The British seem to feel we are in league with unearthly powers against

which they have no protection. On Easter Monday they believed that

behind this sudden decision, as it appeared to them, something dark and

sinister was lurking. How else would we dare to revolt against the

British Empire? It was as if our men were not flesh and blood, but

spirits summoned up by their own bad conscience to take vengeance for

many centuries of misrule. It must have been some such feeling that

accounted for the way they lost, at the very outset, all their usual

military calm and ruthlessness.

We recognized this feeling, and it made our men stronger in spirit. We

were convinced of the justice of our cause, convinced that even dying

was a small matter compared with the privilege we now shared of fighting

for that cause. Besides, there was no traitor in our ranks. No one had

whispered a word of our plans to the British authorities. That is one

reason why our memory of Easter Week has in it something finer than the

memory of any other rising in the past. You must bear in mind that the

temptation to betray the rising must have been just as strong, that it

had in it just as much guarantee of security for the future, as

heretofore. Yet no one yielded to this temptation. Even more amazing was

the fact that the authorities had not paid any heed to those utterances

which for months past had been highly seditious. For instance, here is

what Padraic Pearse stated openly in one of his articles:

I am ready. For years I have waited and prayed for this day. We

have the most glorious opportunity that has ever presented itself

of really asserting ourselves. Such an opportunity will never come

again. We have Ireland's liberty in our hands. Or are we content to

remain as slaves and idly watch the final extermination of the

Gael?

Nothing could be more outspoken or direct. When it is remembered that

England's enemies have always been regarded as Ireland's allies; that an

English war, wherever fought, is a signal for us to rise once more, no

matter how many defeats we have suffered, it might have been supposed

the British, stationed in such numbers in and around Dublin, would not

have been put to sleep by what must have seemed, to the wary observer,

an acute attack of openness and a vigorous interest in military affairs.

There were some, of course, among the police and officials who made

their reports of "highly seditious" meetings and writings, but I suppose

the authorities did not believe we would strike. From America they

learned of aid to come by ship when Igel's papers were seized by United

States authorities. It may have been this information that put the

English patrol-boats on their guard in Tralee Harbor. It even may have

been thought that when that ship went down the rising was automatically

ended. So it might have been had our revolt been "made in Germany," but

it must be remembered that it was the Irish who approached the Germans.

Thus there was no anxiety in Dublin that Easter Monday except as to

which horse would win the Fairview races.

As soon as our men were in position in St. Stephen's Green, I rode off

down Leeson Street toward the Grand Canal to learn if the British

soldiers were now leaving Beggar's Bush or the Portobello barracks.

Everything remained quiet. That signified to me that our men had taken

possession of the post-office for headquarters and of all other premises

decided on in the revised plan of strategy adapted to a much smaller

army.

The names of these places do not sound martial. Jacob's Biscuit Factory,

Boland's Bakery, Harcourt Street Railway Station, and Four Courts are

common enough, but each had been chosen for the strategic advantage it

would give those defending Dublin with a few men against a great number.

The Dublin & Southeastern Railway yards, for example, gave control of

the approach from Kingstown where, it was expected, the English coming

over to Ireland would land.

Again I was sent out to learn if the Harcourt Street Station had been

occupied by our men. This had been done, and already telegraph wires

there, as well as elsewhere, had been cut to isolate Dublin. Telephone

wires were cut, too, but one was overlooked. By that wire word of the

rising reached London much sooner than otherwise would have been the

case. But here again, the wonder is not that something had been

overlooked, but that so much was accomplished. By the original plan,

volunteers were told off to do this wire-cutting and the hundred and one

things necessary to a revolt taking place in a city like Dublin. When

this work was redistributed to one third the original number of men, it

was hard to be certain that those who had never _drilled_ for the kind

of task assigned them could do it at all. This insurrection had been all

but rehearsed, during those months when it was being worked out on

paper, by daily and weekly drills.

