JOHN R. MOTT.

Mr. Mott, one of the delegation from Saratoga, informs Mr. Cowen

another of the delegation from that town, that Stillwell and others are

opposed to Young. This presumption in Judge Stillwell, it seems could

not be endured, and he in common with others was marked out as a

victim. His name was originally connected with that of Palmer and

Bunce, in the letter of Kasson, dated the 12th April, p. 33, as being

concerned with them in "this _black business_" as he calls it, until by

making his peace, this _crow_ is suddenly changed into a _swan_, and

his name erased from the letter.

If farther proof is wanting that the loss of Mr. Young's nomination did

not depend on any thing which fell from his colleagues, or any

individual exertion made against it, you may have it by calling on the

following gentlemen, who acted on the county convention, to wit:

Avery Starkweather, John Pettit, Eli Smith, Joel Keeler,

Isaac Rice, Nathan Raymond, Jessup Raymond, Richard Dunning,

James Clark, Isaac Andrus, Solomon Parks, Nicholas W. Angle,

Billy J. Clark, Potter Johnson, Benjamin Burton, Joseph

Mitchell, William Taylor, Samuel Cook, Nathan Pardee, Joshua

Finch, John Brown, Samuel S. Barker, Isaac Brewster, &c.

You will find among them many of the most respectable names in the

county. By them it will also appear how far Mr. Young's failure

depended on Palmer and Bunce, and how far it was regulated by public

sentiment. But, it is presumed that what Doctor Clark very properly

calls a _systematic attempt_, to fix a course of fraud upon two or

three individuals, and ascribe the result of that convention to them,

must appear as absurd and ridiculous in the eyes of the public, as it

did to Doctor Clark and his associates on the committee.

But why spend a moments time in refuting so base a calumny; by

searching for argument and demonstration while it must be rendered

useless by conviction. Another year has rolled away; another convention

have met--have made a nomination for Congress and Assembly--They were

unanimous--Mr. Young is not nominated, nor even named for the year

1816. This too was not till the blood-hounds of imaginary fraud had

yelled their notes thro' the county, the quivers of malice had been

exhausted of their poisoned arrows, and "the book," that great gun of a

falling faction which they had been loading during the whole Summer

past, had gone off with a harmless explosion.

It may not be amiss however, to examine the behaviour of these famous

pretenders to fair and open conduct, and see how far they practice what

they preach. In doing this, permit me to call your attention to the

following certificates.

"I notice in the pamphlet signed 'A Citizen' lately

published, an assertion that the committee in the town of

_Milton_ in the Spring of 1815, 'was procured by management,

fraud and falsehood.' I attended the meeting in this town,

according to previous notice in the Journal for that purpose,

at which I saw Mr. T. Palmer and Mr. Bunce, but saw nothing

in them like either fraud or management. I voted in that

committee for Mess. Palmer, Keeler and Couch, but not from

any solicitations of either Mr. Bunce or Mr. Palmer, but

because I believed them the best men; nor had any one of

these, or any one else, then told me that the three members

had complained of Mr. Young.

"James Thompson, Esq. was a candidate for the same committee,

and his partner, Alpheus Goodrich, Esq. wrote votes for the

said James Thompson; but I refused to vote for him, not,

however, from any thing I had ever heard either the said

Palmer or Bunce say against him. There was a large majority

for the three above named committee, but I saw no unusual

exertions, or any thing that looked like unfair proceedings,

in any one at the meeting who appeared to be voting the

ticket which I did.--EBENEZER DIBBLE. _Milton, March, 1816_."

"I also was present at the above mentioned meeting for the

purpose of choosing delegates to the county convention. The

meeting was notified in the Journal, at Gregory & Hawkins',

on the day some of the town officers met there. The meeting

proceeded to organize by choosing Joel Keeler, Esq. chairman,

and Thomas Palmer secretary, and then without opposition,

voted to choose the committee by ballot. The candidates for

whom ballots were wrote, were, on one ticket, James Thompson,

Archy Kasson and Elias Benedict--On the other, Daniel Couch

jun, Joel Keeler and Thomas Palmer. Mr. Bunce was there; and

in the room, wrote votes for the latter three gentlemen, for

whom I voted, but not from the insinuations or persuasions of

any one. And I saw no intrigue, management or improper

electioneering in either the said Palmer or Bunce, or any one

else for that ticket; but believe every thing was conducted

fairly.

"I had on that day, before I came there, heard of reports

against Mr. Young, but not from either Mr. Palmer or Mr.

Bunce; but to the best of my recollection from _Elihu Roe_ in

a conversation between him and _Deacon Stillwell_. I had

before heard no intimation of the same from any one.--EZRA

NASH. _Milton, March 1816_."

"I was present at the republican meeting in Milton, in the

Spring of 1815, for the purpose of choosing a committee to

meet the general committee to make a nomination. I saw no

deception or intrigue on the part of either Mr. Palmer or Mr.

Bunce, nor any particular exertion of either of them to

procure the committee that were elected. Some time _before_

the said meeting, I had understood that James Thompson, Esq.

of said town, had _expressed a wish_ to be one of the

committee, and at the above mentioned meeting Alpheus

Goodrich, Esq. _his partner_ took a very active part to get

him appointed--wrote votes and endeavored to get others to

take them and vote for the said Thompson, his name being on

the same ticket with Archy Kasson and Elias Benedict; but

they received at the meeting, which consisted of about

thirty, but very few votes, the other ticket, which I voted,

obtaining a large majority. And I hereby further certify,

that neither the said Palmer nor Bunce, both being present at

the meeting, had ever informed me, or given me an intimation

that there was any complaint against Mr. Young, nor did I

ever hear of any complaints against Young, from any one until

some time afterwards; and from the best of my recollection,

_Joel Lee_ was the first who informed me of these complaints

against the said Young.--DAVID DERRICK. _Milton, March

1816_."

