BOOK VI

I

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Laodicea, Feb. 23_, B.C. _50_]

I got your letter on the 5th day before the Terminalia[202] at Laodicea.

I was delighted at its tone of affection, kindness, and obliging zeal. I

will not pay “gold for brass” (for that is what you ask for), nor will I

start an arrangement of my own, but will keep to your order. You say

that the last letter you got from me was from Cybistra dated the 21st of

September, and you want to know which of yours I have received. Almost

all you mention except those which you say were entrusted to Lentulus’

servants at Equotuticus and Brundisium. So your energy is not a dead

loss as you fear, but has been well spent, if you aimed at giving me

pleasure. For nothing has ever given me more pleasure.

I am exceedingly glad that you approve of my reserve in the case of

Appius and my generosity even in the matter of your friend Brutus. I had

feared you might not quite like it. For Appius on his journey sent me

two or three letters showing pique, because I revoked some of his

enactments. It is as if a doctor, when a patient has been placed under

the care of another, should be angry with his successor for changing his

prescription. So Appius, having starved the province, let blood, and

tried every lowering treatment, hands it to me drained of

Footnote 202:

i.e. the 19th of Feb., the Terminalia being on the 23rd.

προσανατρεφομένην eam a me non libenter videt, sed modo suscenset, modo

gratias agit. Nihil enim a me fit cum ulla illius contumelia; tantum

modo dissimilitudo meae rationis offendit hominem. Quid enim potest esse

tam dissimile quam illo imperante exhaustam esse sumptibus et iacturis

provinciam, nobis eam obtinentibus nummum nullum esse erogatum nec

privatim nec publice? Quid dicam de illius praefectis, comitibus,

legatis etiam? de rapinis, de libidinibus, de contumeliis? Nunc autem

domus mehercule nulla tanto consilio aut tanta disciplina gubernatur aut

tam modesta est quam nostra tota provincia. Haec non nulli amici Appi

ridicule interpretantur, qui me idcirco putent bene audire velle, ut

ille male audiat, et recte facere non meae laudis, sed illius

contumeliae causa. Sin Appius, ut Bruti litterae, quas ad te misit,

significabant, gratias nobis agit, non moleste fero, sed tamen eo ipso

die, quo haec ante lucem scribebam, cogitabam eius multa inique

constituta et acta tollere.

Nunc venio ad Brutum, quem ego omni studio te auctore sum complexus,

quem etiam amare coeperam: sed ilico me revocavi, ne te offenderem. Noli

enim putare me quicquam maluisse, quam ut mandatis satis facerem, nee

ulla de re plus laborasse. Mandatorum autem mihi libellum dedit,

isdemque de rebus tu mecum egeras. Omnia sum diligentissime persecutus.

Primum ab Ariobarzane sic contendi, ut talenta, quae mihi pollicebatur,

illi daret. Quoad mecum rex fuit, perbono loco res erat; post a Pompei

procuratoribus sescentis premi coeptus est.

life and cannot bear to see it being fed up by me. Sometimes he is

angry, sometimes he thanks me; for no act of mine has reflected on his

policy. It is only the difference of my _regime_ that annoys him. There

is a very wide difference between a province worn out by expense and

losses under his rule and not having to pay a penny out of private or

public purse under my administration. I need not mention his prefects,

his staff and his legates, the acts of robbery, of rape and insult. But

now, upon my word, no private house is managed with such judgement or

such economy, or is so well ordered as my whole province. Some friends

of Appius put an absurd construction on my policy and declare that I am

seeking popularity to damage him, and am acting honourably, not for the

sake of my own reputation, but to cause him shame. However, if Appius,

as the letter from Brutus which you forward to me shows, expresses his

thanks, I am content: but the very day on which I write this letter

before dawn I am thinking of annulling many of his wrong enactments and

decisions.

I come now to the matter of Brutus. On your advice I zealously

cultivated his friendship, I had even begun to feel a real liking for

him: but there I pull myself up for fear I should vex you. For do not

imagine that there is anything I should prefer better than to execute

his commission, or anything on which I have taken more pains. He gave me

a volume of commissions, and you spoke to me about his affairs. I have

done my best with all of them; first of all I induced Ariobarzanes to

pay him the money he promised me. So long as his highness was with me

the business was on a good footing: but later the king was dunned by

scores of agents from

Pompeius autem cum ob ceteras causas plus potest unus quam ceteri omnes,

tum quod putatur ad bellum Parthicum esse venturus. Ei tamen sic nunc

solvitur, tricensimo quoque die talenta Attica XXXIII et hoc ex

tributis. Nec inde satis efficitur in usuram menstruam. Sed Gnaeus

noster clementer id fert; sorte caret, usura nec ea, solida contentus

est. Alii neque solvit cuiquam nec potest solvere; nullum enim aerarimn,

nullum vectigal habet. Appi instituto tributa imperat. Ea vix in faenus

Pompei quod satis sit efficiunt. Amici regis duo tresve perdivites sunt,

sed ii suum tam diligenter tenent quam ego aut tu. Equidem non desino

tamen per litteras rogare, suadere, accusare regem. Deiotarus etiam mihi

narravit se ad eum legatos misisse de re Bruti; eos sibi responsum

rettulisse illum non habere. Et mehercule ego ita iudico. nihil illo

regno spoliatius, nihil rege egentius. Itaque aut tutela cogito me

abdicare aut ut pro Glabrione Scaevola faenus et impendium recusare. Ego

tamen, quas per te Bruto promiseram praefecturas, M. Scaptio, L. Gavio,

qui in regno rem Bruti procurabant, detuli; nec enim in provincia mea

negotiabantur. Tu autem meministi nos sic agere, ut, quot vellet

praefecturas, sumeret, dum ne negotiatori. Itaque duas

Pompey. Pompey has more influence than anyone for many reasons and

because it is rumoured that he will come to conduct the war against the

Parthians. Even to him however payment is made on the following terms.

On every thirtieth day some £8,000 is paid and that by tribute imposed

on the king’s subjects. Even such a sum will not cover the amount of

monthly interest. However our friend Gnaeus is an easy-going creditor.

He is willing to forgo his capital and is content with interest, and

that not in full. The king pays no one else and has no means to pay. He

has no treasury and no regular tribute: he levies taxes on the method of

Appius. They are scarcely sufficient to pay the interest on Pompey’s

money. His highness has two or three very wealthy friends, but they look

after their own pockets as well as you or I. Still I do not cease to

write dunning, coaxing and scolding his highness. Deiotarus too has told

me that he has sent messengers to him about his debt to Brutus: and they

came back with the reply that he has no assets. I can quite believe it,

for I have never seen a kingdom more plundered or a king more needy. So

I am thinking of resigning my guardianship, or, as Scaevola did for

Glabrio, of repudiating both capital and interest. However I have

conferred the office of prefect, which I promised Brutus through you, on

M. Scaptius and L. Gavius, who are his agents in the kingdom; for they

were not conducting their business in my province. You will remember

that my principle was that he might have as many offices of prefect at

his disposal as he liked, provided he did not give them to business men:

so I offered him

ei praeterea dederam. Sed ii, quibus petierat, de provincia decesserant.

Nunc cognosce de Salaminiis, quod video tibi etiam novum accidisse

tamquam mihi. Numquam enim ex illo audivi illam pecuniam esse suam; quin

etiam libellum ipsius habeo, in quo est: “Salaminii pecuniam debent M.

Scaptio et P. Matinio, familiaribus meis.” Eos mihi commendat; adscribit

etiam et quasi calcar admovet intercessisse se pro iis magnam pecuniam.

Confeceram, ut solverent centesimis sexennii ductis cum renovatione

singulorum annorum. At Scaptius quaternas postulabat. Metui, si

impetrasset, ne tu ipse me amare desineres; nam ab edicto meo

recessissem et civitatem in Catonis et in ipsius Bruti fide locatam

meisque beneficiis ornatam funditus perdidissem. Atque hoc tempore ipso

impingit mihi epistulam Scaptius Bruti rem illam suo periculo esse, quod

nec mihi umquam Brutus dixerat nec tibi, etiam ut praefecturam Scaptio

deferrem. Id vero per te exceperamus, ne negotiatori; quodsi cuiquam,

huic tamen non. Fuerat enim praefectus Appio et quidem habuerat turmas

equitum, quibus inclusum in curia senatum Salamine obsederat, ut fame

senatores quinque morerentur. Itaque ego, quo die tetigi provinciam, cum

mihi Cyprii legati Ephesum obviam venissent, litteras misi, ut equites

ex insula statim decederent. His de causis credo Scaptium iniquius de me

aliquid ad Brutum scripsisse. Sed tamen hoc sum animo.

two others besides. But the gentlemen for whom he asked them had left my

province.

Now to talk about the people of Salamis, a matter which I see came as a

surprise to you as it did to me. Brutus never told me that that money

was his. Indeed I have his own memorandum stating “The people of Salamis

owe money to M. Scaptius and P. Matinius, my friends.” He recommends

these gentlemen to me, and to spur me adds a postscript that he has gone

security to them for a large sum. I had arranged that they should pay in

compound interest for six years at 12 percent. But Scaptius demanded 48

per cent, I was afraid, if he got his request, that you too would cease

to be my friend, for I should have departed from the terms of my own

edict, and have ruined utterly a state enjoying the protection of Cato

and Brutus himself and distinguished by my attentions. At this very

point Scaptius thrusts a letter of Brutus into my hand, stating what

Brutus had never told me or you, that Brutus himself was the party

concerned, and asking me to give the office of prefect to his agent. But

that was the very proviso I had authorized you to make, that no office

could be given to a business man, above all to such a fellow as

Scaptius. For he had been a prefect of Appius, and indeed had had some

squadrons of cavalry, which he had used to beset the Senate at Salamis

in their own chamber, so that five Members of the House died of

starvation. Accordingly on the day I reached the province, since an

embassy from Cyprus had already met me at Ephesus, I sent orders that

his cavalry should leave the island at once. This, I fancy, had led

Scaptius to write somewhat bitterly about me to Brutus. However, my

attitude

Si Brutus putabit me quaternas centesimas oportuisse decernere, cum tota

provincia singulas observarem itaque edixissem, idque etiam acerbissimis

faeneratoribus probaretur, si praefecturam negotiatori denegatam

queretur, quod ego Torquato nostro in tuo Laenio, Pompeio ipsi in Sex.

Statio negavi et iis probavi, si equites deductos moleste feret,

accipiam equidem dolorem mihi illum irasci, sed multo maiorem non esse

eum talem, qualem putassem. Illud quidem fatebitur Scaptius, me ius

dicente sibi omnem pecuniam ex edicto meo auferendi potestatem fuisse.

Addo etiam illud, quod vereor tibi ipsi ut probem. Consistere usura

debuit, quae erat in edicto meo. Deponere volebant: impetravi a

Salaminiis, ut silerent. Veniam illi quidem mihi dederunt, sed quid iis

fiet, si huc Paulus venerit? Sed totum hoc Bruto dedi; qui de me ad te

humanissimas litteras scripsit, ad me autem, etiam cum rogat aliquid,

contumaciter, adroganter, ἀκοινονοήτως solet scribere. Tu autem velim ad

eum scribas de his rebus, ut sciam, quo modo haec accipiat; facies enim

me certiorem.

Atque haec superioribus litteris diligenter ad te perscripseram, sed

plane te intellegere volui mihi non excidisse illud, quod tu ad me

quibusdam litteris scripsisses, si nihil aliud de hac provincia nisi

illius benevolentiam deportassem, mihi id satis esse. Sit sane, quondam

ita tu vis, sed tamen cum eo, credo, quod

is this. If Brutus thinks that I ought to have allowed 48 per cent, when

throughout my province I have recognized only 12 per cent, and have

fixed this rate in my edict, with the approval of the most grasping

usurers; if he complains of my refusal to give office to a business man,

which I made also to our friend Torquatus in the case of your

acquaintance Laenius, and to Pompey himself in the case of Sex. Statius,

without annoying either of them; if he is angry at the disbanding of his

cavalry, well I shall be sorry that he is angry with me, but I shall be

far sorrier at discovering he is not the man I imagined he was. Scaptius

will admit that he had the opportunity of getting by my decision all the

money allowed by my edict. I will add a point which I fear you may not

like, the interest allowed by my edict ought to have ceased to run.[203]

The people of Salamis wished to deposit the sum in a temple; but I

begged them not to raise the point. They gave way to me: but what will

happen to them if Brutus’ brother-in-law, Paulus, comes here? I allowed

Brutus all this privilege: and he has written very kind letters about me

to you; but to me, even when he asks a favour, he writes in an arrogant,

bold tone and uncivilly. Please write to Brutus about the matter, that I

may know how he takes it. You can inform me.

