CHAPTER XXXIII.—THE KHEDIVE.

WHAT excitement there is in adjacency to a great city! To hear its

inarticulate hum, to feel the thrill of its myriads, the magnetism of a

vast society! How the pulse quickens at the mere sight of multitudes

of buildings, and the overhanging haze of smoke and dust that covers a

little from the sight of the angels the great human struggle and folly.

How impatient one is to dive into the ocean of his fellows.

The stir of life has multiplied every hour in the past two days. The

river swarms with boats, the banks are vocal with labor, traffic,

merriment. This morning early we are dropping down past huge casernes

full of soldiers—the bank is lined with them, thousands of them, bathing

and washing their clothes, their gabble filling the air. We see again

the lofty mosque of Mohamed Ali, the citadel of Salàdin, the forest of

minarets above the brown roofs of the town. We pass the isle of Rhoda

and the ample palaces of the Queen-Mother. We moor at Gezereh amid a

great shoal of dahabeëhs, returned from High Egypt, deserted of their

passengers, flags down, blinds closed—a spectacle to fill one with

melancholy that so much pleasure is over.

The dahabeëhs usually discharge their passengers at Gezereh, above

the bridge. If the boat goes below with baggage it is subject to a

port-duty, as if it were a traveler,—besides the tax for passing the

draw-bridge. We decide to remain some days on our boat, because it is

comfortable, and because we want to postpone the dreaded breaking up

of housekeeping, packing up our scattered effects, and moving. Having

obtained permission to moor at the government dock below Kasr-el-Nil, we

drop down there.

The first person to greet us there is Aboo Yusef, the owner. Behind him

comes Habib Bagdadli, the little Jew partner. There is always that in

his mien which says, “I was really born in Bagdad, but I know you still

think I am a Jew from Algiers. No, gentlemens, you wrong a man to whom

reputation is everything.” But he is glad to see his boat safe; he

expresses as much pleasure as one can throw from an eye with a cast in

it. Aboo Yusef is radiant. He is attired gorgeously, in a new suit, from

fresh turban to red slippers, on the profits of the voyage. His robe is

silk, his sash is cashmere. He overflows with complimentary speech.

“Allah be praised, I see you safe.”

“We have reason to be grateful.”

“And that you had a good journey.”

“A perfect journey.”

“We have been made desolate by your absence; thank God, you have enjoyed

the winter.”

“I suppose you are glad to see the boat back safe also?”

“That is nothing, not to mention it, I not think of it; the return of

the boat safe, that is nothing. I only think that you are safe. But it

is a good boat. You will say it is the first-class of boats? And she

goes up the cataract all right. Did I not say she go up the cataract?

Abd-el-Atti he bear me witness.”

“You did. You said so. Habib said so also. Was there any report here in

Cairo that we could not go up.”

“Mashallah. Such news. The boat was lost in the cataract; the reïs

was drowned. For the loss of the boat I did not care; only if you were

safe.”

“Did you hear that the cataract reises objected to take us up?”

“What rascals! They always make the traveler some trouble. But, Allah

forgive us all, the head reïs is dead. Not so, Abd-el-Atti?”

“What, the old reïs that we said good-bye to only a little while ago at

Assouan?”

“Him dead,” says Abd-el-Atti. “I have this morning some conversation

with a tradin' boat from the Cataract. Him dead shortly after we leave.”

It was the first time it had ever occurred to me that one of these tough

old Bedaween could die in the ordinary manner.

But alas his spirit was too powerful for his frame. We have not in this

case the consolation of feeling that his loss is our gain; for there

are plenty more like him at the First Cataract. He took money from Aboo

Yusef for not taking us up the Cataract, and he took money from us for

taking us up. His account is balanced. He was an impartial man. Peace to

his colored ashes.

Aboo Yusef and the little Jew took leave with increased demonstrations

of affection, and repeated again and again their joy that we had

ascended the Cataract and returned safe. The Jew, as I said, had a

furtive look, but Aboo is open as the day. He is an Arab you would

trust. I can scarcely believe that it was he and his partner who sent

the bribe to the reïs of the Cataract to prevent our going up.