It appears that in the town of Milton Mr. Archy Kasson, Elias Benedict

and James Thompson Esq. were candidates at the meeting in that town for

the choice of delegates in 1815.--That Alpheus Goodrich Esq. Thompson's

partner, in particular, acted decidedly in favor of "_Master Jimmy_" as

he calls him, perhaps with a good deal of propriety, and peddled

tickets with Mr. Kasson and his master's name on them. Now Mr. Thompson

whose situation in point of _popularity_ especially in his _own town_

is not to be questioned, was very naturally surprised at his failure,

and could not in his own mind attribute it to any thing short of

"_fraud and management_." He had failed in despite of the combined

efforts of his partner and Mr. Kasson. Finding how poor doctor Child

had been cheated into a vote for three gentlemen whom Thompson

considered mere tools compared to himself, it leaves him no doubt on

the subject, and he can no longer avoid bristling with astonishment and

rage. Tho' several days before the convention met, a hue and cry was

immediately raised, and he repairs to court with almost the whole of

the McBain meeting at his heels--The convention till this year (1816)

had regularly met on the second day of April court.

The evil of this practice had been long felt and deplored by the

advocates for freedom of deliberation in this body, without being able

to attain a remedy. The scenes of this day however have for a while

suspended, and I trust forever abolished the pernicious and degrading

practice of _court_ conventions. Tuesday gave them leisure to organize

their forces and reconnoiter the points of attack. On Wednesday these

veteran lobby members of a county convention each knew his post, and

each was prepared with his story. The members of the convention, living

scattered in different directions, some near and some in the more

remote towns, arrive in small parties of one, two, and three in

succession, which gives full leisure to the court hangers on to see and

discourse with them in detail, and the astonished members of the

convention the moment they arrive were thus assailed on all hands with

a universal cry of Young, Young, Young for the candidate. No scheme was

left untried, no pretence neglected, no argument overlooked, no path

unexplored to entrap, to drive, to persuade and to lead the convention

contrary to their old established practice, to nominate Mr. Young a

_third_ time as a candidate. Still despairing of success, Thompson and

his associates (I trust in God but few of them) change their ground and

become the _black and unmanly assassins_ of individual character. The

story of the pretended fraud attempted by Mr. Palmer, Mr. Bunce and

others, was administered in profusion, and crammed down with epithets;

not more than two or three of the convention having ever heard the

account given of Mr Young by his worthy colleagues, and its reaching

them thus for the first time thro' his huffing friends, it sounded

truly like "a tale told by an idiot full of sound and fury, signifying

nothing." Their pride was alarmed, and their sympathies excited, by

being told that Judge Spencer had first cheated Mr. Young out of the

Secretary's office, and that his wrath now burnt after him into the

county of Saratoga, and what was passing strange--pitiful and wondrous

pitiful was, that the Judge had thrust his hand so far into this dish

of woes as to employ in his service the press and Editor of the

Saratoga Journal.--Kasson's letter which appears in "the book," tho'

now altered by striking out Stillwell's name, arrives by _express from

Albany_, in season to make up for this dish, its last ingredient--But

Alas! to no purpose; the people's delegates nominate Mr. Cowen.

I boldly and solemnly appeal to that convention whether they or the

most of them were not individually called upon, by Thompson or some of

those acting under him, and urged to support Mr. Young upon part or all

of the pretences above mentioned. In order to render assurance doubly

sure, these strong and noisy opposers of fraud, these high minded and

honest politicians discover another circumstance of which they quickly

avail themselves. One of the towns had neglected to choose a committee.

The ceremony of packing was immediately resorted to, and three men who

were ready to go all lengths with these upright gentry, presented and

palmed themselves upon the convention, as legitimate members. Thus

having been belabored incessantly for two-thirds of an April day, the

convention retire to their duty, and as usual ballot for the

candidates. After balloting and before the votes were canvassed, they

unanimously resolve, that the lawyer having the greatest number of

votes shall be considered the candidate, and the other rejected. After

canvassing and finding that Mr. Cowen had two votes more than Mr.

Young, it was again unanimously resolved that he be considered the

candidate.

This _arrogance_ and _presumption_ in the delegates of the people, was

not tamely to be endured by the _court party_; and these high-minded

advocates of _Republican purity_ immediately cast about for the means

of correcting the evil. And what more easy and certain mode of doing

this, than to solicit and procure the friendly interference of

_federalism_, whose doctrine by this time appears to be in perfect co

incidence with their own? They could abhor coalition, management and

intrigue in the ranks of Republicans;--nay the intrigue which owed its

birth and maturity to their heated imaginations alone, was odious and

abominable in its fancied perpetrators; while they themselves were

basely courting the embraces of Federalism in secret; and building

their hopes of success on the vile basis of a _political bargain_ with

that party;--like a drunken clergyman who enters the pulpit heated with

his bottle, and excites your disgust by a long discourse on the follies

of intemperance. The high pretensions of these men to chastity and

plain dealing, will be better tested by reading the following

certificates;--the reader being first reminded that Mr. Elihu Roe and

James Thompson, Esq. are holden forth both in _the book_, and in these

statements, as twin leaders--a sort of _Castor_ and _Pollux_ or

_du_-umvirate in the tribe; and for this reason they are resorted to,

as furnishing together with a few subordinate officers, a clue to the

immaculate character which they and their friends so loudly claim.