To be sure, I had given you the full story in a former letter: but I

wanted you to understand clearly that I had not forgotten a remark in

one of your letters, that if I took nothing else away from this province

except Brutus’ good-will, that would be enough. Be it as you wish,

provided it can be so

Footnote 203:

If the money was deposited in a temple.

sine peccato meo fiat. Igitur meo decreto soluta res Scaptio stat. Quam

id rectum sit, tu iudicabis; ne ad Catonem quidem provocabo. Sed noli me

putare ἐγκελεύσματα illa tua abiecisse, quae mihi in visceribus haerent.

Flens mihi meam famam commendasti; quae epistula tua est, in qua non

eius mentionem facias? [Sidenote: Aristophanes, _Acharnians_, 659]

Itaque irascatur, qui volet; patiar. Τὸ γὰρ εὖ μετ’ ἐμοῦ, praesertim cum

sex libris tamquam praedibus me ipse obstrinxerim, quos tibi tam valde

probari gaudeo. E quibus unum ἱστορικὸν requiris de Cn. Flavio, Anni

filio. Ille vero ante decemviros non fuit, quippe qui aedilis curulis

fuerit, qui magistratus multis annis post decemviros institutus est.

Quid ergo profecit, quod protulit fastos? Occultatam putant quodam

tempore istam tabulam, ut dies agendi peterentur a paucis. Nec vero

pauci sunt auctores Cn. Flavium scribam fastos protulisse actionesque

composuisse, ne me hoc vel potius Africanum (is enim loquitur) commentum

putes. Οὐκ ἔλαθέ σε illud de gestu histrionis. Tu sceleste suspicaris,

ego ἀφελῶς scripsi. De me imperatore scribis te ex Philotimi litteris

cognosse; sed credo te, iam in Epiro cum esses, binas meas de omnibus

rebus accepisse, unas a Pindenisso capto, alteras Laodicea,

without loss of honour to me. So I have given judgement that the payment

of the people of Salamis to Scaptius is good at law. The equity of this

course I will leave to your consideration. I will not even appeal to

Cato: but don’t think I have let slip your exhortations. They are fixed

in my heart. With tears in your eyes, you told me to think of my

reputation. Is there any letter of yours which does not touch on the

topic? So let who will be angry. I can put up with it. “The right is on

my side,” especially since I have bound myself to good conduct, with six

volumes[204] for bail. I am glad you like the books so much, though

there is one point of history which you question, that about Cn.

Flavius, the son of Annius. He did not flourish before the days of the

decemviri, since he held a curule aedileship, which was instituted long

after their time. What good then did he do by publishing the official

calendar? It is thought that at one time the calendar was not exposed in

public, so that a privileged few might be the sole source of information

as to days propitious for business. Moreover, several authorities

maintain that this Cn. Flavius was the first man to publish the calendar

and to draw up a digest of the forms of legal procedure. So don’t think

that I, or rather my spokesman Africanus, invented a fiction. You took

my remark about the actor’s mannerism, and suspected a satirical

meaning:[205] but I wrote in all _naïveté_. You tell me that Philotimus

wrote to you about my being hailed imperator; but I fancy that, now you

are in Epirus, you have got my two letters about the business, one from

Pindenissus after its capture, another from Laodicea, both

Footnote 204:

The _De Republica_.

Footnote 205:

That it was a hit at Hortensius.

utrasque tuis pueris datas. Quibus de rebus propter casum navigandi per

binos tabellarios misi Romam publice litteras.

De Tullia mea tibi adsentior scripsique ad eam et ad Terentiam mihi

placere. Tu enim ad me iam ante scripseras: “Ac vellem te in tuum

veterem gregem rettulisses.” Correcta vero epistula Memmiana nihil

negotii fuit; multo enim malo hunc a Pontidia quam illum a Servilia.

Quare adiunges Saufeium nostrum, hominem semper amantem mei, nunc,

credo, eo magis, quod debet etiam fratris Appi amorem erga me cum

reliqua hereditate crevisse; qui declaravit, quanti me faceret, cum

saepe tum in Bursa. Ne tu me sollicitudine magna liberaris.

Furni exceptio mihi non placet; nee enim ego ullum aliud tempus timeo,

nisi quod ille solum excipit. Sed scriberem ad te de hoc plura, si Romae

esses. In Pompeio te spem omnem otii ponere non miror. Ita res est,

removendumque censeo illud “dissimulantem.” Sed enim οἰκονομία si

perturbatior est, tibi assignato. Te enim sequor σχεδιάζοντα.

Cicerones pueri amant inter se, discunt, exercentur, sed alter, uti

dixit Isocrates in Ephoro et Theopompo, frenis eget, alter calcaribus.

Quinto togam puram

delivered to your slaves. For fear of accidents at sea, I sent the

public despatch on my campaign to Rome in duplicate by different

carriers.

As to my daughter Tullia I agree with you, and I have written to her and

her mother giving my consent. For a former letter of yours to me said “I

could wish you had returned to your old associates.” There was no

occasion to alter the letter that came from Memmius: for I much prefer

to accept this candidate from Pontidia than the other from Servilia. So

get our friend Saufeius to help you in this business. He always liked

me, and now I trust he will like me all the more, since he is bound to

have inherited his brother Appius’ liking for me along with the rest of

his inheritance, and Appius often expressed great affection for me,

especially in the trial of Bursa. Indeed you will relieve me of a source

of great anxiety.

I do not like Furnius’ proviso; there is nothing else I fear, except the

point which he makes his sole proviso.[206] I would write to you more

fully on the point, if you were in Rome. I am not surprised that you

depend entirely on Pompey for keeping the peace. That is quite right,

and I think you must delete your phrase “insincere.” If the order of my

paragraphs is muddled, you have yourself to blame, as I am following

your own harum-scarum way.

My son and nephew are fond of one another, learn their lessons and take

their exercise together: but to quote Isocrates’ remark about Ephorus

and Theopompus, one wants the rein and the other the spur.

Footnote 206:

Apparently a proposal by a tribune that the governors of Syria and

Cilicia could quit their provinces at the end of the year, provided

the Parthians were not aggressive.

Liberalibus cogitabam dare; mandavit enim pater. Ea sic observabo, quasi

intercalatum non sit. Dionysius mihi quidem in amoribus est; pueri autem

aiunt eum furenter irasci; sed homo nec doctior nec sanctior fieri

potest nec tui meique amantior. Thermum, Silium vere audis laudari.

Valde honeste se gerunt. Adde M. Nonium, Bibulum, me, si voles. Iam

Scrofa vellem haberet, ubi posset; est enim lautum negotium. Ceteri

infirmant πολίτευμα Catonis. Hortensio quod causam meam commendas, valde

gratum. De Amiano spei nihil putat esse Dionysius. Terenti nullum

vestigium adgnovi. Moeragenes certe periit. Feci iter per eius

possessionem, in qua animal reliquum nullum est. Haec non noram tum, cum

Democrito tuo cum locutus sum. Rhosica vasa mandavi. Sed heus tu! quid

cogitas? in felicatis lancibus et splendidissimis canistris holusculis

nos soles pascere; quid te in vasis fictilibus appositurum putem? Κέρας

Phemio mandatum est; reperietur, modo aliquid illo dignum canat.

Parthicum bellum impendet. Cassius ineptas litteras misit, necdum Bibuli

erant allatae. Quibus recitatis puto fore ut aliquando commoveatur

senatus. Equidem sum in magna animi perturbatione. Si, ut opto, non

prorogatur nostrum negotium, habeo Iunium

I intend to celebrate Quintus’ coming of age[207] on the feast of

Bacchus.[208] His father asked me to do this, and I shall act on the

assumption that there will be no addition to the calendar. Dionysius is

in my good graces: but the boys say he is liable to mad fits of temper.

However one could not get a master of more learning and better character

and more liking for you and me. The praise you hear of Thermus and

Silius is deserved: they conduct themselves in very honourable fashion.

You may praise M. Nonius, Bibulus, and myself too, if you like. I only

wish Scrofa had scope for his tact. He is a fine fellow. The rest do

little credit to Cato’s caucus. I am much obliged to you for

recommending my case to Hortensius. As to Amianus Dionysius says there

is no help. I have met with no trace of Terentius. Moeragenes has

certainly been killed. I made a tour through his district and found not

a living thing. I did not know this, when I spoke to your agent

Democritus. I have ordered the Rhosian ware for you. But what the deuce

will you serve up in porcelain, when you are accustomed to give us

vegetarian fare on fern-pattern plates and in magnificent baskets? I

have ordered a horn for Phemius, and one will be got. I only hope that

his tune will be worthy of the instrument.

A war with the Parthians is imminent. Cassius’ despatch was futile,

Bibulus’ has not yet come. I think the reading of it will stir the House

to action at last. I am very anxious myself. If, as I hope, my tenure of

office is not extended, I have June and July

Footnote 207:

On coming of age, which took place at about 15 or 16, the Roman boy

left off the purple-bordered _toga praetexta_ and assumed the pure

white _toga virilis_.

Footnote 208:

March 17.

et Quinctilem in metu. Esto; duos quidem menses sustinebit Bibulus. Quid

illo fiet, quem reliquero, praesertim si fratrem? quid me autem, si non

tam cito decedo? Magna turba est. Mihi tamen cum Deiotaro convenit, ut

ille in meis castris esset cum suis copiis omnibus. Habet autem cohortes

quadringenarias nostra armatura XXX, equitum CIↃ CIↃ. Erit ad

sustentandum, quoad Pompeius veniat; qui litteris, quas ad me mittit,

significat suum negotium illud fore. Hiemant in nostra provincia Parthi;

exspectatur ipse Orodes. Quid quaeris? aliquantum est negotii.

De Bibuli edicto nihil novi praeter illam exceptionem, de qua tu ad me

scripseras, “nimis gravi praeiudicio in ordinem nostrum.” Ego tamen

habeo ἰσοδυναμοῦσαν, sed tectiorem, ex Q. Muci P. f. edicto Asiatico,

EXTRA QVAM SI ITA NEGOTIVM GESTVM EST, VT EO STARI NON OPORTEAT EX FIDE

BONA, multaque sum secutus Scaevolae, in iis illud, in quo sibi

libertatem censent Graeci datam, ut Graeci inter se disceptent suis

legibus. Breve autem edictum est propter hanc meam διαίρεσιν, quod

duobus generibus edicendum putavi. Quorum unum est provinciale, in quo

est de rationibus civitatum, de aere alieno, de usura, de syngraphis; in

eodem omnia de publicanis, alterum, quod sine edicto satis commode

transigi non potest, de

to fear. Very good. Bibulus can check them for two months, but what will

happen to the man whom I leave behind, especially if he be my brother?

Or what will be my own fate, if I do not depart so speedily? It is a

great bother. However Deiotarus has decided to join my camp in full

force. He has thirty squadrons of four hundred men each armed in our

fashion, and two thousand cavalry. He can hold out till Pompey comes. A

letter he writes to me presumes that he will conduct the campaign. The

Parthians spend the winter in a Roman province. Orodes is expected in

person. You may take my word it is a big business.

As to Bibulus’ edict there is no new feature, except that proviso of

which you wrote “it is a very grave reflection on our order.”[209]

However I have a similar proviso, in more circumspect language, borrowed

from the Asiatic edict of Q. Mucius, son of Publius, “Provided that the

agreement is not such as contravenes equity.” I have followed Scaevola

in many details, among them in the stipulation which the Greeks hold as

the salvation of their freedom, that Greek cases are to be settled

according to Greek law. The edict is short on account of the division I

have made, as I considered it fell better under two heads. The one

concerns provincial matters and deals with town accounts, debt, the rate

of interest, contracts, and includes all matters referring to the

tax-collectors. The second head, embracing matters which cannot properly

be settled without an

Footnote 209:

Bibulus had excepted from debts recoverable in his court cases in

which _vis_ or _dolus malus_ had been used. The clause was directed

against _publicani_ and _negotiatores_ who belonged to the _equites_.

hereditatum possessionibus, de bonis possidendis, vendendis, magistris

faciendis, quae ex edicto et postulari et fieri solent. Tertium de

reliquo iure dicundo ἄγραφον reliqui. Dixi me de eo genere mea decreta

ad edicta urban a accommodaturum. Itaque curo et satis facio adhuc

omnibus. Graeci vero exsultant, quod peregrinis iudicibus utuntur.