Upon my return, I found our men intrenching themselves in St. Stephen's

Green. All carried tools with which to dig themselves in, and shrubbery

was used to protect the trenches. Motorcars and drays passing the Green

were commandeered, too, to form a barricade. Much to the bewilderment of

their occupants, who had no warning that anything was amiss in Dublin,

the men in green uniforms would signal them to stop. Except in one

instance, they did so quickly enough. Then they were told to get out. An

experienced chauffeur among our men would jump in at once and drive the

car to a position where it was needed. The occupants would stand for a

moment aghast, then take to their heels. One drayman refused his cart

and persisted in his refusal, not believing it when our men told him

this was war. He was shot. Two British officers were taken prisoners in

one of the autos. We could not afford men to stand guard over them, but

we took good care of them. Afterward they paid us the tribute of saying

that we obeyed all the rules of war.

Commandant Mallin gave me my first despatch to carry to headquarters at

the general post-office. As I crossed O'Connell Street, I had to ride

through great crowds of people who had gathered to hear Padraic Pearse

read the proclamation of the republic at the foot of Nelson's Pillar.

They had to scatter when the Fifth Lancers--the first of the military

forces to learn that insurgents had taken possession of the

post-office--rode in among them to attack the post-office.

[Illustration: POBLACHT NA H EIREANN.

THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT

OF THE

IRISH REPUBLIC

TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND.

IRISHMEN AND IRISHWOMEN In the name of God and of the dead generations

from which she receives her old tradition of nationhood. Ireland,

through us, summons her children to her flag and strikes for her

freedom.

Having organised and trained her manhood through her secret

revolutionary organisation, the Irish Republican Brotherhood, and

through her open military organisations, the Irish Volunteers and the

Irish Citizen Army, having patiently perfected her discipline, having

resolutely waited for the right moment to reveal itself, she now seizes

that moment, and, supported by her exiled children in America and by

gallant allies in Europe, but relying in the first on her own strength,

she strikes in full confidence of victory.

We declare the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of

Ireland, and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies, to be

sovereign and indefeasible. The long usurpation of that right by a

foreign people and government has not extinguished the right, nor can it

ever be extinguished except by the destruction of the Irish people. In

every generation the Irish people have asserted their right to national

freedom and sovereignty; six times during the past three hundred years

they have asserted it in arms. Standing on that fundamental right and

again asserting it in arms in the face of the world, we hereby proclaim

the Irish Republic as a Sovereign Independent State, and we pledge our

lives and the lives of our comrades-in-arms to the cause of its freedom,

or its welfare, and of its exaltation among the nations.

The Irish Republic is entitled to, and hereby claims, the allegiance of

every Irishman and Irishwoman. The Republic guarantees religious and

civil liberty, equal rights and equal opportunities to all its citizens,

and declares its resolve to pursue the happiness and prosperity of the

whole nation and of all its parts, cherishing all the children of the

nation equally, and oblivious of the differences carefully fostered by

an alien government, which have divided a minority from the majority in

the past.

Until our arms have brought the opportune moment for the establishment

of a permanent National Government, representative of the whole people

of Ireland and elected by the suffrages of all her men and women, the

Provisional Government, hereby constituted, will administer the civil

and military affairs of the Republic in trust for the people.

We place the cause of the Irish Republic under the protection of the

Most High God, Whose blessing we invoke upon our arms, and we pray that

no one who serves that cause will dishonour it by cowardice, inhumanity,

or rapine. In this supreme hour the Irish nation must, by its valour and

discipline and by the readiness of its children to sacrifice themselves

for the common good, prove itself worthy of the august destiny to which

it is called.

Signed on Behalf of the Provisional Government,

THOMAS J. CLARKE,

SEAN Mac DIARMADA,

THOMAS MacDONAGH,

P. H. PEARSE,

EAMONN CEANNT,

JAMES CONNOLLY,

JOSEPH PLUNKETT.