"I certify, that I heard Elihu Roe declare, to Jonathan

Minor, at the store of Epenetus White, that James Thompson

Esq. had at the last election, made overtures to the

federalists to support Samuel Young Esq as a member of

Assembly.--BURR WAKEMAN. _March 1816_."

"Thereby certify, that I had a conversation with Mr. Elihu

Roe, in the store of Epenetus White, in the presence of Mr.

Burr Wakeman, in which Mr. Roe declared that James Thompson

Esq. did propose to the federalists, to support a federal

candidate for member of Assembly, if the federalists would

support Samuel Young, Esq. as a candidate for member of

Assembly at the election of 1815.--JONATHAN MINOR. _Ballston,

March 28th 1816_."

"I, Gideon Goodrich, late of the town of Milton, in the

county of Saratoga, do hereby certify to my fellow-citizens;

that on the first day of election of 1815 in said town, where

I then resided, at St. John's Inn, where the polls of

election were that day held, in a conversation on the subject

of supporting Samuel Young, contrary to the general

nomination; Archy Kasson, a leading friend of Young admitted

in presence of a number of persons, that he had said that he

had rather have three federalists go to the legislature from

this county with Young, than not to have Young elected. On my

expressing surprise at such sentiments, from a man professing

to be a republican, he added he still felt or thought so. Mr.

James Thompson who was present, then replied, that he would

say he had rather have _seven_ federalist go with Young, than

not to have him elected--or any number that would not give a

federal majority,[3] or words to that import.

"Having removed from this county, but now on a visit at my

old residence in Milton, and being called upon by those who

feel themselves abused in the support of the cause of their

country, no one will consider it officiousness in me, to thus

repeat what was expressed in so public a manner on that

occasion.--GIDEON GOODRICH. _Milton, April 19th 1816_."

"I hereby certify, that shortly after the last spring's

election, but before the official returns of election in the

state were received, I was at the office of James Thompson,

Esq. in Milton, and remarked to him, that I was afraid the

legislature would be federal, to which the said Thompson

replied, that he was afraid it would _not be federal_, or

that he began to be afraid there would not be _a federal_

house. I also certify, that during the election then just

past, I was by several of Mr. Young's friends in said town,

strongly urged to vote for a federalist, if by that I could

get a federalist to vote for Mr. Young; which I believe many

of them did, as I heard those friends of his repeatedly say

_they would barter_ in that way, if they could by it obtain

votes for the said Young.--BENJAMIN BENNETT. _Milton, March

1816_."

"I hereby certify, that previous to the meeting of the

committee to make a nomination for members of Assembly, in

the spring of 1815--I saw Archy Kasson in the village of

Ballston Spa, who commenced a conversation with me on the

subject of the then approaching nomination; and he solicited

me with much zeal to vote for Mr. Young in the

convention--And among other things, he declared, that he

would be better satisfied to have Mr. Young on the nomination

with three federalists, than to have four republicans without

him--And gave me distinctly to understand that if Young was

not nominated, he would not support the nomination.--ISAAC

RICE. _Ballston, March 1816_."

"I, Simeon P. Allcott, of the town of Milton and county of

Saratoga, do certify; That I attended the election in the

spring of 1815, at D. Thomas' inn, in said town, at which

place I saw James Merrill of said town, and heard him declare

in the presence and hearing of a number of republican and

federal electors, 'that some people very fearful that a

_federalist_ would be elected from this county, but for his

part, he said that there would be no _harm in it_--it would

be a _good thing to have federals elected_--and that if Mr.

Young could be elected, he did not care _how many federals_

were elected.'

"I further certify, that I attended the election the

following day at Goodrich's inn, in the said town, and the

said James Merrill then and there made similar declarations

in the presence and hearing of a number of republicans and

federals; and the said James Merrill and others who were

advocating the election of Mr. Young, appeared to act in

unison with _the federalists_; and I saw a number of

_federalists have Mr. Young's name on their ticket_, and who

told me they voted that ticket.--SIMEON P. ALLCOTT. _Milton,

April 1816_."

"I hereby certify, that a leading federalist, being as I

understood, one of the _federal_ convention from the town of

Northumberland, who met at the Court-House on the 14th of

April last, to make the federal nomination for members of

Assembly, &c.--informed me on his return home from that

convention, that James Merril, Esq. urged some of that

convention to place Samuel Young Esq. on their ticket, and

offered one hundred _dollars_ if they would _go halves_ with

Young's friends in the _ticket_ they should run at the then

next election, for the purpose of defraying the expences of

the election; and that the said Merrill took from his pocket

the _hundred, dollars_, and laid it on the table for that

purpose, as I understood it.--HENRY STAFFORD. _Saratoga

Springs, March 1816_."

"I, Joseph Ogden, of Malta in the county of Saratoga, do

hereby certify; that I was at the inn of James Jones in

Halfmoon, a few days after the election of 1815, and Aaron

Morehouse of Ballston, and a leading federalist of Halfmoon

were there, conversing together on the late election. Mr.