“Nugatoribus quidem,” inquies. Quid refert? tamen se αὐτονομίαν adeptos

putant. Vestri enim, credo, graves habent Turpionem sutorium et Vettium

mancipem.

De publicanis quid agam, videris quaerere. Habeo in deliciis, obsequor,

verbis laudo, orno; efficio, ne cui molesti sint. Τὸ παραδοξότατον,

usuras eorum, quas pactionibus adscripserant, servavit etiam Servilius.

Ego sic. Diem statuo satis laxam, quam ante si solverint, dico me

centesimas ducturum; si non solverint, ex pactione. Itaque et Graeci

solvunt tolerabili faenore, et publicanis res est gratissima, si illa

iam habent pleno modio, verborum honorem, invitationem crebram. Quid

plura? sunt omnes ita mihi familiares, ut se quisque maxime putet. Sed

tamen μηδὲν αὐτοῖς—scis reliqua.

De statua Africani (ὢ πραγμάτων ἀσυγκλώστων sed me id ipsum delectavit

in tuis litteris) ain tu? Scipio hic Metellus proavum suum nescit

censorem non

edict, deals with inheritance, ownership and sale, the appointment of

official receivers, matters where suits are wont to be brought and

settled in accordance with the terms of an edict. A third head dealing

with the rest of judicial procedure I left unwritten. I stated that in

such matters my decrees would be based on those of Rome. I observe this

rule, and so far satisfy everybody. The Greeks are jubilant at having

foreign jurors. You may say that the jurors are wasters: however the

Greeks flatter themselves that they have got home rule, and your own

jurors are men of the lofty standing of Turpio the shoe maker and

Vettius the broker.

You ask how I am dealing with the tax-gatherers. I pet them, indulge

them, praise and honour them: and take care they trouble no one. It is

very odd that the rates of interest specified in their bonds were upheld

even by Servilius. My procedure is this. I name a day fairly remote,

before which, if the debtors pay up, I lay down that I shall allow only

12 per cent. But, if they have not paid, judgement will be according to

the bond. Accordingly the Greeks pay their debts at a fair rate of

interest, and the farmers are gratified, provided they get their fill of

compliments and invitations. In short, they are all so intimate with me

that each man thinks himself my special favourite. But still you know

the old saw.[210]

As to the statue of Africanus (what a medley of topics! but that was the

delightful feature of your letter, to my mind), do you really mean that

Metellus Scipio does not know his great-grandfather

Footnote 210:

The quotation is incomplete, and the ending of it unknown. Probably it

contained advice either against trusting or humouring people too much.

fuisse? Atqui nihil habuit aliud inscriptum nisi cos. ea statua, quae ad

Opis nuper[211] posita in excelso est. In illa autem, quae est ad

Πολυκλέους Herculem, inscriptum est CENS;[212] quam esse eiusdem status,

amictus, anulus, imago ipsa declarat. At mehercule ego, cum in turma

inauratarum equestrium, quas hic Metellus in Capitolio posuit,

animadvertissem in Serapionis subscriptione Africani imaginem, erratum

fabrile putavi, nunc video Metelli. O ἀνιστορησίαν turpem! Nam illud de

Flavio et fastis, si secus est, commune erratum est, et tu belle

ἠπόρησας, et nos publicam prope opinionem secuti sumus, ut multa apud

Graecos. Quis enim non dixit Εὔπολιν, τὸν τῆς ἀρχαίας, ab Alcibiade

navigante in Siciliam deiectum esse in mare? Redarguit Eratosthenes;

adfert enim, quas ille post id tempus fabulas docuerit. Num idcirco

Duris Samius, homo in historia diligens, quod cum multis erravit,

inridetur? Quis Zaleucum leges Locris scripsisse non dixit? Num igitur

iacet Theophrastus. si id a Timaeo, tuo familiari, reprensum est? Sed

nescire proavum suum censorem non fuisse turpe est, praesertim cum post

eum consulem nemo Cornelius illo vivo censor fuerit.

Quod de Philotimo et de solutione HS |¯XXDC¯| scribis, Philotimum

circiter Kal. Ianuarias in Chersonesum audio venisse. At mi ab eo nihil

adhuc. Reliqua mea Camillus scribit se accepisse. Ea quae

Footnote 211:

nuper _Boot_; per te _MSS._

Footnote 212:

_I have adopted Tyrrell’s transposition of_ COS. (= CONSUL) _and_

CENS. (= CENSOR) _though with doubts of its correctness_.

was never censor? Certainly the statue which has lately been placed on

high near the temple of Ops has only the inscription COS. But the statue

near the Hercules of Polycles bears the inscription CENS.: and the pose,

the dress, the ring and the likeness prove that it is a statue of the

same person. As a matter of fact, when among the crowd of gilded knights

placed by Metellus on the Capitol, I noticed a likeness of Africanus

with the name Serapio on the pedestal, I thought it was a workman’s

error, but now I see it is Metellus’ mistake. What gross ignorance of

history! For that misconception about Flavius and the calendar, if it is

such, is widely held: and you were quite right in having doubts about

it. I have followed the view which is almost universal, as Greek authors

often do. Every one says that Eupolis, the poet of the old Comedy, was

thrown into the sea by Alcibiades on his voyage to Sicily. Eratosthenes

confutes this, producing plays exhibited by him after that date. But

that is no reason for laughing at Duris of Samos, who is an accurate

historian, because he follows a vulgar error. All historians agree that

Zaleucus drew up laws for the Locrians. It is not therefore fatal to

Theophrastus, if he is called to account for that by your friend

Timaeus. But not to know that one’s great-grandfather was not censor is

shocking, especially as after his consulship no Cornelius was censor

during his lifetime.

As for your remarks about Philotimus and the payment of £182,000,[213] I

hear that Philotimus came to the Chersonese about the beginning of

January, but so far I have heard nothing from him. Camillus writes that

he has received my balance. I don’t know how

Footnote 213:

20,600,000 sesterces.

sint, nescio et aveo scire. Verum haec posterius et coram fortasse

commodius.

Illud me, mi Attice, in extrema fere parte epistulae commovit; scribis

enim sic: Τί λοιπόν; deinde me obsecras amantissime, ne obliviscar

vigilare et ut animadvertam, quae fiant. Num quid de quo inaudisti? Etsi

nihil eius modi est; πολλοῦ γε καὶ δεῖ. Nec enim me fefellisset nec

fallet. Sed ista admonitio tua tam accurata nescio quid mihi significare

visa est.

De M. Octavio iterum iam tibi rescribo te illi probe respondisse; paulo

vellem fidentius. Nam Caelius libertum ad me misit et litteras accurate

scriptas et de pantheris et civitatibus. Rescripsi alterum me moleste

ferre, si ego in tenebris laterem, nec audiretur Romae nullum in mea

provincia nummum nisi in aes alienum erogari, docuique nec mihi

conciliare pecuniam licere nec illi capere monuique eum, quem plane

diligo, ut, cum alios accusasset, cautius viveret; illud autem alterum

alienum esse existumatione mea, Cibyratas imperio meo publice venari.

Lepta tua epistula gaudio exsultat; etenim scripta belle est meque apud

eum magna in gratia posuit. Filiola tua gratum mihi fecit, quod tibi

diligenter mandavit, ut mihi salutem adscriberes, gratum etiam Pilia,

sed illa officiosius, quod mihi, quem iam pridem numquam vidit. Igitur

tu quoque salutem

much it is, and I should like to know. However, we can discuss this

later and more conveniently when we meet.

That remark at the end of your letter, my dear Atticus, upset me. You

used the phrase, “What more is there to say,” and follow it by a most

affectionate warning not to forget to be on the watch and to keep an eye

on events. Have you heard anything about any of my staff? I am sure

there has been no wrong-doing, _pas du tout_. It could not have escaped

my notice, and it will not. But your earnest entreaty seemed to hint

something.

As for M. Octavius, I repeat that your reply was excellent. I could wish

it had been in more positive terms. For Caelius has sent me a freedman

of his and a carefully worded letter about panthers and an offer from

the townships to furnish contributions. I replied that the second item

is annoying, if my conduct is still a secret and the news has not

reached town that in my province no money is exacted except in

satisfaction of debts: and I have told him that it would be improper for

me to allow payment and for him to take it. I have a sincere regard for

him and have warned him that after his prosecution of other people he

should conduct himself on more careful lines. As to the second point I

have told him it would be a blot on my escutcheon that the people of

Cibyra should have a public hunt during my governorship.

Lepta leaps with joy over your letter: for it was nicely written and

puts me in his good graces. Your tiny daughter has done me a favour in

ordering you earnestly to send me her greetings. It was kind of Pilia

and very dutiful of your daughter to send greetings to one whom as yet

she has never met. So please

utrique adscribito. Litterarum datarum dies pr. Kal. Ianuar. suavem

habuit recordationem clarissimi iuris iurandi, quod ego non eram

oblitus. Magnus enim praetextatus illo die fui. Habes ad omnia. Non ut

postulasti, χρύσεα χαλκείων, sed paria paribus respondimus.

Ecce autem alia pusilla epistula, quam non relinquam ἀναντιφώνητον. Bene

mehercule potuit Lucceius Tusculanum, nisi forte (solet enim) cum suo

tibicine. Et velim scire, qui sit eius status. Lentulum quidem nostrum

omnia praeter Tusculanum proscripsisse audio. Cupio hos expeditos

videre, cupio etiam Sestium, adde sis Caelium; in quibus omnibus est

[Sidenote: Iliad vii, 93]

Αἴδεσθεν μὲν ἀνήνασθαι, δεῖσαν δ’ ὑποδέχθαι.

De Memmio restituendo ut Curio cogitet, te audisse puto. De Egnati

Sidicini nomine nec nulla nec magna spe sumus. Pinarium, quem mihi

commendas, diligentissime Deiotarus curat graviter aegrum. Respondi

etiam minori.

Tu velim, dum ero Laodiceae, id est ad Idus Maias, quam saepissime mecum

per litteras colloquare, et cum Athenas veneris (iam enim sciemus de

rebus urbanis, de provinciis, quae omnia in mensem Martium sunt

conlata), utique ad me tabellarios mittas. Et heus tu! iamne vos a

Caesare per Herodem talenta Attica L extorsistis? in quo, ut audio,

magnum odium Pompei suscepistis. Putat enim suos nummos vos

give my greetings to both of them in return. The date of your letter,

the last day of December, reminded me pleasantly of the famous and

unforgotten oath I took.[214] I was a Pompey in state robes that day.

There you have my answer to all your points: not as you asked “gold for

copper,” but like for like.

There was another short letter which I will not leave unanswered.

Lucceius to be sure was able to do something for the villa at Tusculum,

unless perhaps there was the old obstacle of the flute player[215]; and

I should like to know its condition. Our friend Lentulus I hear has

advertised all his property except that at Tusculum. I should like to

see these gentlemen free from debt as well as Sestius and you may add

Caelius too. To all of them one may apply the quotation, “ashamed to

refuse, but yet afraid to take.” I suppose you have heard of Curio’s

idea to recall Memmius. As for the debt due from Egnatius of Sidicinum,

I have some hope, but not much. Deiotarus is taking very great care of

Pinarius, whom you recommended to me, in a serious illness. So there is

my answer to your little letter.

While I am at Laodicea, which will be up to the 15th of May, please

correspond with me as often as possible, and on your arrival at Athens

at any rate send me letter carriers, since by that time we shall know

what has been done in town and about the provinces, of which the affairs

are settled in March. By the bye have you yet got Herodes to wring from

Caesar that £12,000? I hear you have excited the animosity of Pompey in

the matter. He thinks that

Footnote 214:

Cicero refers to the day on which he laid down the consulship. Cf.

_Ad Fam._ v, 2.

Footnote 215:

Or “prop.” But the whole passage is uncertain.

comedisse, Caesarem in Nemore aedificando diligentiorem fore. Haec ego

ex P. Vedio, magno nebulone, sed Pompei tamen familiari, audivi. Hic

Vedius mihi obviam venit cum duobus essedis et raeda equis iuncta et

lectica et familia magna, pro qua, si Curio legem pertulerit, HS

centenos pendat necesse est. Erat praeterea cynocephalus in essedo, nec

deerant onagri. Numquam vidi hominem nequiorem. Sed extremum audi.