As we ride to town through the new part, the city looks exceedingly

bright and attractive; the streets are very broad; the handsome square

houses—ornamented villas, with balconies, pillared piazzas, painted with

lively figures and in bizarre patterns—stand behind walls overgrown with

the convolvulus, and in the midst of gardens; plats in the center

of open spaces and at the angles of streets are gay with flowers in

bloom—chiefly scarlet geraniums. The town wears a spring aspect, and

would be altogether bright but for the dust which overlays everything,

houses, streets, foliage. No amount of irrigation can brighten the

dust-powdered trees.

When we came to Cairo last fall, fresh from European cities, it seemed

very shabby. Now that we come from Upper Egypt, with our eyes trained

to eight hundred miles of mud-hovels, Cairo is magnificent. But it

is Cairo. There are just as many people squatting in the dust of the

highways as when we last saw them, and they have the air of not having

moved in three months. We ride to Shepherd's Hotel; there are twenty

dragomans for every tourist who wants to go to Syria, there is the usual

hurry of arrival and departure, and no one to be found; we call at the

consul's: it is not his hour; we ride through the blindest ways to

the bankers, in the Rosetti Gardens (don't imagine there is any garden

there), they do no business from twelve to three. It is impossible to

accomplish anything in Cairo without calm delay. And, falling into the

mode, we find ourselves sauntering through one of the most picturesque

quarters, the bazaar of Khan Khaléel, feasting the eye on the Oriental

splendors of silks, embroidered stuffs, stiff with gold and silver,

sown with pearls, antique Persian brasses, old arms of the followers

of Saladin. How cool, how quiet it is. All the noises are soft. Noises

enough there are, a babel of traffic, jostling, pushing, clamoring;

and yet we have a sense of quiet in it all. There is no rudeness, no

angularity, no glare of sun. At times you feel an underflow of silence.

I know no place so convenient for meditation as the recesses of these

intricate bazaars. Their unlikeness to the streets of other cities is

mainly in the absence of any hard pavement. From the moment you come

into the Mooskee, you strike a silent way, no noise of wheels or hoofs,

nor footfalls of the crowd. It is this absence of footfall-patter which

is always heard in our streets, that gives us the impression here of the

underflow of silence.

Returning through the Ezbekeëh Park and through the new streets, we are

glad we are not to judge the manhood of Egypt by the Young Egypt we

meet here, nor the future of Egypt by the dissolute idlers of Cairo and

Alexandria. From Cairo to Wady Halfeh we have seen men physically well

developed, fine specimens of their race, and better in Nubia than in

Egypt Proper; but these youths are feeble, and of unclean appearance,

even in their smart European dress. They are not unlike the effeminate

and gilded youth of Italy that one sees in the cities, or Parisians of

the same class. Egypt, which needed a different importation, has added

most of the vices of Europe to its own; it is noticeable that the

Italians, who emigrate elsewhere little, come here in great numbers, and

men and women alike take kindly to this loose feebleness. French as well

as Italians adapt themselves easily to Eastern dissoluteness. The

French have never shown in any part of the globe any prejudice against a

mingling of races. The mixture here of the youths of the Latin races

and the worn-out Orientals, who are a little polished by a lacquer of

European vice, is not a good omen for Egypt. Happily such youths are

feeble and, I trust, not to be found outside the two large cities.

The great question in Egypt, among foreigners and observers (there is

no great question among the common people), is about the Khedive, Ismail

Pasha, his policy and his real intentions with regard to the country.

You will hear three distinct opinions; one from devout Moslems, another

from the English, and a third from the Americans. The strict and

conservative Moslems like none of the changes and innovations, and

express not too much confidence in the Khedive's religion. He has bought

pictures and statues for his palaces, he has marble images of himself,

he has set up an equestrian statue in the street; all this is contrary

to the religion. He introduces European manners and costumes, every

government employé is obliged to wear European dress, except the

tarboosh. What does he want with such a great army; why are the taxes so

high, and growing higher every day?