Morehouse said he voted for Mr. Hamilton, the federal

candidate, to get a federalist in his town to vote for Mr.

Young; and the federal replied, that be voted for Mr. Young,

and that it was the understanding among some of the

federalists and _some_ of the republicans in Halfmoon, that

the federals should vote for Mr. Young, and that the

republicans should vote for Mr. Hamilton. Mr. Isaac Kellogg,

jun. was present at the same time.--JOSEPH OGDEN."

"I, Isaac Kellogg, Jun. of Malta in the county of Saratoga,

do certify, that I was present and heard a part of the

conversation above stated by Joseph Ogden, and remember

hearing Mr. Morehouse state, that he voted for Mr. Hamilton,

and the abovementioned federalist say that he voted for Mr.

Young. I also heard another federalist of Halfmoon then

present, say that he voted for Mr. Young also; and I

distinctly understood from them, that there had been an

understanding between the federalists and Mr. Young's

friends, to support Mr. Young and Mr. Hamilton as members of

Assembly.--ISAAC KELLOGG, jun."

It is also a fact, that Young's supporters did in two or three of the

towns _hide_ and _suppress_ the tickets printed by direction of the

county convention, for Mr. Cowen and the other candidates.

These certificates and these facts serve then to explain how Mr. Young

came by a greater number of _votes_ than Mr. Cowen;--and no doubt is

left on this subject when on calculating from the _returns_, you

perceive that the _votes_ for Mr. Young and Mr. Cowen in the aggregate

exceed by a great number the whole votes for any other candidate on

either side, and that _one_ of the federal candidates received a _less_

number of votes than the others. This would of itself shew as far as

the subject is susceptible of proof, a _bargain_ between _some_ of Mr.

Young's friends and _some_ of the federalists. Shortly after this

bargain which Mr. Roe speaks of, the McBain Meeting[4] was called,

where every exertion tended to produce a political abortion.

I cordially join with "the book" in censuring the editor of the Journal

for resembling this meeting to a political _funeral_;--for I do not

believe that the lifeless _embryo_ which it bro't forth, ever raised

the tho't of a _funeral_ in its poor _distracted father_. And while I

could not have the face to vindicate him from falsehood in not making a

better distinction, I should feel the less inclined to deny his being a

savage, while I behold him wantoning with the wounded feelings of a

forlorn, hopeless and unhappy _parent_. If his personification had

embraced the meeting merely, he ought to have known that even the

_dead_ are not always unavenged, and that its ghost at least, would

have arisen from the tomb to flutter round and haunt the unhappy county

of Saratoga on the eve of the next nomination, in the form of a _book_;

that thing which like the poet is justly admired for giving

"To airy nothing,

A local habitation and a name."

We could hardly say of that book, however, as Hamlet said of his

Father's ghost that

"He would take his word for a thousand pounds"--

Or why do we hear it insisted that the fault of keeping alive discord

and division in the county, is imputable to a few individuals named and

pointed out by it?--Aside from the base and unprincipled attempts of

Roe, Thompson and some of their co-adjutors, to prostrate the only

_republican press_ in the county, by a system of slander and

detraction; The public cannot have forgotten that Mr Young's _famous_

colleagues were mildly and publicly invited to an amicable explanation,

which they refused and rendered the publication of affidavits necessary

in justification. The only reply which was received, was a still more

general, malignant and furious attack upon the press, not only from the

columns of the Schenectady Cabinet, but the foul lingo of Roe, Thompson

& co. with bitter complaints whenever that press either ridiculed their

folly and impertinence, or defended itself against their insidious and

secret attempts to effect its destruction.

Amongst other things in order to create a pretence for their _book_, it

will be recollected that judge Child has authorised the charge of

falsehood against the Journal in its maintaining that he had threatened

to get a new press into the county &c.--Indeed the judge appears to be

remarkably well pleased with that production, not only by his long

certificates, but by a letter which he afterwards wrote to the printer

of the _Courier_, recognizing its merits and trying to _divide with

federalists_ the honor of carrying clothes to the army;[5] which it

seems was given him by the _book_ in order to render his standing as a

certifier more conspicuous, by uniting on his broad brow, both the

_military_ and _civic_ wreath. How far the _denial_ of this mock

_Cincinnatus_ that he threatened as early as May to get a new press,

"_with all his blushing honors thick upon him_," will satisfy the

public, may in some measure he determined by the following certificate.

"I hereby solemnly certify, that on the last of May or first

of June last, when at the house of Judge Child, in a

conversation relating to the Saratoga Journal, and the

conduct of its Editor Mr. Isaiah Bunce, the said Judge then

and there made use of the following expression to me, viz.

'You must remember that the friends of Mr. Young, are not men

of the _least property_, nor _least influence_ in the County,

and Bunce may have _another press set up by his side_ in less

than six months--That he [the said Judge] should withdraw his

support from him, and said that it was best for every one to

do the same, and then his press would fall of course.' And at

the same time said, that he had rather _support the federal

press at the Springs_ than the _Journal_. Shortly after this

I informed Mr. Bunce of the above conversation at his

office.'--JONATHAN WESTCOTT. _Milton, March 14th 1816_."

