places; and endeavours to

show that the one which he describes is to be preferred to any other.

This contrivance has given rise to the open stoves now in general

use, which, however, differ from it in construction, particularly in

not having an air-box at the back, through which a constant supply of

air, warmed in its passage, is thrown into the room. The advantages

of this are, that as a stream of warm air is continually flowing into

the room, less fuel is necessary to preserve a proper temperature,

and the room may be so tightened as that no air may enter through

cracks--the consequence of which are colds, tooth-aches, &c.

Although philosophy was a principal object of Franklin's pursuit for

several years, he confined himself not to this. In the year 1747, he

became a member of the general assembly of Pennsylvania, as a burgess

for the city of Philadelphia. Warm disputes subsisted at this time

between the assembly and the proprietaries; each contending for

what they conceived to be their just rights. Franklin, a friend to

the rights of man from his infancy, soon distinguished himself as a

steady opponent of the unjust schemes of the proprietaries. He was

soon looked up to as the head of the opposition; and to him have

been attributed many of the spirited replies of the assembly, to the

messages of the governors. His influence in the body was very great.

This arose not from any superior powers of eloquence; he spoke but

seldom, and he never was known to make any thing like an elaborate

harangue. His speeches often consisted of a single sentence, or

of a well-told story, the moral of which was always obviously to

the point. He never attempted the flowery fields of oratory. His

manner was plain and mild. His style in speaking was, like that of

his writings, simple, unadorned, and remarkably concise. With this

plain manner, and his penetrating and solid judgment, he was able to

confound the most eloquent and subtle of his adversaries, to confirm

the opinions of his friends, and to make converts of the unprejudiced

who had opposed him. With a single observation, he has rendered of no

avail an elegant and lengthy discourse, and determined the fate of a

question of importance.

But he was not contented with thus supporting the rights of the

people. He wished to render them permanently secure, which can

only be done by making their value properly known; and this must

depend upon increasing and extending information to every class of

men. We have already seen that he was the founder of the public

library, which contributed greatly towards improving the minds

of the citizens. But this was not sufficient. The schools then

subsisting were in general of little utility. The teachers were men

ill qualified for the important duty which they had undertaken; and,

after all, nothing more could be obtained than the rudiments of a

common English education. Franklin drew up a plan of an academy, to

be erected in the city of Philadelphia, suited to "the state of an

infant country;" but in this, as in all his plans, he confined not

his views to the present time only. He looked forward to the period

when an institution on an enlarged plan would become necessary. With

this view, he considered his academy as "a foundation for posterity

to erect a seminary of learning more extensive, and suitable to

future circumstances." In pursuance of this plan, the constitutions

were drawn up and signed on the 13th of November, 1749. In these,

twenty-four of the most respectable citizens of Philadelphia were

named as trustees. In the choice of these, and in the formation of

his plan, Franklin is said to have consulted chiefly with Thomas

Hopkinson, Esq; the Rev. Richard Peters, then secretary of the

province, Tench Francis, Esq. attorney-general, and Dr. Phineas Bond.

The following article shews a spirit of benevolence worthy of

imitation; and, for the honour of our city, we hope that it continues

to be in force.

"In case of the disability of the _rector_, or any master

(established on the foundation by receiving a certain salary) through

sickness, or any other natural infirmity, whereby he may be reduced

to poverty, the trustees shall have power to contribute to his

support, in proportion to his distress and merit, and the stock in

their hands."

The last clause of the fundamental rules is expressed in language so

tender and benevolent, so truly parental, that it will do everlasting

honour to the hearts and heads of the founders.

"It is hoped and expected that the trustees will make it their

pleasure, and in some degree their business, to visit the academy

often; to encourage and countenance the youth, to countenance and

assist the masters, and, by all means in their power, advance the

usefulness and reputation of the design; that they will look on

the students as, in some measure, their own children, treat them

with familiarity and affection; and when they have behaved well,

gone through their studies, and are to enter the world, they shall

zealously unite, and make all the interest that can be made to

promote and establish them, whether in business, offices, marriages,

or any other thing for their advantage, in preference to all other

persons whatsoever, even of equal merit."

The constitutions being signed and made public, with the names of

the gentlemen proposing themselves as trustees and founders, the

design was so well approved of by the public-spirited citizens of

Philadelphia, that the sum of eight hundred pounds per annum, for

five years, was in the course of a few weeks subscribed for carrying

it into execution; and in the beginning of January following (viz.

1750) three of the schools were opened, namely, the Latin and

Greek schools, the Mathematical school, and the English school.

In pursuance of an article in the original plan, a school for

educating sixty boys and thirty girls (in the charter since called

the Charitable School) was opened; and amidst all the difficulties

with which the trustees have struggled in respect to their funds,

has still been continued full for the space of forty years; so that

allowing three years education for each boy and girl admitted into

it, which is the general rule, at least twelve hundred children

have received in it the chief part of their education, who might

otherwise, in a great measure, have been left without the means of

instruction. And many of those who have been thus educated, are now

to be found among the most useful and reputable citizens of this

state.

The institution, thus successfully begun, continued daily to

flourish, to the great satisfaction of Dr. Franklin; who,

notwithstanding the multiplicity of his other engagements and

pursuits, at that busy stage of his life, was a constant attendant

at the monthly visitations and examinations of the schools, and made

it his particular study, by means of his extensive correspondence

abroad, to advance the reputation of the seminary, and to draw

students and scholars to it from different parts of America and

the West Indies. Through the interposition of his benevolent and

learned friend, Peter Collinson, of London, upon the application

of the trustees, a charter of incorporation, dated July 13, 1753,

was obtained from the honourable proprietors of Pennsylvania,

Thomas Penn and Richard Penn, Esqrs. accompanied with a liberal

benefaction of five hundred pounds sterling; and Dr. Franklin now

began in good earnest to please himself with the hopes of a speedy

accomplishment of his original design, viz. the establishment of

a perfect institution, upon the plan of the European colleges and

universities; for which his academy was intended as a nursery or

foundation. To elucidate this fact, is a matter of considerable

importance in respect to the memory and character of Dr. Franklin

as a philosopher, and as the friend and patron of learning and

science; for, notwithstanding what is expressly declared by him in

the preamble to the constitutions, viz. that the academy was begun

for "teaching the Latin and Greek languages, with all useful branches

of the arts and sciences, suitable to the state of an infant country,

and laying a foundation for posterity to erect a seminary of learning

more extensive, and suitable to their future circumstances;" yet it

has been suggested of late, as upon Dr. Franklin's authority, that

the Latin and Greek, or the dead languages, are an incumbrance upon

a scheme of liberal education, and that the engrafting or founding a

college, or more extensive seminary, upon his academy, was without

his approbation or agency, and gave him discontent. If the reverse

of this does not already appear from what has been quoted above,

the following letters will put the matter beyond dispute. They were

written by him to a gentleman, who had at that time published the

idea of a college, suited to the circumstances of a young country

(meaning New-York) a copy of which having been sent to Dr. Franklin

for his opinion, gave rise to that correspondence which terminated

about a year afterwards, in erecting the college upon the foundation

of the academy, and establishing that gentleman at the head of both,

where he still continues, after a period of thirty-six years, to

preside with distinguished reputation.

From these letters also, the state of the academy, at that time, will

be, seen.