With the Americans in Cairo, as a rule, the Khedive is popular; they

sympathize with his ambition, and think that he has the good of Egypt

at heart; almost uniformly they defend him. The English, generally,

distrust the Khedive and criticise his every movement. Scarcely ever

have I heard Englishmen speak well of the Khedive and his policy. They

express a want of confidence in the sincerity of his efforts to suppress

the slave-trade, for one thing. How much the fact that American officers

are preferred in the Khedive's service has to do with the English

and the American estimate, I do not know; the Americans are naturally

preferred over all others, for in case of a European complication over

Egypt they would have no entangling alliances.

The Americans point to what has actually been accomplished by the

present Viceroy, the radical improvements in the direction of a better

civilization, improvements which already change the aspect of Egypt to

the most casual observer. There are the railroads, which intersect the

Delta in all directions, and extend over two hundred and fifty miles up

the Nile, and the adventurous iron track which is now following the

line of the telegraph to distant Kartoom. There are the canals, the

Sweet-Water that runs from Cairo and makes life on the Isthmus possible,

and the network of irrigating canals and system of ditches, which have

not only transformed the Delta, but have changed its climate, increasing

enormously the rainfall. No one who has not seen it can have any

conception of the magnitude of this irrigation by canals which all draw

water from the Nile, nor of the immense number of laborers necessary

to keep the canals in repair. Talk of the old Pharaohs, and their

magnificent canals, projected or constructed, and their vaunted

expeditions of conquest into Central Africa! Their achievements, take

them all together, are not comparable to the marvels the Khedive

is producing under our own eyes, in spite of a people ignorant,

superstitious, reluctant. He does not simply make raids into Africa:

he occupies vast territories, he has absolutely stopped the Nile

slave-trade, he has converted the great slave-traders into his allies,

by making it more their interest to develope legitimate commerce than

to deal in flesh and blood; he has permanently opened a region twice

as large as Egypt to commercial intercourse; he sends explorers and

scientific expeditions into the heart of Africa. It is true that he

wastes money, that he is robbed and cheated by his servants, but he

perseveres, and behold the results. Egypt is waking out of its sleep,

it is annexing territory, and population by millions, it is becoming a

power. And Ismail Pasha is the center and spring of the whole movement.

Look at Cairo! Since the introduction of gas, the opening of broad

streets, the tearing down of some of the worst rookeries, the admission

of sun and air, Cairo is exempt from the old epidemics, the general

health is improved, and even that scourge, ophthalmia, has diminished.

You know his decree forbidding early marriages; you know he has

established and encourages schools for girls; you see what General Stone

is doing in the education of the common soldiers, and in his training

of those who show any aptitude in engineering, draughting, and the

scientific accomplishments of the military profession.

Thus the warmest admirers of the Khedive speak. His despotism, which

is now the most absolute in the world, perhaps, and least disputed, is

referred to as a “personal government.” And it is difficult to see

how under present circumstances it could be anything else. There is

absolutely in Egypt no material for anything else. The Khedive has

annually summoned for several years, a sort of parliament of the

chief men of Egypt, for information and consultation. At first it was

difficult to induce the members to say a word, to give any information

or utter an opinion. It is a new thing in a despotic government, the

shadow even of a parliament.

An English gentleman in Cairo, and a very intelligent man, gives the

Khedive credit for nothing but a selfish desire to enrich himself, to

establish his own family, and to enjoy the traditional pleasures of the

Orient.

“But he is suppressing the slave-trade.”

“He is trying to make England believe so. Slaves still come to Cairo;

not so many down the Nile, but by the desert. I found a slave-den in

some desert tombs once over the other side the river; horrible treatment

of women and children; a caravan came from Darfour by way of Assiout.”

“But that route is cut off by the capture of Darfour.”

“Well, you'll see; slaves will come if they are wanted. Why, look at the

Khedive's harem!”

“He hasn't so many wives as Solomon, who had seven hundred; the Khedive

has only four.”