Young and Thompson made similar declarations of their intention to get

another press about the same time, with which they have been often

charged, and it seems thought best not to hazard a denial in the

book--therefore no other certificate but the one relating to Child's

has been procured--And the judge's conduct would have been more

christian-like, had he written a letter exculpating the editor of the

Journal from an undeserved odium cast upon him by his authority, than

thus to have given it confirmation and support, at the same time

knowing it to be _untrue_.

Of a piece with this however, appears to have been his previous conduct

about the time of his presiding over the _abortion_ at McBains. I

allude to his sending the history of that meeting with orders by

Thompson and Stillwell, to the editor of the Journal to print without

reading it.

"I Lyman B. Langworthy, of the village of Ballston Spa, do

certify to my fellow-citizens the following facts;--That on

the night of the 20th April 1815, two days after the McBain

meeting--being in the office of the Saratoga Journal late in

the evening, James Thompson, James Merrill and Wm. Stillwell,

Esqs. came into the room. Immediately after being seated, Mr.

Thompson who acted as chief speaker, pompously displayed a

fold of paper which he wished Mr. Bunce to print off in the

form of Handbills by morning, it being then quite late. Mr.

Bunce wished to see it and its contents.

"Here Mr. Thompson to my astonishment flatly refused, unless

Mr. B. would first promise on his word and honor that he

would _positively_ and _unconditionally_ agree to print it

_let it contain what it would_. This bro't on a long parley;

Mr. Bunce wished to see it if for nothing more than to shew

his workman its length, to learn from him whether it was

possible to execute it in the time allowed. Mr. Thompson

refused, and entered pretty lengthy into the subject, in his

_precise roundabout_ manner: asserting that it was _none of

his business what it contained_--that it was impertinent in a

'_mechanic_' to ask his employers the use or destination of

any work he should employ him to do; and frequently by way of

a _salve_ interlarding his conversation with '_we do not wish

you to do it for nothing Mr. Bunce, we have money enough_.'

After much chaffering between the parties, judge Stillwell in

a very candid manner, desired that the paper might be read,

asking him if it _contained any thing they were ashamed of_.

Mr. Thompson then looked to Mr. Merrill as for his opinion.

Mr. Merrill said with some warmth, 'he shan't see it.' This

brot' on considerable bickerings--crimination and

re-crimination between Mess. Bunce, and Thompson, which judge

Stillwell tho't rather indecorous, and quite earnestly

rebuked the two gentlemen for their wrath, and at the same

time said he thot' it high time to deliver judge Child's

message. Here Mr. Thompson apparently supposing himself only

entrusted with the charge, seemed not to understand.--After a

great deal of argument, the paper at last had a 'first

reading,' & was the proceedings of the McBain meeting, signed

by Child, Thompson and Stillwell; and was delivered to Mr.

Bunce, to shew his compositor, who was in bed. Mr. Bunce

insisted that some of the gentlemen should deliver the

message which judge Stillwell seemed to be so anxious about.

Here the three gentlemen were thrown into great

confusion--eyed each other as though each supposed the other

ignorant of what he himself knew. Judge Stillwell's

countenance seemed to labor with something which he was bound

to reveal; and Mr. Thompson noting this, desired judge

Stillwell _if he knew it to let it out_. Judge Stillwell then

putting himself in an attitude corresponding, as he appeared

to think, with the magnitude of the subject, began by saying

that judge Child had instructed him to say to Mr. Bunce,

_that he had always been a particular friend of his--had

always given him all of his business--and should be sorry to

withdraw it after the friendly intercourse which had

subsisted between them--that it was the earnest desire of

judge Child that Mr. Bunce should have the refusal of

printing it; 'but as a last resort say to him from me, that

if he refuses to print it as desired by Mr. Thompson, that I

forever withdraw my patronage from his press.'_"

Here Mr. Bunce indignantly threw back the paper to Mr. Thompson, and

declared that under those circumstances he should not print it--saying

that after buffeting the storm of federalism, and the dark days of the

wars of our country, he little expected such treatment from one whose

duty it was to protect the press &c. &c.--and it was after much

persuasion, and partly through my own importunities, that he was

induced to print it.

"Mr. Bunce's conduct through the whole transaction, which

must have lasted two hours or more, was _consistent, firm_

and _independent_ to my conception, as was the others

_haughty_, _supercilious_ and _overbearing_.--Lyman B.

Langworthy. _March, 1816_."

Here fellow citizens is the _iron club of power_ held over the head of

an editor of a _free press_, during an election--to coerce him and his

press into obedience to their dictates. What are we coming to when men

high in office use their offices, influence and patronage to control

the freedom of the press, which all the champions of freedom esteem the

organ and safeguard of our _liberties_--and attempt to compell it to

bend to their purposes--to sell itself and rush _blind fold_ on any

measure their interest or ambition may dictate?

The independent conduct of Mr. Bunce on this occasion was probably one

reason among _others_ why the judge aided in the introduction of

another printer of the more _pliant sort_; who would more readily bend

to his purposes and serve as a pipe with which his friends Roe,

Thompson, Stillwell &c. could spit their venom thro' the county in the

more permanent form of a _pamphlet_.

In this, with _three_ insolvent advertisements staring him in the face

from the _Independent American_, the judge denies, or sanctions a

denial, that he ever ordered an advertisement to be printed in that

paper _at all_. Unblushing impudence indeed!--Thus to ask the public to

pervert the eternal principles of truth and justice by giving credit to

such assertions as these.