Deversatus est Laodiceae apud Pompeium Vindullum. Ibi sua deposuit, cum

ad me profectus est. Moritur interim Vindullus; quae res ad Magnum

Pompeium pertinere putabatur. C. Vennonius domum Vindulli venit. Cum

omnia obsignaret, in Vedianas res incidit. In his inventae sunt quinque

imagunculae matronarum, in quibus una sororis amici tui hominis “bruti,”

qui hoc utatur, et illius “lepidi,” qui haec tam neglegenter ferat. Haec

te volui παριστορῆσαι. Sumus enim ambo belle curiosi.

Unum etiam velim cogites. Audio Appium πρόπυλον Eleusine facere. Num

inepti fuerimus, si nos quoque Academiae fecerimus? “Puto,” inquies.

Ergo id ipsum scribes ad me. Equidem valde ipsas Athenas amo. Volo esse

aliquod monumentum; odi falsas inscriptiones statuarum alienarum. Sed,

ut tibi placebit, faciesque me, in quem diem Romana incidant

you have snapped up money which was his, and that it will not lessen

Caesar’s energy in building a palace near the sacred grove of Diana.

This bit of news came to me from P. Vedius, a shady character, but an

intimate of Pompey. The fellow met me on the road with two chariots, a

carriage and horses and a litter and a large following. If Curio carries

his law,[216] he will have to pay £l apiece. Besides other things, there

was a dog-faced baboon in a chariot, and some wild asses. I never met

such a rascal. But listen to the end of the story, At Laodicea Vedius

put up with Pompeius Vindullus, and left his belongings with him, while

he came to meet me. Meantime Vindullus died, and his property is

supposed to go to Pompeius Magnus. C. Vennonius went to the house and,

while sealing all the goods, found Vedius’ baggage. Among this baggage

there were five little busts of Roman married ladies, among them one of

the sister of your friend Brutus—a brute indeed to be acquainted with

the fellow—and one of the wife of Lepidus, whose easy conduct agrees

with the meaning of his name. I wanted to tell you this little tale _en

passant_, for we are both nice gossips.

There is one thing I wish you to consider. I hear that Appius is putting

up a porch at Eleusis. Shall I look a fool, if I do so in the Academy? I

dare say you may think so: say so plainly, if you do. I am very fond of

the city of Athens. I should like it to have some memorial of myself. I

dislike lying titles on the statues of other folk. But as you think

best. And please let me know the date of the

Footnote 216:

In _Ad Fam._ viii, 6 a _lex viaria_ and a _lex alimentaria_ are

mentioned. Possibly travellers with a large retinue were taxed under

the first of these.

mysteria, certiorem, et quo modo hiemaris. Cura, ut valeas. Post

Leuctricam pugnam die septingentesimo sexagesimo quinto.

II

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Laodiceae in. m. Mai. a. 704_]

Cum Philogenes, libertus tuus, Laodiceam ad me salutandi causa venisset

et se statim ad te navigaturum esse diceret, has ei litteras dedi,

quibus ad eas rescripsi, quas acceperam a Bruti tabellario. Et

respondebo primum postremae tuae paginae, quae mihi magnae molestiae

fuit, quod ad te scriptum est a Cincio de Stati sermone; in quo hoc

molestissimum est, Statium dicere a me quoque id consilium probari.

Probari autem? De isto hactenus dixerim, me vel plurima vincla tecum

summae coniunctionis optare, etsi sunt amoris artissima; tantum abest,

ut ego ex eo, quo astricti sumus, laxari aliquid velim. Illum autem

multa de istis rebus asperius solere loqui saepe arbitror. In hac autem

peregrinatione militiave nostra saepe incensum ira vidi, saepe placatum.

Quid ad Statium scripserit, nescio. Quicquid acturus de tali re fuit,

scribendum tamen ad libertum non fuit. Mihi autem erit maxumae curae, ne

quid fiat secus, quam re se quemque praestare, ac maxumae partes istius

mysteries at Rome, and how you are passing the winter. Keep well. I

write this on the seven hundred and sixty-fifth day after the battle of

Leuctra.[217]

II

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Laodicea, May_, B.C. _50_]

Your freedman Philogenes has come to visit me at Laodicea and tells me

that he is on the point of sailing to join you: so I give him this

letter in reply to your letter which I got from Brutus’ letter-carrier.

First I will answer your last page which caused me much concern:—that is

about Cincius’ communication on the talk he had with Statius. I was

particularly concerned at Statius’ remark that the plan had my approval.

Approval indeed! I need only say thus much. I wish the ties of

friendship to be as many and close as possible between us, though none

can be so close as those of our common liking. I am far from wanting the

tie between us to be relaxed. Quintus however to my knowledge will often

use bitter language on his private affairs, and often I have pacified

his anger, as I think you know. On my late tour or military campaign I

have seen him often fly in a temper and often calm again. I don’t know

what he wrote to Statius; whatever he meant to do, he ought not to have

informed a freedman. However I will do my best to prevent any course

contrary to our wishes and to propriety. In a case like this it is not

enough for a man to make himself responsible for his own conduct only:

and

Footnote 217:

Cicero refers thus to the killing of Clodius on Jan. 18, 52 B.C.,

comparing it with the defeat of the Spartans by Epaminondas at Leuctra

in 371 B.C.

officii sunt pueri Ciceronis sive iam adulescentis; quod quidem illum

soleo hortari. Ac mihi videtur matrem valde, ut debet, amare teque

mirifice. Sed est magnum illud quidem, verum tamen multiplex pueri

ingenium; in quo ego regendo habeo negotii satis.

Quoniam respondi postremae tuae paginae prima mea, nunc ad primam

revertar tuam. Peloponnesias civitates omnes maritimas esse hominis non

nequam, sed etiam tuo iudicio probati, Dicaearchi, tabulis credidi. Is

multis nominibus in Trophoniana Chaeronis narratione Graecos in eo

reprendit, quod mare tantum secuti sint, nec ullum in Peloponneso locum

excipit. Cum mihi auctor placeret (etenim erat ἱστορικώτατος et vixerat

in Peloponneso), admirabar tamen et vix adcredens communicavi cum

Dionysio. Atque is primo est commotus, deinde, quod de isto Dicaearcho

non minus bene existumabat quam tu de C. Vestorio, ego de M. Cluvio, non

dubitabat, quin ei crederemus. Arcadiae censebat esse Lepreon quoddam

maritumum; Tenea autem et Aliphera ct Tritia νεόκτιστα ei videbantur,

idque τῷ τῶν νεῶν καταλόγῳ confirmabat, ubi mentio non fit istorum.

Itaque istum ego locum totidem verbis a Dicaearcho transtuli.

“Phliasios” autem dici sciebam, et ita fac ut habeas; nos quidem sic

habemus. Sed primo me ἀναλογία deceperat, Φλιοῦς, Ὀποῦς, Σιποῦς, quod

Ὀπούντιοι, Σιπούντιοι. Sed hoc continuo correximus.

Laetari te nostra moderatione et continentia video.

indeed the principal share of responsibility attaches to the boy, or

young man as he is now, Quintus. This I am always telling him. To me he

seems to love his mother greatly, as he should, and to be extremely fond

of you. He is a lad of high but complex character, and I have enough to

do to guide his conduct.

Having devoted my first page to answering your last, I will now return

to your first. I relied on the maps of Dicaearchus, a writer of no mean

standing and an authority you accept, for the information that all the

states of the Peloponnese bordered on the sea. In the account of the

cave of Trophonius, which he puts into the mouth of Chaeron, he blames

the Greeks on many scores for sticking to the sea coast; and he does not

except a single district in the Peloponnese. He was a very accurate

historian and lived in the Peloponnese, so that his evidence seemed

trustworthy. Still I was surprised and communicated my doubts to

Dionysius. Dionysius was startled at first, but finally accepted his

authority, since he had as good an opinion of Dicaearchus as you have of

C. Vestorius or I of M. Cluvius. Arcadia he agreed had a seaport

Lepreon: but Tenea, Aliphera and Tritia were, he considered, more

modern, a view he supported by the omission of these places from Homer’s

catalogue of the ships. Accordingly I borrowed the passage from

Dicaearchus in so many words. I know that Phliasii is the proper form.

Please make it so in your copy. I read it in mine. But first of all

thinking of Phlious I was misled by a vicious analogy of Opuntii from

Opous and Sipuntii from Sipous. But I altered it at once.

I see that you are pleased at my unselfish moderation.

Tum id magis faceres, si adesses. Atque hoc foro, quod egi ex Idibus

Februariis Laodiceae ad Kal. Maias omnium dioecensium praeter Ciliciae,

mirabilia quaedam effecimus. Ita multae civitates omni aere alieno

liberatae, multae valde levatae sunt, omnes suis legibus et iudiciis

usae αὐτονομίαν adeptae revixerunt. His ego duobus generibus facultatem

ad se aere alieno liberandas aut levandas dedi, uno, quod omnino nullus

in imperio meo sumptus factus est (nullum cum dico, non loquor

ὑπερβολικῶς), nullus, inquam, ne terruncius quidem. Hac autem re

incredibile est quantum civitates emerserint. Accessit altera. Mira

erant in civitatibus ipsorum furta Graecorum, quae magistratus sui

fecerant. Quaesivi ipse de iis, qui annis decem proximis magistratum

gesserant. Aperte fatebantur. Itaque sine ulla ignominia suis umeris

pecunias populis rettulerunt. Populi autem nullo gemitu publicanis,

quibus hoc ipso lustro nihil solverant, etiam superioris lustri

reddiderunt. Itaque publicanis in oculis sumus. “Gratis,” inquis,

“viris.” Sensimus. Iam cetera iuris dictio nec imperita et clemens cum

admirabili facilitate; aditus autem ad me minime provinciales; nihil per

cubicularium; ante lucem inambulabam domi ut olim candidatus. Grata haec

et magna mihique nondum laboriosa ex illa vetere militia. Nonis Maiis in

Ciliciam cogitabam. Ibi cum Iunium

You would be more pleased, if you were here. In this very assize which I

have been holding at Laodicea from the 13th of February to the 1st of

May for all the districts except Cilicia, I have done wonders. See how

many states have been freed from debt and how many have had their burden

lightened. All have revived on acquiring home rule, and using their own

enactments in law. I have given them in two ways the chance of freeing

themselves or relieving themselves from debt. First by causing them no

expense during my administration (and in saying no expense I mean

literally not one farthing), which has helped them astonishingly out of

their trouble. Secondly the states had suffered from surprising

corruption in their own countrymen, that is to say their magistrates. I

questioned the men who had held the office of magistrate during the last

ten years. They concealed nothing. So without exposure they took on

their own backs the repayment of the money: and the communities which

had paid the tax-farmers nothing for the present five years have now

without any complaints paid up arrears for the last five years too. So I

am the apple of their eye to the tax-farmers. “Grateful fellows,” you

exclaim. Yes I have experienced their gratitude. The rest of my judicial

conduct has been enlightened, but mild and marvellously courteous. There

has been none of the difficulty of access so characteristic of

provincial governors; and no backstairs jobbery. Before daybreak I walk

up and down in my house, as I did of yore when a candidate for office.

This is popular and a great boon, and I have not felt it a burden owing

to my old training.

On the 15th of May I intend to go to Cilicia.

mensem consumpsissem (atque utinam in pace! magnum enim bellum inpendet

a Parthis), Quinctilem in reditu ponere. Annuae enim mihi operae a. d.

III Kal. Sextil. emerentur. Magna autem in spe sum mihi nihil temporis

prorogatum iri. Habebam acta urbana usque ad Nonas Martias; e quibus

intellegebam Curionis nostri constantia omnia potius actum iri quam de

provinciis. Ergo, ut spero, prope diem te videbo.

Venio ad Brutum tuum, immo nostrum; sic enim mavis. Equidem omnia feci,

quae potui aut in mea provincia perficere aut in regno experiri. Omni

igitur modo egi cum rege et ago cotidie per litteras scilicet. Ipsum

enim triduum quadriduumve mecum habui turbulentis in rebus, quibus eum

liberavi. Sed et tum praesens et postea creberrimis litteris non destiti

rogare et petere mea causa, suadere et hortari sua. Multum profeci, sed

quantum, non plane, quia longe absum, scio. Salaminios autem (hos enim

poteram coërcere) adduxi, ut totum nomen Scaptio vellent solvere, sed

centesimis ductis a proxuma quidem syngrapha nec perpetuis, sed

renovatis quotannis. Numerabantur nummi: noluit Scaptius. Tu qui ais

Brutum cupere aliquid perdere? Quaternas habebat in syngrapha. Fieri non

poterat, nec, si posset, ego pati possem. Audio omnino Scaptium

After spending the month of June there (and I pray it may be in peace,

for a serious war with the Parthians is certainly coming), July I shall

spend on my journey home. I shall have served my year on July the 30th.