THE PROCLAMATION OF THE IRISH REPUBLIC

(All of its signers were executed)]

Nothing can give one a better idea of how demoralized the British were

by the first news of the rising than to learn that they sent cavalry to

attack a fortified building. Men on horseback stood no chance against

rifle-fire from the windows of the post-office. It must be said in

extenuation, however, that it probably was because this cavalry

detachment had just convoyed some ammunition-wagons to a place not far

from O'Connell Street, and so were sent to "scatter" men who, they

supposed, could be put to flight by the mere appearance of regulars on

horseback.

When I reached the open space in front of the post-office, I saw two or

three men and horses lying in the street, killed by the first volley

from the building. It was several days before these horses were taken

away, and there was something in the sight of the dumb beasts that hurt

me every time I had to pass them. It may sound harsh when I say that the

thought of British soldiers being killed in the same way did not awaken

similar feelings. That is because for many centuries we have been

harassed by men in British uniform. They have become to us symbols of a

power that seems to delight in tyranny.

Even while I was cycling toward the post-office, the crowd had

reassembled to watch the raising of the flag of the Irish Republic. As

the tricolor--green, white, and orange--appeared above the roof of the

post-office, a salute was fired. A few days later, while it was still

waving, James Connolly wrote: "For the first time in seven hundred years

the flag of a free Ireland floats triumphantly over Dublin City!"

Mr. Connolly and a few of his officers came out to look at it as it

waved up there against the sky. I saw an old woman go up to him and,

bending her knee, kiss his hand. Indeed, the people loved and trusted

him.

Inside the post-office our men were busy putting things to right after

the lancers' attack. They were getting ready for prolonged resistance.

Window-panes were smashed, and barricades set up to protect men who soon

would be shooting from behind them. Provisions were brought over from

Liberty Hall, where they had long been stored against this day. But what

impressed me most was the way the men went at it, as though this was the

usual sort of thing to be doing and all in the day's work. There was no

sign of excitement, but there was a tenseness, a sense of expectancy, a

kind of exaltation, that was almost more than I could bear.

I delivered my despatch, and was given another to carry back to

Commandant Mallin. Crowds were still in O'Connell Street when I left on

my errand. They were always there when bullets were not flying, and

always seemed in sympathy with the men in the post-office. I found this

same sympathy all over the city wherever I went. Even when men would not

take guns and join us, they were friendly.

The soldiers from Portobello barracks were sent out twice on Monday to

attack our position in St. Stephen's Green. The first time was at noon,

before we were completely intrenched. They had gone only as far as

Portobello Bridge, but a few rods from the barracks, when they were

fired on from the roof of Davies's public-house just the other side of

the bridge. Our rifle-fire was uninterrupted, and a number of the

soldiers fell. They probably thought they were dealing with a

considerable force, for they did not advance until the firing ceased or

until word was brought to the _three men_ on the roof that we were

securely intrenched. Even then they did not come on to attack us, but

went somewhere else in the city.

At six o'clock that evening, just when it was beginning to grow dusk, on

my way back from the post-office I noticed that the crowd of curious

civilians who had been hanging about the Green all day had quite

disappeared. The next thing I saw was two persons hurrying away from the

Green. These were Town Councilor Partridge and the countess. They came

to a halt in the street just ahead of me. Then I saw the British

soldiers coming up Harcourt Street!

The countess stood motionless, waiting for them to come near. She was a

lieutenant in the Irish Volunteers and, in her officer's uniform and

black hat with great plumes, looked most impressive. At length she

raised her gun to her shoulder--it was an "automatic" over a foot long,

which she had converted into a short rifle by taking out the wooden

holster and using it as a stock--and took aim. Neither she nor Partridge

noticed me as I came up behind them. I was quite close when they fired.

The shots rang out at the same moment, and I saw the two officers

leading the column drop to the street. As the countess was taking aim

again, the soldiers, without firing a shot, turned and ran in great

confusion for their barracks. The whole company fled as fast as they

could from _two_ people, one of them a woman! When you consider,

however, that for years these soldiers had been going about Dublin as if

they owned it; that now they did not know from what house or street

corner they might be fired upon by men in green uniforms, it is not to

be wondered at that they were temporarily demoralized.