The examination of a few more topics under this head shall

suffice.--Indeed amongst the disgusting details of falsehood and

meanness with which that production abounds; you find many remarks

imputed to the Journal which it never made, while those which it has

made, on examination will be found strictly true.

The writer of that pamphlet is guilty of falsehood in asserting that

the _editorial_ remarks of the Journal are not copied into other

papers. Not to mention others, they have been copied the year past in

several instances, by the _National Intelligencer_ at Washington, and

by _Niles' Weekly Register_ at Baltimore, two of the ablest papers in

the _Union_. The remarks which the book falsely calls a _scurrilous

attack_ upon the _Governor_, instead of being an attack on him, it so

happens that they were merely calculated to let the public know what

every republican had a right to expect, and which they in fact

_realized_ from our worthy chief magistrate in the season of peril

which dictated them.--They were such as he would himself approve, while

he would frown contemptuously on the _little fry_ who attempt so base a

slander in his name. Would to God the conduct of some of the governor's

fawning and pretended admirers could endure investigation like that of

this great and good man--the pride and ornament of his country!

As to the charge against the Journal for asserting that the first judge

and others had combined to domineer and rule the people of this county,

you already have a taste of the judge's fondness for domineering over

some of the people, and over their press; and that other persons named

have _acted_ in concert with him is equally true and notorious;--And it

is hardly necessary to enquire whether they combined for the purpose,

or instinctively assembled like birds of the same feather, from a

common spirit of domination. It is false, however, that the Journal

ever made such a charge. This and a number of these remarks are only

suffering them to wear a coat which they themselves have cut out of

whole cloth, and which seems to fit them so exactly. That paper never

charged Mr. Young with any management or compromise with the

federalists, further than what justly resulted from his being chosen

_supervisor_ in _Ballston_ by _federalists_, contrary to the _regular

town nomination_, and his afterwards being complimented by the federal

paper as a modern political _Luther_, on account of his having quit his

own party in that town and submitted to federal policy, not denied by

the _book_--from his having _aided_ in the election of the _federal

candidate for Congress_ in the fall of 1812; and from his "at least"

conniving at _federal aid_, in the spring of 1815--all of which are

facts of too general notoriety to be denied.

But the Journal did charge some of Mr. Young's friends with a

_political understanding_ between them and the federalists, which is

not only passed over in silence by the _book_, but proved by the

foregoing estimates and certificates.

On seeing Mr. Young supporting, and supported in his turn by a Senator

or Senators of this state for office, the Journal did ask the question,

whether it was pursuant to an _arrangement_ on the subject between

them? This question was put in the Journal directly to Mr.

Young--taking it for granted that Mr. Young has adopted the language in

the book on this question as his own, this might be received as an

_answer_, had not a mere _question_ been first perverted into a charge.

The Journal did also ask him the question, whether he intended to make

_one Joel Lee, clerk of this county?_ To which the book, replies that

he never promised any office to any man whatever. It is perhaps

necessary, in justice to the Editor of the Journal, to introduce the

following certificate, and leave this part of the subject without

farther comment.

"I hereby certify, that shortly after the appointment of Wm.

Stillwell, as a clerk, of this county, I was in the city of

Albany, and conversed with Mr. Young on the subject of that

appointment, in which conversation I expressed my surprise at

his appointment, to which Mr. Young replied, it was not his

fault, that there was a petition for him from some of the

most respectable men in the county, and it would not do for

him to oppose it, but that his mind was the strongest on

_Joel Lee_ for that office.--ELI BEARDSLEE. _Milton, March

1816_."

Among others to whom Lee admitted he had been promised of _offered_ the

Clerk's office by Young, is Mr. Nicholas Smith, but it is thought

unnecessary to multiply certificates on this head.

The writer of that pamphlet also displays his characteristic ignorance,

or stupid disregard to truth, when he says that the Journal ever

charged Young with receiving pay in three capacities, during the _extra

session_ of 1815. It never made the charge as it respected _that_, or

any other _year_;--but it so happens that during the _extra, session_

of 1814, Mr. Young did receive $5 per day, which was the pay for a

member of the house, and $2.25 per day, which was the _extra allowance_

on account of his being speaker. See New Revised Laws, Vol. I. p. 528,

and the act of April 18th 1815, called the _supply bill_, Sec. 15, by

which two acts, the wages of the Assembly are fixed at _$5_, and those

of the speaker at $7.25, and extended to the extra session of 1814.

Altho' the Journal _never_ made the charge imputed to it, yet you see

how easily and conclusively that charge might have been supported, had

the assertion ever been made.

With regard to Mr. Young's receiving the pay of a Col. he never was

charged with having done this during any _extra session_. That paper

did insinuate that he at one time as aid to the governor received that

pay. And it is hardly worth stopping to enquire whether he did or not,

so long as we have _his word_ that the Governor _offered_ it to him, in

consequence of which he _agreed_ to serve. Whether he got the _cash_

and gave a _receipt_ for it;--or it was absorbed in his _expences_;--or

laid it out to buy another press;--or yet _remains due_, is altogether

immaterial, so long as an answer is substantially made out to a

question raised by his _good friends_, and to which the public may

expect a reply: The following certificate is therefore given without

comment.