I have great hopes that my tenure of office may not be extended. I have

the city gazette up to the 7th of March. I gather that, thanks to the

persistence of my friend Curio, appointments to the province will be the

last business to be considered. So, as I hope, I shall see you soon.

I come now to Brutus, your friend or rather mine, since you prefer it. I

have done everything that I could accomplish in my own province or

attempt in the kingdom of Cappadocia. I have taken every measure with

the king and still do so daily—by letter. The king himself was in my

company only for three or four days and at a crisis in his affairs, from

which I released him. But both then in person and subsequently in

repeated letters I have continually begged and besought him in my own

name and advised and persuaded him in his own interest. My efforts have

borne fruit: but how much at this distance I cannot tell for certain.

The people of Salamis however, whom I could influence, I have induced to

consent to settle all their debt with Scaptius, but with interest at 12

per cent calculated from the date of the last contract, and not at

simple but compound interest. The money was counted down: but Scaptius

refused to take it. What kind of a figure do you cut, who say that

Brutus will make a sacrifice? Forty-eight per cent was written in the

bond. It was an impossible sum. It could not be paid nor could I have

permitted it. I hear after all that

paenitere. Nam, quod senatus consultum esse dicebat, ut ius ex syngrapha

diceretur, eo consilio factum est, quod pecuniam Salaminii contra legem

Gabiniam sumpserant. Vetabat autem Auli lex ius dici de ita sumpta

pecunia. Decrevit igitur senatus, ut ius diceretur ex ista syngrapha.

Nunc ista habet iuris idem quod ceterae, nihil praecipui. Haec a me

ordine facta puto me Bruto probaturum; tibi nescio; Catoni certe

probabo.

Sed iam ad te ipsum revertor. Ain tandem, Attice, laudator integritatis

et elegantiae nostrae,

“ausus es hoc ex ore tuo——,”

inquit Ennius, ut equites Scaptio ad pecuniam cogendam darem, me rogare?

An tu, si mecum esses, qui scribis morderi te interdum, quod non simul

sis, paterere me id facere, si vellem? “Non amplius,” inquis,

“quinquaginta.” Cum Spartaco minus multi primo fuerunt. Quid tandem isti

mali in tam tenera insula non fecissent? Non fecissent autem? immo quid

ante adventum meum non fecerunt? Inclusum in curia senatum habuerunt

Salaminium ita multos dies, ut interierint non nulli fame. Erat enim

praefectus Appi Scaptius et habebat turmas ab Appio. Id me igitur tu,

cuius mehercule os mihi ante oculos solet versari, cum de aliquo officio

ac laude cogito, tu me, inquam, rogas, praefectus ut Scaptius sit? Alias

hoc statueramus, ut negotiatorem neminem, idque Bruto probaramus. Habeat

is turmas? Cur potius quam

Scaptius is sorry. As to his argument from a decree of the Senate

ordering judgement to be given according to the bond, the reason for

that was that in borrowing the money the people of Salamis contravened

the law of Gabinius. Aulus’ law forbade that judgement should be given

for money so borrowed. So the Senate decreed that judgement might be

given on that particular bond. Now the bond in question has the same

validity as other bonds, and no special privilege. I fancy Brutus will

admit that my behaviour has been proper. I do not know if you will take

that view, but certainly Cato will.

Now I come back to yourself. My dear friend, you have praised the nice

honour of my conduct “and can you dare with your own mouth,” as Ennius

says, ask me to give Scaptius cavalry to collect his debts? Or would

you, if you were here,—you who say that you chafe sometimes at not being

with me,—would you suffer me to do such a thing, if I wanted? “Not more

than fifty men,” you say. Spartacus had fewer men than that at first.

The blackguards would have done indescribable damage in such a weak

island. Do you say, they would have refrained? Look at the damage they

did before I came here. They kept the members of the local Senate

prisoners in their Chamber for so long that some died of hunger. For

Scaptius was a prefect of Appius, and was allowed some cavalry. Your

face is always before my eyes, when I think of duty and honour, and can

you, you, I repeat, ask me to give the fellow the office of prefect? I

had settled in other cases never to give the office to a man of

business, a course which had won the approval of Brutus: and is a fellow

like Scaptius to have cavalry? Why should he not be content with a

cohortes? Sumptu iam nepos evadit Scaptius. “Volunt,” inquit,

“principes.” Scio; nam ad me Ephesum usque venerunt flentesque equitum

scelera et miserias suas detulerunt. Itaque statim dedi litteras, ut ex

Cypro equites ante certam diem decederent, ob eamque causam, tum ob

ceteras Salaminii nos in caelum decretis suis sustulerunt. Sed iam quid

opus equitatu? solvunt enim Salaminii; nisi forte id volumus armis

efficere, ut faenus quaternis centesimis ducant. Et ego audebo legere

umquam aut attingere eos libros, quos tu dilaudas, si tale quid fecero?

Nimis, inquam, in isto Brutum amasti, dulcissime Attice, nos vereor ne

parum. Atque haec scripsi ego ad Brutum scripsisse te ad me. Cognosce

nunc cetera.

Pro Appio nos hic omnia facimus, honeste tamen, sed plane libenter. Nec

enim ipsum odimus et Brutum amamus, et Pompeius mirifice a me contendit,

quem mehercule plus plusque in dies diligo. C. Caelium quaestorem huc

venire audisti. Nescio, quid sit: sed Pammenia illa mihi non placent.

Ego me spero Athenis fore mense Septembri. Tuorum itinerum tempora scire

sane velim. Εὐήθειαν Semproni Rufi cognovi ex epistula tua Corcyraea.

Quid quaeris? invideo potentiae Vestori.

Cupiebam etiam nunc plura garrire, sed lucet; urget turba, festinat

Philogenes. Valebis igitur et valere Piliam et Caeciliam nostrum iubebis

litteris et salvebis a meo Cicerone.

company of foot? He is beginning to live in spendthrift style. The

leading people of Salamis insist, he declares. Of course; that is why

they came to me and with tears told me of his men’s atrocities and their

own miseries. Accordingly I sent a letter at once ordering the cavalry

to quit Cyprus by a certain day, and that, as well as other acts of

mine, has caused the people of Salamis to praise me to the skies in

their decrees. There is no need of cavalry now, for the people are ready

to pay,—unless perhaps I want to use force to make them pay 48 per cent

interest. Were I to do such a thing, I could never venture to read or

touch those volumes which you praise. You, my dear fellow, have had far

too much regard for Brutus in the matter. I perhaps not enough. I have

informed Brutus of the drift of your letter. Now for the remaining

topics.

I am pleased to do all I can for Appius here consistently with my

honour. I do not dislike him and I like Brutus: and Pompey, for whom I

have a higher regard every day, is surprisingly importunate. You have

heard that C. Caelius comes here as quaestor. I don’t know why, but I

don’t like that affair of Pammenes. I hope to be at Athens in the month

of September. Please let me know the dates of your travels. I understood

the _naïveté_ of Sempronius Rufus from your letter written in Corcyra. I

am really quite jealous of the influence Of Vestorius.

I should like to keep on chatting, but day dawns, the crowd is pressing

in and Philogenes is in a hurry. Good-bye, give my greetings to Pilia,

when you write, and to your daughter: and accept greetings from my son.

III

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Cilicia m. Iun. ante V K. Quint. a. 704_]

Etsi nil sane habebam novi, quod post accidisset, quam dedissem ad te

Philogeni, liberto tuo, litteras, tamen, cum Philotimum Romam

remitterem, scribendum aliquid ad te fuit. Ac primum illud, quod me

maxume angebat—non quo me aliquid iuvare posses. Quippe, res enim est in

manibus, tu autem abes longe gentium;

πολλὰ δ’ ἐν μεταιχμίῳ

νότος κυλίνδει κύματ’ εὐρείης ἁλός.

Obrepit dies, ut vides (mihi enim a. d. III Kal. Sextil. de provincia

decedendum est), nec succeditur. Quem relinquam, qui provinciae praesit?

Ratio quidem et opinio hominum postulat fratrem, primum quod videtur

esse honos, nemo igitur potior; deinde quod solum habeo praetorium.

Pomptinus enim ex pacto et convento (nam ea lege exierat) iam a me

discesserat; quaestorem nemo dignum putat; etenim est “levis,

libidinosus, tagax.” De fratre autem primum illud est. Persuaderi ei non

posse arbitror; odit enim provinciam, et hercule nihil odiosius, nihil

molestius. Deinde, ut mihi nolit negare, quidnam mei sit officii? cum

bellum esse in Syria magnum putetur, id videatur in hanc provinciam

erupturum, hic praesidii nihil sit, sumptus annuus decretus sit,

videaturne aut pietatis esse meae fratrem relinquere aut diligentiae

nugarum aliquid relinquere? Magna igitur, ut vides, sollicitudine

adficior, magna inopia consilii. Quid quaeris?

III

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Cilicia, before June 26_, B.C. _50_]

Though I have no fresh news, since I handed a letter for you to your

freedman Philogenes, still I must write you a line, since I am sending

Philotimus back to Rome. First a thing which gives me much anxiety—not

that you can help me at all—for the business is in hand, and you are far

away in a foreign land

“and by south wind tossed

Between us rolls the wide estranging sea.”

The days steal on, as you see (for I am due to leave my province on the

30th of July), and no successor is appointed. Whom can I leave in

charge? Policy and public opinion point to my brother: first because it

is right that he should have the honour by preference to anyone else,

and secondly because he is the only officer of praetorian rank that I

have: for Pomptinus, who came out on that condition, has left me already

according to his agreement. My quaestor is notoriously unsuitable; he is

“unsteady, wanton and lightfingered.” There is one objection to my

brother’s appointment,—he will probably refuse, as he hates provincial

life. Certes, it is a hateful bore. Then, supposing he does not like to

refuse, what is my proper course? Seeing that a great war is likely in

Syria, which will apparently break forth into this district, where there

is no protection and only the ordinary supplies have been voted for the

year, it would certainly seem unnatural to leave my brother, and

careless to leave some nincompoop. As you see I am troubled greatly and

badly want advice. In short I

toto negotio nobis opus non fuit. Quanto tua provincia melior! Decedes,

cum voles, nisi forte iam decessisti; quem videbitur, praeficies

Thesprotiae et Chaoniae. Necdum tamen ego Quintum conveneram, ut iam, si

id placeret, scirem, possetne ab eo impetrari: nee tamen, si posset,

quid vellem, habebam. Hoc est igitur eius modi.

Reliqua plena adhuc et laudis et gratiae, digna iis libris, quos

dilaudas, conservatae civitates, cumulate publicanis satis factum,

offensus contumelia nemo, decreto iusto et severo perpauci, nec tamen

quisquam, ut queri audeat, res gestae dignae triumpho; de quo ipso nihil

cupide agemus, sine tuo quidem consilio certe nihil. Clausula est

difficilis in tradenda provincia. Sed haec deus aliquis gubernabit.

De urbanis rebus scilicet plura tu scis; saepius et certiora audis;

equidem doleo non me tuis litteris certiorem fieri. Huc enim odiosa

adferebantur de Curione, de Paulo; non quo ullum periculum videam stante

Pompeio vel etiam sedente, valeat modo; sed mehercule Curionis et Pauli,

meorum familiarium, vicem doleo. Formam igitur mihi totius rei publicae,

si iam es Romae aut cum eris, velim mittas, quae mihi obviam veniat, ex

qua me fingere possim et praemeditari, quo animo accedam ad urbem. Est

enim quiddam advenientem non esse peregrinum atque hospitem. Et, quod

paene praeterii, Bruti tui causa,

made a mistake over the whole matter. Your sphere is far preferable. You

can depart at pleasure; and perhaps you have left already. You can put

Thesprotia and Chaonia[218] in charge of anyone you like. I have not yet

met my brother to know whether he would consent, if I want him to take

it over; nor, should he consent, am I settled in my plans. So much for

that.

The rest so far is full of honour and glory and worthy of the volumes

which you praise. Communities have found salvation, the whole body of

tax-collectors has been satisfied, no one has been annoyed by

ill-considered conduct, very few by the severity of upright justice—none

so that he could dare complain—and a campaign has been conducted in a

way that deserves a triumph, though I shall not seek it greedily, nor

seek it at all without your advice. The conclusion is difficult in the

matter of handing over the province. But some god will direct my course.