“Yes, but he has more concubines; Solomon kept only three hundred, the

Khedive has four hundred and fifty, and perhaps nearer five hundred.

Some of them are beautiful Circassians for whom it is said he paid as

much as £2000 and even £3000 sterling.”

“I suppose that is an outside price.”

“Of course, but think of the cost of keeping them. Then, each of

his four wives has her separate palace and establishment. Rather an

expensive family.”

“Almost as costly as the royal family of England.”

“That's another affair; to say nothing of the difference of income.

The five hundred, more or less, concubines are under the charge of

the Queen-mother, but they have carte blanche in indulgence in jewels,

dress, and all that. They wear the most costly Paris modes. They

spend enormous sums in pearls and diamonds. They have their palaces

refurnished whenever the whim seizes them, re-decorated in European

style. Where does the money come from? You can see that Egypt is taxed

to death. I heard to-day that the Khedive was paying seventeen per cent,

for money, money borrowed to pay the interest on his private debts. What

does he do with the money he raises?”

“Spends a good deal of it on his improvements, canals, railroads, on his

army.”

“I think he runs in debt for his improvements. Look again at his family.

He has something like forty palaces, costing from one half-million to

a million dollars each; some of them, which he built, he has never

occupied, many of them are empty, many of those of his predecessors,

which would lodge a thousand people, are going to decay; and yet he is

building new ones all the time. There are two or three in process of

erection on the road to the pyramids.”

“Perhaps they are for his sons or for his high officers? Victor Emanuel,

whose treasury is in somewhat the condition of the Khedive's, has a

palace in every city of Italy, and yet he builds more.”

“If the Khedive is building for his children, I give it up. He has

somewhere between twenty and thirty acknowledged children. But he does

give away palaces and houses. When he has done with a pretty slave, he

may give her, with a palace or a fine house here in town, to a favorite

officer. I can show you houses here that were taken away from their

owners, at a price fixed by the Khedive and not by the owner, because

the Viceroy wanted them to give away with one or another of his

concubines.”

“I suppose that is Oriental custom.”

“I thought you Americans defended the Khedive on account of his

progressive spirit.”

“He is a man who is accomplishing wonders, trammelled as he is by usages

thousands of years old, which appear monstrous to us, but are to him as

natural as any other Oriental condition. Yet I confess that he stands

in very contradictory lights. If he knew it, he could do the greatest

service to Egypt by abolishing his harem of concubines, converting it

into—I don't know what—a convent, or a boarding-school, or a milliner's

shop, or an establishment for canning fruit—and then set the example of

living, openly, with one wife.”

“Wait till he does. And you talk about the condition of Egypt! Every

palm-tree, and every sakiya is taxed, and the tax has doubled within a

few years. The taxes are now from one pound and a half to three pounds

an acre on all lands not owned by him.”

“In many cases, I know this is not a high tax (compared with taxes

elsewhere) considering the yield of the land, and the enormous cost of

the irrigating canals.”

“It is high for such managers as the fellahs. But they will not have to

complain long. The Khedive is getting into his own hands all the lands

of Egypt. He owns I think a third of it now, and probably half of it is

in his family; and this is much the better land.”

“History repeats itself in Egypt. He is following the example of Joseph

who, you know, taking advantage of the famine, wrung all the land,

except that in possession of the priests, from the people, and made

it over to Pharaoh; by Joseph's management the king owned, before the

famine was over, not only all the land, but all the money, all the

cattle, and all the people of Egypt. And he let the land to them for a

fifth of its increase.”

“I don't know that it is any better because Egypt is used to it. Joseph

was a Jew. The Khedive pretends to be influenced by the highest motives,

the elevation of the condition of the people, the regeneration of

Egypt.”

“I think he is sincerely trying to improve Egypt and the Egyptians. Of

course a despot, reared in Oriental prejudices, is slow to see that you

can't make a nation except by making men; that you can't make a rich

nation unless individuals have free scope to accumulate property. I

confess that the chief complaint I heard up the river was, that no one

dared to show that he had any money, or to engage in extensive business,

for fear he would be 'squeezed.'.rdquo;

“So he would be. The Khedive has some sixteen sugar-factories, worked by

forced labor, very poorly paid. They ought to be very profitable.”