"I certify, that a day or two previous to Samuel Young's

accompanying his excellency the Governor to New-York, in

conversation with Mr. Young at his house, he informed me that

while he was at Albany, from where he had but just returned,

he called on his excellency, who then informed him of his

intended expedition to New-York, and pressed him, Mr. Young

to accompany him; that he objected, and said that he should

be much pleased with the jaunt, but his business was such, as

to render it impossible; that the Governor urged him still

stronger, and he replied that he was wholly unprepared for

leaving home any length of time, and the Governor calculated

to go the next day or day but one--that the Governor told him

if he would accompany him, he would make him _an aid_ with

the _pay_ of a _colonel_, and _bear his expences_, and that

he would defer going until the next steam boat; that he

wished to take time to consider the Governor's proposals as

he informed the Governor--and soon after told him he would

accompany him.--SETH C. BALDWIN, Junior. _Warren County,

March 1816_."

The Journal never charged Young with having informed Merrill that he

"was not now Secretary, but should be to-morrow." At it again Merrill.

Will you certify that you did not give a friendly hint to a gentleman

who was going to Albany, that you had a connexion who would make an

excellent clerk in the Secretary's office, and request his name to be

given to Mr. Young, to whom Young replied, _I am not now Secretary but

shall be to-morrow_? I believe an intimation to this effect was given

in the Journal, which you blink with as much ingenuity as though you

had been bred in the same school with Mr. Young's colleagues. Amongst

the great number to whom Mr. Young _did give_ the information that he

was shortly to be Secretary, _you_, then it seems were omitted!

The facts disclosed in the following certificate, cannot fail to remind

one of the fable of the "Country maid, and her milk pail."

"I hereby certify, that while riding in company with Samuel

Young from Ballston to Albany, when going to the _winter

session_ of 1815, the day before the legislature met, the

said Young informed me that he expected to be Secretary of

State when the republican council should be chosen; that he

could be a member of the _legislature_ and _Secretary of

State at the same time_, and _could reside at the Springs_ or

Ballstown in the summer, and do the business of Secretary in

Albany by Deputy, and that _these two_ offices would give him

a _pretty good living_, or words to that effect.--JESUP

RAYMOND. _Ballston, April 1816_."

"Green--let me consider; yes, green becomes my complexion best, and

green it shall be."

Mr. Kasson, was early spoken of by the _Independent American_ as an

applicant for the _Sheriff's office_, and as it appeals, was afterwards

a candidate for the county convention, and pledged to the support of

Mr. Young. In consequence of this, the Journal did ask the question to

Mr. Young, whether he intended Mr. Kasson as the Sheriff of this

county?--and nothing more. I think a farther inquiry was made whether

he was not authorised to purchase a "_mansion house_ for the _new

secretary_, in the village of Ballston Spa?" on which he preserves a

cautious silence.

It is remarkable in this and other instances, with what industry _The

Citizen_ manufactures assertions to suit his own purpose, and then

denies them. Having at length exhausted his fancy in fabricating,

shaping and denying particular charges, hardly one of which ever

existed, he ranges up his whole artillery of vengeance;--the battle

becomes general:--And the famous Doctor Slop, the man midwife, did not

pour a more copious and continued shower of curses upon Obadiah, who

had tied his bag of instruments with hard knots, than is thus suddenly

let fly upon the devoted head of the Editor of the Saratoga Journal.

"_Really_" said the Frenchman to an old woman who had been storming and

fretting at Napoleon, "the Emperor, my master would feel himself

infinitely grieved, if he knew how hard your _lady-ship_ thought of

him."

But it seems the Editor of the Journal "has indulged himself in a

course of low and vulgar sarcasms," tho' no particular instance is

pointed out. Thus the citizen, after sending his friend, Mr. Elias

Benedict, into the bar-room, to certify the _damns_ and _god damns_ of

Mr. Wilkins, suddenly becomes extremely modest and refined, and falls

to moralizing like Michael Cassio, after his _own_ drunken fit is over.

Mr. Bunce might really be esteemed far gone, had he reached the climax

of vulgarity which distinguishes the _citizen_ and his _book_.

But says the _book_ in another place, "the manners of Mr. Bunce are

_coarse and vulgar_." I suppose an immediate allusion is here intended

to the _manner_ in which he treated _Stillwell_ and _Thompson's_

supercilious proposition to agree to print their famous history of the

McBain Meeting, without reading it, under penalty of losing the first

Judge's patronage in case of a refusal. Perhaps they mean that he did

not on that occasion, turn out his toes exactly as he ought; or make a

becoming bow to so much mock consequence as surrounded them. I know not

in what language to describe their notions. We have already admitted

that Mr. Bunce does not pretend to vie in _purity_ of dialect with the

certificate of Mr. Elias Benedict. Suppose we also admit that he cannot

hold competition with Roe as a profound _linguist_--with Mr. Thompson

in _fairness_, _high mindedness_, _openness_ and _candor_--nor with Mr.

Linnendoll in belleslettres--and that he would not make so good a

_dancing master_ as Mr James Merrill[6] and leave the public to judge

whether coming short of these qualifications, he can be any way

tolerable in his person or polished in his conversation.

But 'tis said again, that he has presented some of our citizens "in the

ludicrous attitude of being in chase of one of the wheels of a

_political hack_." This plain farmer-like simile has given great

offence, and perhaps justly, to the high and refined notions of certain

book gentry; who have been too much in the habit of _hunting_ an

_office_, or _chasing_ a _dollar_, to believe that the idea of so

ordinary an occupation, could ever have been connected with that of

such _great men_ as themselves.