About doings in town of course you know more, as your information comes

more frequently and more surely. I am sorry that you do not pass on your

news in a letter, for tiresome tidings have reached me about Curio and

Paulus, not that there would seem anything to fear, if Pompey keeps his

influence or even his inactivity. Only let him recover his health. But I

am annoyed for Curio and Paulus, my friends. So, if you are now in town,

or when you are there, please send me a sketch of the political

situation to meet me on my way, that I may mould my conduct upon it and

bethink me of the proper spirit in which to approach Rome. It is

something not to arrive as a foreigner and a stranger. There was one

point I nearly omitted. As I have said often, I have

Footnote 218:

The country round Atticus’ house in Epirus.

ut saepe ad te scripsi, feci omnia. Cyprii numerabant; sed Scaptius

centesimis renovato in singulos annos faenore contentus non fuit.

Ariobarzanes non in Pompeium prolixior per ipsum quam per me in Brutum.

Quem tamen ego praestare non poteram; erat enim rex perpauper, aberamque

ab eo ita longe, ut nihil possem nisi litteris; quibus pugnare non

destiti. Summa haec est. Pro ratione pecuniae liberalius est Brutus

tractatus quam Pompeius. Bruto curata hoc anno talenta circiter c,

Pompeio in sex mensibus promissa cc. Iam in Appi negotio quantum

tribuerim Bruto, dici vix potest. Quid est igitur, quod laborem? Amicos

habet meras nugas, Matinium, Scaptium. Qui quia non habuit a me turmas

equitum, quibus Cyprum vexaret, ut ante me fecerat, fortasse suscenset,

aut quia praefectus non est, quod ego nemini tribui negotiatori, non C.

Vennonio, meo familiari, non tuo, M. Laenio, et quod tibi Romae

ostenderam me servaturum; in quo perseveravi. Sed quid poterit queri is,

qui, auferre pecuniam cum posset, noluit? Scaptio, qui in Cappadocia

fuit, puto esse satis factum. Is a me tribunatum cum accepisset, quem

ego ex Bruti litteris ei detulissem, postea scripsit ad me se uti nolle

eo tribunatu.

Gavius est quidam, cui cum praefecturam detulissem Bruti rogatu, multa

et dixit et fecit cum quadam mea contumelia, P. Clodi canis. Is me nec

proficiscentem Apameam prosecutus est, nec, cum postea in castra

venisset atque inde discederet, num quid vellem, rogavit, et fuit aperte

mihi nescio quare

done everything for your friend Brutus. The people of Cyprus were paying

down the money. Scaptius was not content with 12 per cent compound

interest. Ariobarzanes is not more accommodating to Pompey for his own

sake than to Brutus for mine. Still I could not go bail for him, for he

is a very needy monarch and I was such a long way off that I could only

press him on paper, as I did continually. The conclusion is this. In

proportion to the sum lent, Brutus has been treated more liberally than

Pompey: for Brutus there has been got this year about £24,400. To Pompey

has been promised £48,800 within six months. In the business of Appius,

my concessions to Brutus are almost incalculable. I have no reason to

distress myself. Brutus’ friends are men of straw, Matinius, and

Scaptius, who is perhaps angry because he could not get troops to harry

Cyprus as he had done before my time, or because he was not made a

prefect, an office I have not granted to any man of business, not to C.

Vennonius, my friend, nor to your friend M. Laenius. I have persevered

in the course that I told you at Rome I should keep: but a man who

refused to take his money, when he could, cannot grumble. The other

Scaptius who was in Cappadocia I think is satisfied. First of all he

accepted a military tribuneship from me, which a letter from Brutus had

persuaded me to offer him; but he wrote me afterwards that he did not

want to take it up.

There is a person Gavius, who, after I had offered him a post as prefect

at Brutus’ request, said and did a good deal to disparage me. He is

Clodius’ puppydog. He did not condescend to be one of my escort when I

left Apamea, nor, when he came into camp later and was leaving it, did

he ask if I had any commissions. For some unknown reason he was an

non amicus. Hunc ego si in praefectis habuissem, quem tu me hominem

putares? Qui, ut scis, potentissimorum hominum contumaciam numquam

tulerim, ferrem huius adseculae? etsi hoc plus est quam ferre, tribuere

etiam aliquid beneficii et honoris. Is igitur Gavius, cum Apameae me

nuper vidisset Romam proficiscens, me ita appellavit, ut Culleolum vix

auderem: “Unde,” inquit, “me iubes petere cibaria praefecti?” Respondi

lenius, quam putabant oportuisse, qui aderant, me non instituisse iis

dare cibaria, quorum opera non essem usus. Abiit iratus. Huius nebulonis

oratione si Brutus moveri potest, licebit eum solus ames, me aemulum non

habebis. Sed illum eum futurum esse puto, qui esse debet. Tibi tamen

causam notam esse volui et ad ipsum haec perscripsi diligentissime.

Omnino (soli enim sumus) nullas umquam ad me litteras misit Brutus, ne

proxime quidem de Appio, in quibus non inesset adrogans, ἀκοινονόητον

aliquid. Tibi autem valde solet in ore esse:

[Sidenote: Lucilius.]

“Granius autem

Non contemnere se et reges odisse superbos.”

In quo tamen ille mihi risum magis quam stomachum movere solet. Sed

plane parum cogitat, quid scribat aut ad quem.

Q. Cicero puer legit, ut opinor, et certe, epistulam inscriptam patri

suo. Solet enim aperire idque de meo consilio, si quid forte sit, quod

opus sit sciri. In ea autem epistula erat idem illud de sorore quod ad

me. Mirifice conturbatum vidi puerum. Lacrimans

open enemy of mine. If I had counted such a fellow among my prefects,

you might doubt what kind of creature I am. You know I will not brook

discourtesy from men of power, and should I put up with it from this

hanger-on? Though, to be sure, gracious bestowal of honour is something

more than putting up with a man. So Gavius, when on his road to Rome he

saw me lately at Apamea, addressed me as I should scarcely address

Culleolus. “Where,” said he, “am I to look for my pickings?” I answered

less sternly than those present thought proper, that I was not

accustomed to give pickings to men whose services I had not used. He

went off in a temper. If Brutus listens to the talk of such a shady

customer, you may have him to yourself. I shall not be your rival. But I

think he will behave all right. However I wanted you to know the

circumstances, and I have recounted the matter very fully to Brutus.

Between ourselves Brutus has never sent me a letter, not even lately

about Appius, without a touch of arrogance and intolerance. You often

quote the lines,

“But Granius too

Has self-conceit and hates the pride of kings.”

However in this business he excites my laughter rather than my rage, and

evidently he does not consider sufficiently what he writes and to whom.

The young Quintus, I fancy, yes I am sure, read your letter addressed to

his father, for he usually opens his father’s letters—and that by my

advice—in case there is anything he ought to know. The letter contained

that same passage about your sister that you wrote to me. The boy was

awfully upset. He

mecum est questus. Quid quaeris? miram in eo pietatem, suavitatem

humanitatemque perspexi. Quo maiorem spem habeo nihil fore aliter, ac

deceat. Id te igitur scire volui.

Ne illud quidem praetermittam. Hortensius filius fuit Laodiceae

gladiatoribus flagitiose et turpiter. Hunc ego patris causa vocavi ad

cenam, quo die venit, et eiusdem patris causa nihil amplius. Is mihi

dixit se Athenis me exspectaturum, ut mecum decederet. “Recte,” inquam;

quid enim dicerem? Omnino puto nihil esse, quod dixit; nolo quidem, ne

offendam patrem, quem mehercule multum diligo. Sin fuerit meus comes,

moderabor ita, ne quid eum offendam, quem minime volo.

Haec sunt; etiam illud. Orationem Q. Celeris mihi velim mittas contra M.

Servilium. Litteras mitte quam primum; si nihil, nihil fieri vel per

tuum tabellarium. Piliae et filiae salutem. Cura, ut valeas.

IV

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in itinere paulo post Non. Iun. a. 704_]

Tarsum venimus Nonis Iuniis. Ibi me multa moverunt, magnum in Syria

bellum, magna in Cilicia latrocinia, mihi difficilis ratio

administrandi, quod paucos dies habebam reliquos annui muneris, illud

autem difficillimum, relinquendus erat ex senatus consulto,

came to me complaining in tears. I saw much good feeling in him, and a

kind and courteous disposition, which increases my hope for a

satisfactory issue to the matter: so I want you to know it.

There is one thing I must not pass over. The young Hortensius, during

the gladiatorial exhibition at Laodicea, behaved in a shameful and

scandalous way. For his father’s sake I invited him to my table on the

day of his arrival, and for the same father’s sake treated him

handsomely.[219] He said that he would await my departure in Athens,

that we might go home together. I could only say, “Very well.” But I

don’t fancy at all that he meant what he said. I hope not, lest I offend

his father, who is my very good friend. But if he comes in my suite, I

will arrange so as to avoid offence to a man I don’t want to offend.

So much for that, there is one thing more. Please send me Q. Celer’s

speech against M. Servilius. Write to me at your first opportunity. If

there is no news, write to say so, or even send a verbal message. Give

my love to your wife and daughter. Keep well.

IV

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _On the road, shortly after June 5_, B.C. _50_]

I came to Tarsus on the 5th of June. There I was upset by many troubles:

a big war in Syria, big cases of robbery in Cilicia, my difficulty in

arranging things, considering there are only a few days left of my year

of office: but the hardest problem of all is that, according to a decree

of the Senate, some one must be left

Footnote 219:

or “did nothing more for him.”

qui praeesset. Nihil minus probari poterat quam quaestor Mescinius. Nam

de Caelio nihil audiebamus. Rectissimum videbatur fratrem cum imperio

relinquere; in quo multa molesta, discessus noster, belli periculum,

militum improbitas, sescenta praeterea. O rem totam odiosam! Sed haec

fortuna viderit, quoniam consilio non multum uti licet.

Tu, quando Romam salvus, ut spero, venisti, videbis, ut soles, omnia,

quae intelleges nostra interesse, imprimis de Tullia mea, cuius de

condicione quid mihi placeret, scripsi ad Terentiam, cum tu in Graecia

esses; deinde de honore nostro. Quod enim tu afuisti, vereor, ut satis

diligenter actum in senatu sit de litteris meis.

Illud praeterea μυστικώτερον ad te scribam, tu sagacius odorabere. Τῆς

δάμαρτός μου ὁ ἀπελεύθερος (οἶσθα, ὃν λέγω) ἔδοξέ μοι πρώην, ἐξ ὧν

ἀλογευόμενος παρεφθέγγετο, πεφυρακέναι τὰς ψήφους ἐκ τῆς ὠνῆς τῶν

ὑπαρχόντων τοῦ Κροτωνιάτου τυραννοκτόνου. Δέδοικα δή, μή τι νοήσῃς. Εἷς

δήπου τοῦτο δὴ περισκεψάμενος τὰ λοιπὰ ἐξασφάλισαι. Non queo tantum,

quantum vereor, scribere; tu autem fac, ut mihi tuae litterae volent

obviae. Haec festinans scripsi in itinere atque agmine. Piliae et

puellae Caeciliae bellissimae salutem dices.

in charge. The quaestor Mescinius is by no means a suitable person. Of

Caelius I hear nothing. The proper thing seems to be to leave my brother

with military power, but that involves many difficulties—our separation,

risk of war, mutiny in the troops, a thousand other hazards. A hateful

business altogether. But fortune must look to it, since reason serves

our purpose little.

You, having come safe to Rome, as I hope, will as usual look to

everything that concerns me, especially the matter of my daughter, about

whose marriage settlement I have written to Terentia expressing my

intentions, since you were in Greece. Then please look after my triumph.

For as you were absent from town, I fear the Senate hardly paid

sufficient attention to my despatch.

The following point I will write to you in dark phrases: your cleverness

will scent my meaning. My wife’s freedman (you know whom I mean) seemed

to me lately from casual words of his to have cooked his accounts on the

sale of the goods of the Crotonian tyrannicide.[220] I fear you have

noticed something. Look into this matter yourself alone, and secure what

is left. I cannot write all my fears. Take care that your letter flies

to meet me. I write in haste on the march and with my army. Give my love

to your wife and to your very charming little daughter.

Footnote 220:

T. Annius Milo, who assumed the name Milo in honour of the well-known

athlete of Croton of that name. The freedman referred to is

Phylotimus. From v, 8 it appears that he bought for Cicero at the sale

of Milo’s property.