As we went back to the Green, Madam told me of the attempt made that

morning by herself, Sean Connolly, and ten others to enter Dublin Castle

and plant the flag of the Irish republic on the roof of that stronghold

of British power in Ireland. There always is a considerable military

force housed in the castle, but so completely were they taken by

surprise that for a few moments it seemed as if the small group would

succeed in entering. It was only when their leader, Sean Connolly, was

shot dead that the attempt was abandoned. It seemed to me particularly

fitting that Madam had been a member of this party, for she belonged by

"right of birth" to those who always were invited to social affairs at

the castle. Yet she had long refused to accept these invitations, and

had taken the side of those who hoped for the ultimate withdrawal of

those Dublin Castle hosts.

Immediately after this gallant attempt, which might have succeeded had

it taken place on Sunday with the number of men originally intended,

Madam returned to St. Stephen's Green and alone and single-handed took

possession of the College of Surgeons. This is a big, square, granite

building on the west side of the Green. It was, as we later discovered,

impregnable. For all impression they made, the machine-gun bullets with

which the British soldiers peppered it for five days might have been

dried peas.

The countess, fortunately, had met with no resistance. She walked up the

steps, rang the bell, and, when no one answered, fired into the lock

and entered. The flag we flew from the roof of the building was a small

one I had brought on my bicycle from headquarters.

VII

We were all happy that night as we camped in St. Stephen's Green.

Despite the handicap we were under through lack of men, almost

everything was going our way. It was a cold, damp night. The first-aid

and despatch-girls of our command went into a summer-house for shelter.

It had no walls, but there was a floor to lie upon, and a roof. I slept

at once and slept heavily.

Madam was not so fortunate. She was too tired and excited to sleep.

Instead, she walked about, looking for some sheltered place and, to get

out of the wind, tried lying down in one of the trenches. But the ground

was much too chilly, so she walked about until she noticed the

motor-car of her friend, Dr. Katherine Lynn, seized that morning for the

barricade. She climbed in, found a rug, and went to sleep in comparative

comfort. When morning came she could not forgive herself for having

slept there all night while the rest of us remained outdoors. She had

intended to get up after an hour or two of it and make one of us take

her place. She did not waken, however, till she heard the hailing of

machine-gun bullets on the roof of the car. The girls in the

summer-house, with the exception of myself, were awakened at the same

moment in the same way, and ran for safety behind one of the

embankments. It seems the British had taken possession of a hotel at one

side of the Green--the Hotel Shelbourne--and had placed a machine-gun on

the roof. At four o'clock in the morning they began firing.

The chill I was having woke me, but I quickly followed the others to

their hiding-place. From the first we were aware that had we taken

possession of all buildings around the Green, according to our original

plan, this morning salute of the British would have been impossible. As

it was, our intrenchments and barricades proved of no avail. We realized

at once we should have to evacuate the Green and retire into the College

of Surgeons.

Commandant Mallin sent me with a despatch to headquarters. He recognized

immediately that a regiment could not hold the Green against a

machine-gun on a tall building that could rake our position easily.

As soon as I returned, I was sent away again to bring in sixteen men

guarding the Leeson Street bridge. If we abandoned the Green before

they could join us, they would be cut off and in great danger. As I rode

along on my bicycle, I had my first taste of the risks of

street-fighting. Soldiers on top of the Hotel Shelbourne aimed their

machine-gun directly at me. Bullets struck the wooden rim of my bicycle

wheels, puncturing it; others rattled on the metal rim or among the

spokes. I knew one might strike me at any moment, so I rode as fast as I

could. My speed saved my life, and I was soon out of range around a

corner. I was not exactly frightened nor did I feel aware of having

shown any special courage. My anxiety for the men I was to bring in

filled my mind, for though I was out of range, unless we could find a

roundabout way to the College of Surgeons seventeen of us would be under

fire. To make matters worse, the men were on foot.

After I reached this group and gave the order for their return, I

scouted ahead up streets I knew would bring us back safely to the

college, unless already guarded by the British. It was while I was

riding ahead of them that I had fresh evidence of the friendliness of

the people. Two men presently approached me. They stepped out into the

street and said quietly:

"All is safe ahead."