“They are not.”

“Well, he wants more money, at any rate. I have just heard that he

is resorting to a forced loan, in the form of bonds. A land-owner is

required to buy them in the proportion of one dollar and a half for

each acre he owns; and he is to receive seven per cent, interest on the

bonds. In Cairo a person is required to take these bonds in a certain

proportion on his personal property. And it is said that the bonds are

not transferable, and that they will be worthless to the heirs. I heard

of this new dodge from a Copt.”

“I suppose the Khedive's friends would say that he is trying to change

Egypt in a day, whereas it is the work of generations.”

When we returned to the dahabeëh we had a specimen of “personal

government.” Abd-el-Atti was standing on the deck, slipping his beads,

and looking down.

“What has happened?”

“Ahman, been took him.”

“Who took him?”

“Police, been grab him first time he go 'shore, and lock him up.”

“What had he been doing?”

“Nothing he been done; I send him uptown of errand; police catch him

right out there.”

“What for?”

“Take him down to Soudan to work; the vice-royal he issue an order for

the police to catch all the black fellows in Cairo, and take 'em to the

Soudan, down to Gondokora for what I know, to work the land there.”

“But Ahman is our servant; he can't be seized.”

“Oh, I know, Ahman belong to me, he was my slave till I give him

liberty; I go to get him out directly. These people know me, I get him

off.”

“But if you had no influence with the police, Ahman would be dragged off

to Soudan to work in a cotton or rice field?”

“Lots of black fellows like him sent off. But I get him back, don't you

have worry. What the vice-royal to do with my servant—I don't care if he

Kin' of Constantinople!”

Sure enough, early in the evening the handsome Abyssinian boy came back,

none the worse, except for a thorough scare, eyes and teeth shining, and

bursting into his usual hearty laugh upon allusion to his capture.

“Police tyeb?”

“Moosh-tyeb” (“bad”), with an explosion of merriment.

The boy hadn't given himself much uneasiness, for he regards his master

as his Providence.

We are moored at the dock and below the lock of the Sweet-Water Canal

which runs to Ismailia. A dredge-boat lies in the entrance, and we

have an opportunity of seeing how government labor is performed; we

can understand why it is that so many laborers are needed, and that the

great present want of Egypt is stout and willing arms.

In the entrance of the canal and in front of the lock is a flat-boat

upon which are fifteen men. They have two iron scoops, which would hold

about a gallon each; to each is attached a long pole and a rope. Two

men jab the pole down and hold the pot on the bottom, while half a dozen

pull leisurely on the rope, with a “yah-sah” or other chorus, and haul

in the load; when it comes up, a man scrapes out the mud with his hand,

sometimes not getting more than two quarts. It is very restful to watch

their unexhausting toil. It takes several minutes to capture a pot of

sand. There are fifteen men at this spoon-work, but one scoop is only

kept going at a time. After it is emptied, the men stop and look about,

converse a little, and get ready for another effort, standing meantime

in liquid mud, ankle deep. When they have rested, over goes the scoop

again, and the men stand to the rope, and pull feebly, but only at

intervals, that is when they sing the response to the line of the

leader. The programme of singing and pulling is something like this:

Salee ah nadd (voice of the leader).

Yalee, halee (chorus, pull altogether).

Salee ah nadd.

Yalee, halee (pull).

Salee ah nadd.

Yalee, halee (pull).

And the outcome of three or four minutes of hauling and noise enough to

raise a ton, is about a quart of mud!