V

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in castris V K. Quint. a. 704_]

Nunc quidem profecto Romae es. Quo te, si ita est, salvum venisse

gaudeo; unde quidem quam diu afuisti, magis a me abesse videbare, quam

si domi esses; minus enim mihi meae notae res erant, minus etiam

publicae. Quare velim, etsi, ut spero, te haec legente aliquantum iam

viae processero, tamen obvias mihi litteras quam argutissimas de omnibus

rebus crebro mittas, imprimis de quo scripsi ad te antea. Τῆς ξυναόρου

τῆς ἐμῆς οὑξελεύθερος ἔδοξέ μοι θαμὰ βατταρίζων καὶ ἀλύων ἐν τοῖς

ξυλλόγοις καὶ ταῖς λέσχαις ὑπό τι πεφυρακέναι τὰς ψήφους ἐν τοῖς

ὑπάρχουσιν τοῖς τοῦ Κροτωνιάτου. Hoc tu indaga, ut soles, ast hoc magis.

Ἐξ ἄστεως ἑπταλόφου στείχων παρέδωκεν μνῶν κδʹ, μηʹ ὀφειλημα τῷ Καμίλλῳ,

ἑαυτόν τε ὀφείλοντα μνᾶς κδ’ ἐκ τῶν Κροτωνιατικῶν καὶ ἐκ τῶν

Χερρονησιτικῶν μηʹ καὶ μνᾶς κληρονομῆσαι χμʹ, χμʹ. Τούτων δὲ μηδὲ ὀβολὸν

διευθετῆσθαι πάντων ὀφειληθέντων τοῦ δευτέρου μηνὸς τῇ νουμηνίᾳ. Τὸν δὲ

ἀπελεύθερον αὐτοῦ ὄντα ὁμώνυμον τῷ Κόνωνος πατρὶ μηδὲν ὁλοσχερῶς

πεφροντικέναι. Ταῦτα οὖν πρῶτον μέν, ἵνα πάντα σώζηται, δεύτερον δέ, ἵνα

μηδὲ τῶν τόκων ὀλιγωρήσῃς τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς προεκκειμένης ἡμέρας. Ὅσας αὐτὸν

ἠνέγκαμεν, σφόδρα δέδοικα· καὶ γὰρ παρῆν πρὸς ἡμᾶς κατασκεψόμενος

V

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _In camp, June 26_, B.C. _50_]

You must certainly be at Rome now. If you are, I am glad of your safe

arrival. So long as you were away from town, you seemed to me to be

further off than if you were in Rome, for I heard less of my own

business and less of the business of the state. So please send plenty of

chatty letters on every kind of subject to meet me, though I hope, when

you read this, I shall be well on my journey home. Above all write me on

the subject I raised in my former letter. From the stuttering hesitation

of my wife’s freedman in our meetings and talks I infer that he has been

cooking his accounts a little in the matter of the sale of the

Crotonian’s[221] goods. Investigate the matter with your usual care, but

pay still more attention to this. When leaving the city of the seven

hills he tendered an account of debts of some £100 and £200[222] to

Camillus, and put himself down as owing £100 from Milo’s goods and £200

from the property in the Chersonese, and as having inherited two sums of

£2,600,[223] of which not a penny had been paid, though all were due on

the 1st of the second month. Milo’s freedman, Timotheus, the namesake of

Conon’s father, he said, had never given a thought to the matter. Now

first try and secure the whole amount, and secondly don’t overlook the

interest from the afore-mentioned day. All the time I had to endure him,

I was much upset. He came to me to spy out

Footnote 221:

i.e. T. Annius Milo.

Footnote 222:

24 and 48 minae, worth a little over £4 each.

Footnote 223:

640 minae.

καί τι σχεδὸν ἐλπίσας· ἀπογνοὺς δ’ ἀλόγως ἀπέστη ἐπειπών “εἴκω· αἰσχρόν

τοι δηρόν τε μένειν”—meque [Sidenote: Iliad, ii, 298] obiurgavit vetere

proverbio τὰ μὲν διδόμενα—. Reliqua vide et, quantum fieri potest,

perspiciamus.

Etsi annuum tempus prope iam emeritum habebamus (dies enim XXXIII erant

reliqui), sollicitudine provinciae tamen vel maxime urgebamur. Cum enim

arderet Syria bello, et Bibulus in tanto maerore suo maximam curam belli

sustineret, ad meque legati eius et quaestor et amici eius litteras

mitterent, ut subsidio venirem, etsi exercitum infirmum habebam, auxilia

sane bona, sed ea Galatarum, Pisidarum, Lyciorum (haec enim sunt nostra

robora), tamen esse officium meum putavi exercitum habere quam proxume

hostem, quoad mihi praeesse provinciae per senatus consultum liceret.

Sed, quo ego maxime delectabar, Bibulus molestus mihi non erat, de

omnibus rebus scribebat ad me potius. Et mihi decessionis dies λεληθότως

obrepebat. Qui cum advenerit, ἄλλο πρόβλημα, quem praeficiam, nisi

Caldus quaestor venerit; de quo adhuc nihil certi habebamus.

Cupiebam mehercule longiorem epistulam facere, sed nec erat res, de qua

scriberem, nec iocari prae cura poteram. Valebis igitur et puellae

salutem Atticulae dices nostraeque Piliae.

the land, and had some hopes. When he lost them, he left without an

explanation, saying: “I give in, ’Twere shame to tarry long,” and

casting in my teeth the old proverb “take the goods the gods provide

you.”[224] Look after the rest, and let us investigate the matter as

thoroughly as possible.

Though I have nearly served my year (for only thirty-three days remain),

still I am greatly concerned about my province. Syria is ablaze with

war, and Bibulus is burdened with its cares in the midst of his own

great sorrow,[225] and his legates, quaestor and friends write to me to

go to his aid: so, although the army I have is weak—the auxiliaries

certainly are good, Galatians, Pisidians, Lycians, the main strength of

my force—I have thought it my duty to keep an army facing the foe, so

long as I am authorized by the Senate’s decree to be in charge of my

province. But what pleases me greatly is that Bibulus gives no trouble.

He writes to me about any other topic by preference, and the day of my

departure creeps on unnoticed. When it arrives, there is the further

problem of my substitute, unless my quaestor Caldus comes, of whom so

far I have no news.

I should like to write a longer letter, but I have no news, and care

keeps me from jesting; so good-bye, and love to your little daughter and

to your wife.

Footnote 224:

This proverb is referred to in Plato’s _Gorgias_ 499c, and given in

full by Olympiodorus in the form τὰ ἐκ τῆς τύχης διδόμενα κόσμει “make

the best of what fortune gives.”

Footnote 225:

The murder of his sons in Egypt.

VI

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Rhodi circ. IV Id. Sext. a. 704_]

Ego, dum in provincia omnibus rebus Appium orno, subito sum factus

accusatoris eius socer. “Id quidem,” inquis, “di adprobent!” Ita velim

teque ita cupere certo scio. Sed, crede mihi, nihil minus putaram ego,

qui de Ti. Nerone, qui mecum egerat, certos homines ad mulieres miseram;

qui Romam venerunt factis sponsalibus. Sed hoc spero melius; mulieres

quidem valde intellego delectari obsequio et comitate adulescentis.

Cetera noli ἐξακανθίζειν.

Sed heus tu! πυροὺς εἰς δῆμον Athenis? placet hoc tibi? Etsi non

impediebant mei certe libri. Non enim ista largitio fuit in cives, sed

in hospites liberalitas. Me tamen de Academiae προπύλῳ iubes cogitare,

cum iam Appius de Eleusine non cogitet? De Horterisio te certo scio

dolere; equidem excrucior; decreram enim cum eo valde familiariter

vivere.

Nos provinciae praefecimus Caelium. “Puerum,” inquies, “et fortasse

fatuum et non gravem et non continentem!” Adsentior; fieri non potuit

aliter. Nam, quas multo ante tuas acceperam litteras, in quibus ἐπέχειν

te scripseras, quid esset mihi faciendum de relinquendo, eae me

pungebant; videbam enim, quae tibi essent ἐποχῆς causae, et erant eaedem

mihi.

VI

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rhodes, circa Aug. 10_, B.C. _50_]

While in my province I show Appius every honour, suddenly I find myself

father-in-law of Dolabella his accuser. You invoke heaven’s benison. So

say I, and you I know are sincere. Believe me, it was the last thing I

had expected. Indeed I had even sent trusty agents to Terentia and

Tullia about the suit of Ti. Nero, who had made proposals to me: but

they arrived in town only when the betrothal was over. However I hope

the better course has been taken. I understand that my women folk are

highly pleased with the young man’s obliging and courteous temper. As

for the rest, don’t pick holes in him.

Good gracious! Do you approve of corn doles to Athens? My own books to

be sure do not forbid such a dole, for it was not a largesse to

fellow-citizens, but a graceful present in return for hospitality. Still

do you encourage me in the matter of the porch for the Academy, when

Appius has abandoned his design of a porch at Eleusis? I am sure you are

sorry about the news of Hortensius. Personally I am distracted: for it

had been my intention to live on intimate terms with him.

I have put Caelius in charge of my province. “A mere boy” you will

object, “and perhaps silly, and lacking in dignity and self-control.” I

agree; but there was no alternative. The letter I got from you some time

ago, in which you said you suspended judgement as to what I ought to do

about my substitute, caused me a pang; for I understood the grounds

Puero tradere? fratri autem? Illud non utile nobis. Nam praeter fratrem

nemo erat, quem sine contumelia quaestori, nobili praesertim,

anteferrem. Tamen, dum impendere Parthi videbantur, statueram fratrem

relinquere aut etiam rei publicae causa contra senatus consultum ipse

remanere. Qui posteaquam incredibili felicitate discesserunt, sublata

dubitatio est. Videbam sermones: “Hui, fratrem reliquit! Num est hoc non

plus annum obtinere provinciam? Quid, quod senatus eos voluit praeesse

provinciis, qui non praefuissent? At hic triennium!” Ergo haec ad

populum. Quid, quae tecum? Numquam essem sine cura, si quid iracundius

aut contumeliosius aut neglegentius, quae fert vita hominum. Quid, si

quid filius puer et puer bene sibi fidens? qui esset dolor? quem pater

non dimittebat teque id censere moleste ferebat. At nunc Caelius non

dico equidem “quod egerit—,” sed tamen multo minus laboro. Adde illud.

Pompeius, eo robore vir, iis radicibus, Q. Cassium sine sorte delegit,

Caesar Antonium; ego sorte datum offenderem, ut etiam inquireret in eum,

quem reliquissem? Hoc melius, et huius rei plura exempla, senectuti

quidem nostrae profecto aptius.

of your hesitation and felt them myself. Could I hand it over to a boy?

But ought I to hand it over to my brother? The latter is prejudicial to

my own interests. My brother was the only man it would not be an insult

to prefer to the quaestor, especially as that officer was of noble

birth. Still, while the Parthians seemed threatening, I determined to

leave my brother in charge, or even to run counter to the decree of the

Senate and for the sake of the Republic remain here myself. Their

marvellously opportune retirement removed my doubts. I foresaw the

world’s comment. “So he has left his brother in charge! Is this holding

a province for one year only? And what about the decree of the Senate

that ex-governors should not be eligible? Why, his brother was governor

for three years.” These are the arguments for the public; but for you I

have private reasons. I should have been in constant anxiety as to some

exhibition of temper or overbearingness or negligence; for such things

will happen. Perhaps his son, a mere headstrong lad, would have given me

cause for distress: his father would not send him away, and was annoyed

with you for saying that he ought. As for Caelius, I cannot say that I

am unconcerned about his past behaviour: but still I am far less

concerned. Then there is another point. Pompey (and think of his power

and position) chose Q. Cassius without regard to the lot, and Caesar too

chose Antony. I could not affront Caelius who had been given to me by

lot, and so make him a spy on the actions of my successor. No; my

present course is better, accords well with precedent and is well suited

to my time of life. But,

At te apud eum, di boni, quanta in gratia posui. Eique legi litteras non

tuas, sed librarii tui.

Amicorum litterae me ad triumphum vocant, rem a nobis, ut ego arbitror,

propter hanc παλιγγενεσίαν nostram non neglegendam. Quare tu quoque, mi

Attice, incipe id cupere, quo nos minus inepti videamur.

VII

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Tarsi ante III K. Sext. a. 704_]

Quintus filius pie sane me quidem certe multum hortante, sed currentem,

animum patris sui sorori tuae reconciliavit. Eum valde tuae litterae

excitarunt. Quid quaeris? confido rein, ut volumus, esse.