I rode back, told the guard, and we moved on more rapidly. At another

spot a woman leaned out of her window just as I was passing. "You are

losing your revolver," she called to me.

She may have saved my life by that warning, for my revolver had torn its

way through the pocket of my raincoat, and, in another moment, would

have fallen to the ground. Had it been discharged, the result might

have been fatal.

As we came to the College of Surgeons and were going in by a side door,

the men were just retiring from the Green. Since every moment counted, I

had ridden ahead to report to Commandant Mallin, and while he stood

listening to me, a bullet whizzed through his hat. He took it off,

looked at it without comment, and put it on again. Evidently the

machine-gun was still at work.

One of our boys was killed before we got inside the College of Surgeons.

Had the British gunners been better trained for their task, we might

have lost more, for we were completely at their mercy from the moment

they began to fire at dawn until the big door of the college closed, and

we took up the defense of our new position in the great stone fortress.

Every time I left the college, I was forced to run the gauntlet of this

machine-gun. I blessed the enemy's bad marksmanship several times a day.

To be sure, they tried hard enough to hit something. Once that day I saw

them shooting at our first-aid girls, who made excellent targets in

their white dresses, with large red crosses on them. It was a miracle

that none of them was wounded. Bullets passed through one girl's skirt,

and another girl had the heel of her shoe shot off. If I myself had not

seen this happen, I could not have believed that British soldiers would

disobey the rules of war concerning the Red Cross.

Mr. Connolly had issued orders that no soldier was to be shot who did

not have arms, and he did not consider the side-arms they always

carried as "arms." My revolver had been given me for self-defense in

case I fell into the hands of any soldiers. I confess that, though I

never used it, I often felt tempted when I saw British soldiers going

along in twos and threes, bent on shooting any of our men. I was not in

uniform, however, and had had orders not to shoot except thus clothed

and so a member of the Republican Army.

Some of the streets I had to ride through were as quiet and peaceful as

if there was no thought of revolution in Dublin, but in others I could

hear now and then scattered shots from around some corner. It was more

than likely that snipers were trying to hold up a force of British on

their way to attack one of our main positions. Sometimes I would hear

the rattle of a machine-gun, and this warned me that I was approaching

a house where the enemy was raking a position held by our men.

Generally, however, it was the complete and death-like emptiness of a

street that warned me I was close to a scene of hot fighting. This was

not always so, for there were times when the curiosity of the crowd got

the better of its caution, and it would push dangerously near the

shooting.

Several days elapsed before the people of Dublin became fully aware of

the meaning of what was going on. Riots are not rare, and this might

well seem to many of them only rioting on a large scale, with some new

and interesting features. The poor of Dublin have never been appeased

with bread or circuses by the British authorities. They have had to be

content with starvation and an occasional street disturbance. But little

by little, as I rode along, I could detect a change in attitude. Some

became craven and disappeared; in others, it seemed that at last their

souls might come out of hiding and face the day.

The spirit at the post-office was always the same--quiet, cheerful, and

energetic. I used to stand at the head of the great central staircase

waiting for answers to my despatches and could see the leaders as they

went to and fro through the corridor. Padraic Pearse impressed me by his

natural air of command. He was serious, but not troubled, not even when

he had to ask for men from the Citizen Army to eke out the scant numbers

of his Volunteers for some expedition. No one had thought it would be

that way, for the Volunteers were originally two to one compared with

the Citizen Army. Recruits were coming in every day, but at the most

there were not fifteen hundred men against twenty thousand British

soldiers stationed in or near Dublin.

Whenever there came a lull in business or fighting, the men would begin

to sing either rebel songs or those old lays dear to Irishmen the world

over. And sometimes they knelt in prayer, Protestants and Catholics side

by side. From the very beginning there was a sense of the religious

character in what we were doing. This song and prayer at the post-office

were all natural, devoid of self-consciousness. A gay song would follow

a solemn prayer, and somehow was not out of harmony with it.

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