The river panorama is always varied and entertaining, and we are of a

divided mind between a lazy inclination to sit here and watch the busy

idleness of the population, or address ourselves to the much that still

remains to be seen in Cairo. I ought to speak, however, of an American

sensation on the river. This is a little steam-yacht—fifty feet long by

seven and a half broad—which we saw up the Nile, where it attracted

more attention along the banks than anything else this season. I call

it American, because it carries the American flag and is owned by a

New-York art student, Mr. Anderson, and an English-American, Mr. Medler;

but the yacht was built in London, and shipped on a large steamboat to

Alexandria. It is the first steam-vessel, I believe, carrying anything

except Egyptian (or Turkish) colors that has ever been permitted to

ascend the Nile. We took a trip on it one fine morning up to Helwân, and

enjoyed the animation of its saucy speed. When put to its best, it makes

eighteen miles an hour; but life would not be as long on it as it is

on a dahabeëh. At Helwân are some hot sulphur-springs, famous and

much resorted to in the days of the Pharaohs, and just now becoming

fashionable again.

Our days pass we can hardly say how, while we wait for the proper season

for Syria, and regard the invincible obstacles that debar us from the

longed-for desert journey to Sinai and Arabia Petra. The bazaars are

always a refuge from the heat, a never-failing entertainment. We spend

hours in lounging through them. We lunch at the shops of the sweatmeat

makers, on bread, pistachio-nuts, conserve of roses, I know not what,

and Nile-water, with fingans of coffee fetched hot and creamy from the

shop near by. We give a copper to an occasional beggar: for beggars

are few in the street, and these are either blind or very poor, or

derweeshes; and to all these, being regarded as Allah's poor, the

Moslems give cheerfully, for charity is a part of their religion. We

like also to stand at the doors of the artisans. There is a street where

all the workmen are still making the old flint-lock guns and pistols,

and the firearms with the flaring blunderbuss muzzles, as if the object

was to scatter the charge, and hit a great many people but to kill none.

I think the peace society would do well to encourage this kind of gun.

There are shops also where a man sits before a heap of flint-chalk,

chipping the stone with a flat iron mallet, and forming the flints for

the antiquated locks.

We happen to come often in our wanderings, the distinction being a

matter of luck, upon a very interesting old city-gate of one of the

quarters. The gate itself is a wooden one of two leaves, crossed with

iron bands fastened with heavy spikes, and not remarkable except as an

illustration of one of the popular superstitions of the Arabs. The wood

is driven full of nails, bits of rags flutter on it, and human teeth are

crowded under the iron bands. It is believed that if a person afflicted

with headache will drive a nail into this door he will never have the

headache again. Other ills are relieved by other offerings, bits of

rag, teeth, etc. It would seem to be a pretty sure cure for toothache

to leave the tooth in this gate. The Arabs are called the most

superstitious of peoples, they wear charms against the evil-eye (“charm

from the eye of girl, sharper than a spike; charm from the eye of boy,

more painful than a whip”), and they have a thousand absurd practices.

Yet we can match most of them in Christian communities.

How patiently all the people work, and wait. Complaints are rare. The

only reproof I ever received was from a donkey-boy, whom I had kept

waiting late one evening at the Hotel Nil. When I roused him from his

sleep on the ground, he asked, with an accent of weariness, “how much

clock you got?”

By the twenty-third day of March it is getting warm; the thermometer is

81°. It is not simply the heat, but the Khâmaseen, the south wind, the

smoky air, the dust in the city, the languor. To-day it rained a few

drops, and looked threatening, just as it does in a hot summer day at

home. The outskirts of Cairo are enveloped in dust, and the heat begins

to simmer over the palaces and gardens. The travelers are leaving. The

sharp traders, Jews from Bagdad, Syrians, Jews from Constantinople,

Greeks, Armenians from Damascus, all sorts, are packing up their goods,

in order to meet the traveler and fleece him again in Jerusalem, in

Beyrout, in Damascus, in Smyrna, on the Golden Horn. In the outskirts,

especially on the open grounds by the canal, are the coffee-booths and

dance-shanties—rows of the disreputable. The life, always out of doors

even in the winter, is now more flamboyantly displayed in these open and

verandahed dwellings; there is a yielding to the relaxation of summer.

We hear at night, as we sit on the deck of our dahabeëh, the throbbing

of the darabookah-drum and the monotonous song of the dissolute ones.

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