Bis ad te antea scripsi de re mea familiari, si modo tibi redditae

litterae sunt, Graece ἐν αἰνιγμοῖς. Scilicet nihil est movendum; sed

tamen ἀφελῶς percontando de nominibus Milonis et, ut expediat, ut mihi

receperit, hortando, aliquid tu proficies.

Ego Laodiceae quaestorem Mescinium exspectare iussi, ut confectas

rationes lege Iulia apud duas civitates possem relinquere. Rhodum volo

puerorum causa, inde quam primum Athenas, etsi etesiae valde refiant;

sed plane volo his magistratibus; quorum voluntatem in supplicatione sum

expertus. Tu tamen mitte mihi, quaeso, obviam litteras, numquid putes

rei publicae nomine tardandum esse nobis. Tiro ad

heavens, how I have put you in his good books. I read him a letter, not

in your own hand, but in that of your secretary.[226]

Friends write me to come home to my triumph, a matter, I think, in view

of my political renaissance, hardly to be neglected. So I hope, my dear

Atticus, that you will look forward to it too, to make me appear less

foolish.

VII

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Tarsus, before July 30_, B.C. _50_]

The boy Quintus has contrived to reconcile his father to your sister. He

showed the proper feeling of a son, and I gave him much encouragement,

which he received nothing loath. He was greatly moved by your letter. I

trust that matters are as we wish.

I have written to you twice about a domestic matter of mine in Greek and

in riddles, if only my letters have reached you. Don’t take decided

steps: but still you may do some good by questioning the man simply

about Milo’s accounts, and urging him to settle the business as he

promised.

I have ordered my quaestor Mescinius to wait at Laodicea, so that in

accordance with the Julian law I may leave copies of my accounts in two

cities. I want to go to Rhodes for the sake of the boys, thence as soon

as possible to Athens, though the Etesian winds are very contrary. But I

wish to reach Rome during the magistracy of men whose good-will I

experienced over that thanksgiving in my honour. However please send a

letter to meet me, saying if you think there can be any political reason

for delay.

Footnote 226:

Presumably dictated to him by Cicero himself.

te dedisset litteras, nisi eum graviter aegrum Issi reliquissem. Sed

nuntiant melius esse. Ego tamen angor; nihil enim illo adulescente

castius, nihil diligentius.

VIII

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Ephesi K. Oct. a. 704_]

Cum instituissem ad te scribere calamumque sumpsissem, Batonius e navi

recta ad me venit domum Ephesi et epistulam tuam reddidit pridie Kal.

Octobres. Laetatus sum felicitate navigationis tuae, opportunitate

Piliae, etiam hercule sermone eiusdem de coniugio Tulliae meae. Batonius

autem miros terrores ad me attulit Caesarianos, cum Lepta etiam plura

locutus est, spero falsa, sed certe horribilia, exercitum nullo modo

dimissurum, cum illo praetores designates, Cassium tribunum pl.,

Lentulum consulem facere, Pompeio in animo esse urbem relinquere.

Sed heus tu! numquid moleste fers de illo, qui se solet anteferre patruo

sororis tuae filii? at a quibus victus! Sed ad rem.

Nos etesiae vehementissime tardarunt; detraxit XX ipsos dies etiam

aphractus Rhodiorum. Kal. Octobr. Epheso conscendentes hanc epistulam

dedimus L. Tarquitio simul e portu egredienti, sed expeditius naviganti.

Nos Rhodiorum aphractis ceterisque longis navibus tranquillitates

aucupaturi eramus; ita tamen properabamus, ut non posset magis.

Tiro would have written you a letter, but I left him at Issus seriously

ill. However a message has reached me that he is better. Still I am

upset: for he is a model youth and very attentive.

VIII

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Ephesus, Oct. 1_, B.C. _50_]

Just as I had determined to write to you and had taken up my pen,

Batonius came straight from his ship to my house at Ephesus and gave me

your letter on the 29th of September. I am delighted about your good

voyage, and your opportune meeting with your wife and also at her

remarks about the marriage of my daughter. But Batonius brought news

that was simply awful about Caesar, and was even more frank in

conversation with Lepta. I hope his news is false: it was certainly

terrifying. He says that Caesar will refuse to disband his army, that

the officials elect, praetors, Cassius the tribune and Lentulus the

consul take his part, and that Pompey thinks of leaving Rome.

But by the by, are you so sorry for the fellow that thinks himself

superior to the uncle of your sister’s son? What fine opponents to beat

him! But to business.

The Etesian winds have hindered me much: the open Rhodian boats too

caused me a delay of exactly twenty days. On the 1st of October, as I am

embarking from Ephesus, I give this letter to L. Tarquitius, who is

leaving the harbour at the same time, but sailing by a faster boat. I

have had to wait for fair weather owing to the undecked boats and other

war vessels of the Rhodians. However I am hurrying as fast as possible.

De raudusculo Puteolano gratum. Nunc velim dispicias res Romanas,

videas, quid nobis de triumpho cogitandum putes, ad quem amici me

vocant. Ego, nisi Bibulus, qui, dum unus hostis in Syria fuit, pedem

porta non plus extulit quam domi[227] domo sua, adniteretur de triumpho,

aequo animo essem. Nunc vero αἰσχρὸν σιωπᾶν. Sed explora rem totam, ut,

quo die congressi erimus, consilium capere possimus.

Sat multa, qui et properarem et ei litteras darem, qui aut mecum aut

paulo ante venturus esset. Cicero tibi plurimam salutem dicit. Tu dices

utriusque nostrum verbis et Piliae tuae et filiae.

IX

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Athenis Id. Oct. a. 704_]

In Piraeea cum exissem pridie Idus Octobr., accepi ab Acasto, servo meo,

statim tuas litteras. Quas quidem cum exspectassem iam diu, admiratus

sum, ut vidi obsignatam epistulam, brevitatem eius, ut aperui, rursus

σύγχυσιν litterularum, quia solent tuae compositissimae et clarissimae

esse, ac, ne multa, cognovi ex eo, quod ita scripseras, te Romam venisse

a. d. XII Kal. Oct. cum febri. Percussus vehementer nec magis, quam

debui, statim quaero ex Acasto. Ille et tibi et sibi visum et ita se

domi ex tuis

Footnote 227:

domi _is added by Tyrrell and Purser_.

Many thanks for paying the man of Puteoli[228] his pence. Now please

consider politics, and see what you think I should do about the triumph,

to which my friends invite me. I should have been quite happy, had not

Bibulus been trying for a triumph, though the man never set his foot

outside his house so long as there was one enemy in Syria any more than

he set foot out of his house in town when he was consul. But as it is

“’twere base to hold one’s peace.”[229] But consider the whole matter,

that we may be able to decide something on the day we meet.

That’s enough, considering I am in a hurry and am giving this letter to

a man who will arrive at the same time as myself or just before me. My

son pays you his best respects. Please give the compliments of both of

us to your wife and daughter.

IX

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Athens, Oct. 15_, B.C. _50_]

As soon as I landed in port on the 14th of Oct. I received your letter

from my slave Acastus. I have been looking forward to it so long that I

was surprised at its brevity, as I looked at the letter before breaking

the seal. Again, when I opened it, I was startled at the illegibility of

the scribble, for your hand is generally very fine and legible. In short

I gathered from the style of writing that you had arrived in town, as

you stated, on the 19th of Sept., suffering from an attack of fever.

Much disturbed, as I was bound to be, I questioned my slave. He said

that both he

Footnote 228:

Vestorius.

Footnote 229:

Euripides; Frag. αἰσχρὸν σιωπᾶν βαρβάρους δ’ ἐᾶν λέγειν.

audisse, ut nihil esset incommode. Id videbatur approbare, quod erat in

extremo, febriculam tum te habentem scripsisse. Sed te amavi tamen

admiratusque sum, quod nihilo minus ad me tua manu scripsisses. Quare de

hoc satis. Spero enim, quae tua prudentia et temperantia est, et

hercule, ut me iubet Acastus, confido te iam, ut volumus, valere.

A Turranio te accepisse meas litteras gaudeo. Παραφύλαξον, si me amas,

τὴν τοῦ φυρατοῦ φιλοτιμίαν αὐτότατα. Hanc, quae mehercule mihi magno

dolori est (dilexi enim hominem), procura, quantulacumque est, Precianam

hereditatem prorsus ille ne attingat. Dices nummos mihi opus esse ad

apparatum triumphi. In quo, ut praecipis, nec me κενὸν in expetendo

cognosces nec ἄτυφον in abiciendo.

Intellexi ex tuis litteris te ex Turranio audisse a me provinciam fratri

traditam. Adeon ego non perspexeram prudentiam litterarum tuarum?

Ἐπέχειν te scribebas. Quid erat dubitatione dignum, si esset quicquam,

cur placeret fratrem et talem fratrem relinqui? Ἀθέτησις ista mihi tua,

non ἐποχὴ videbatur. Monebas de Q. Cicerone puero, ut eum quidem

neutiquam relinquerem. Τοὐμὸν ὄνειρον ἐμοί. Eadem omnia, quasi conlocuti

essemus, vidimus. Non fuit faciendum aliter, meque ἐπιχρονία ἐποχὴ tua

dubitatione liberavit. Sed puto te accepisse de hac re epistulam

scriptam accuratius.

and you thought that it was nothing serious and that he had gathered as

much from your people. This view seemed to be supported by a remark at

the end of your letter that at the time of writing you had a touch of

fever. However I was greatly surprised and pleased at your writing to me

in your own hand under the circumstances. So I will say no more. For I

hope considering your careful and temperate life—and to be sure Acastus

bids me be confident—that you are now as well as I could wish.

I am glad you got my letter from Turranius. Keep a very strict eye, as

you love me, on the untimely designs of that cooker of accounts

Philotimus. As to this legacy from Precius, which is a great sorrow to

me—for I loved him indeed—don’t let the fellow lay a finger on it, small

as it is. You will say that I want money for the outfit of my triumph.

You shall see that following your advice I will not show foolish vanity

in seeking a triumph, nor be phlegmatic enough to refuse it.

I gather from your letter that you heard from Turranius I had given over

my province to my brother. Do you imagine that I overlooked the cautious

tone of your letter? You wrote that you were doubtful. There could have

been no reason for doubts, if there had been grounds for leaving a

brother and such a brother in charge. I took your doubts for dogmatic

rejection. You warn me on no account to leave the young Quintus. Your

words repeat my dream. The same vision came to us both, as though we had

talked it over. There was nothing else to be done, and your long doubt

has relieved me of hesitation. But I fancy you must have already got a

letter on this topic written in more detail.

Ego tabellarios postero die ad vos eram missurus; quos puto ante

ventures quam nostrum Saufeium. Sed eum sine meis litteris ad te venire

vix rectum erat. Tu mihi, ut polliceris, de Tulliola mea, id est de

Dolabella, perscribes, de re publica, quam praevideo in summis

periculis, de censoribus, maximeque de signis, tabulis quid fiat,

referaturne. Idibus Octobribus has dedi litteras, quo die, ut scribis,

Caesar Placentiam legiones IIII. Quaeso, quid nobis futurum est? In arce

Athenis statio mea nunc placet.

END OF VOL. I.

I mean to send letter-carriers to you to-morrow, who I fancy will arrive

before our friend Saufeius: but it was hardly proper that he should come

to you without a letter from me. Please write me fully, as you promise,

about my little daughter, that is about her husband Dolabella, about the

political situation in which I foresee much trouble, about the censors,

and above all about the business of statues and pictures, and whether

the matter will come up before the Senate.[230] The 15th of October is

the date of this letter, a day on which you say Caesar is going to bring

four legions to Placentia. I wonder what will be our fate. My present

quarters on the Acropolis at Athens seem to me the best place.

Footnote 230:

The censors had fixed a limit on private expenditure on works of art:

but their edict required the confirmation of the Senate before it

became law.

CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER OF THE LETTERS.[231]

I. 5 November, 68[232]

6 November or December, 68

7 February, 67

8 February, 67

9 February, 67

10 Before July, 67

11 July or August, 67

3 Late in 67

4 Early in 66

1 July, 65

2 July, 65

12 January 1, 61

13 January 25, 61

14 February 13, 61

15 March 15, 61

16 June, 61

17 December 5, 61

18 January 20, 60

19 March 15, 60

20 May, 60

II. 1 June, 60

2 December, 60

3 December, 60

10 March 29, 59

4 April, 59

5 April, 59

6 April, 59

7 April, 59

8 April, 59

9 April, 59

12 April 18, 59