It may not be amiss to here remark, that Mr. Bunce was admitted an

Attorney of the Supreme Court in 1804; he settled in the village of

Salina in the county of Onondaga; shortly afterwards it was made a post

town, and he was appointed Post-Master[7] by the general government,

and continued in that office until he removed from that place. Soon

after his removal to Bridgewater, Oneida County, he was appointed

Post-Master at that place, and continued in that office until he

resigned on his removal to the county of Saratoga. During his residence

in the Western District, he attended with industry and fidelity to the

profession in which he was educated.

Soon after the declaration of war he concluded to quit the practice of

law, and purchased the establishment of the Republican press of this

county, and became the editor of the Journal.

Mr. Bunce has been a faithful, able, zealous and indefatigable

supporter and defender of our republican institutions, and of the

measures of our general and state government; and I confidently ask,

who ever accused him till this faction commenced their operations.

During the memorable campaign of 1814, he was not only vigilant and

faithful to our rights as an editor; but when danger threatened from

all quarters, he hired, equipped, and sent a common soldier into the

field for the defence of New-York.

Several who were active in introducing Mr. Bunce to the republicans of

this county, after finding him too independent to bend to their

"_particular_" views, and after he had rejected with disdain their

proffers to surrender to them his rights as an editor, they formed

themselves into a court of Inquisition, and ushered forth their courtly

mandates "Bunce must be sacrificed" "the Journal shall go down," even

this proscription extended to his family, and to his fireside; and so

eager were certain of these factionists, that they formed a plan to

break up his establishment by _force_, and actually threatened _to

scatter his types_. This fact is too susceptible of proof to be denied.

The republicans for a long time were silent spectators, while viewing

the persecution of their editor, and attack upon their own rights and

privileges; they fondly hoped, that time would cure the evil, and sober

reflection convince them of their error; but in this hope they were

disappointed, their persecutions encreased; and to them more certainly

to effect their object, and encouraged by the smiles of federalists,

they secretly brought a new printing press into the county--it was then

the designs of these men were more apparent--it was then the

republicans proclaimed their rights, and spoke to these "conspirators"

in language too loud not to be heard--too emphatic not to be

understood. And as long as these "conspirators" continue their press to

war against the rights and privileges of the people, Mr. Bunce as a

faithful centinel, will remain firm at his post. What though a gang of

office-holders should "in the mild spirit of Christian humility" (see

page 7 of the book) fulminate their maledictions against him; the

people will not be frightened into submission, nor the editor from his

duty.

But the Editor of the Journal has abused some of us, say they--Does the

_truth_ abuse them? does the _exposition_ of the _foulest combination_

that ever disgraced this or any other county, _constitute abuse_? Is

there such terrible majesty surrounding an _office_? No matter of what

_misrepresentations_ they are the authors of--No matter how _basely_

and _shamefully_ they have _belied and slandered their neighbors_--No

matter of what deception, hypocrisy and intrigue, they are guilty--No

matter how long they have conspired against the rights and privileges

of the people--No matter how unbecoming, gross and absurd their conduct

may have been; if an independent Editor, in vindicating the rights of

the people, and those of his own, questions the propriety of their

conduct; they immediately skulk behind their offices, and impudently

exclaim, "_touch us not--we are privileged_." 'Pigmies are Pigmies

still tho' perch'd on Alps.'

While I would not refrain from censuring the improper conduct of these

office _leaders_, I shall ever be ready to extend the hand of

fellowship to such as have been deluded by them--Nay, I would go

farther, let _them_ exhibit signs of repentance--let them evince a

determination to support our republican rights---let them cease to war

against the people, their editor, and individuals--let them remove

their _pensioned_ press--then shall they have my voice and my heart, to

intercede for them with an insulted and abused community.

But faint indeed is the hope of a reformation in _that_ man who

violates all honor, truth and decency. Who but the author[8] of that

book would charge the Milton committee, of being the tools of "fraud

and management?" Who but him would affix the charge of "miscreants" to

the republicans of Galway, Milton, Greenfield, Saratoga, Malta and

Ballston? Who but him would have the unblushing effrontery to publish,

"_that the general committee in nominating Mr. Cowen, instead of Mr.

Young, committed an OUTRAGE on the feelings and wishes of their

constituents_?" [see page 8. of that pamphlet.] Who but the author of

that pamphlet would--but I beg pardon--read the pamphlet itself, and

you have abundant evidence of the authors views, his principles, his

heart and his designs.

But the vengeful serpents of malice and persecution have not confined

their labors to _the book_, Early last spring, a thrust was made at the

Editor of the Journal, on the authority _it was said_ of Mr. Hackley,

late a member from Herkimer, who _(so Thompson said)_ had authorised

him to tell the people, that Mr. Bunce was unworthy of

confidence:--nay, to make use of a number of debasing epithets,--such

as would quadrate with the palate of Roe or Thompson, much better than

that of a gentleman like Mr. Hackley. But as this gentleman has

declined appearing in the book, and certainly never did, and never

would authorize Thompson to use his name for the vile purpose in which

he employed it, I barely glance at this circumstance as one article,

which would otherwise have been pressed into the Pandoras box which has

been so industriously served up for the public.

Instead of atoning by a mild, moderate and conciliatory course of

conduct, for the injuries attempted, not only against an individual,

but the public, in endeavoring to put down and destroy a free press;

the project is set on foot of introducing and palming upon the county

another press;--a child of their own;--a copartner in all their labors,

their joys and sorrows. It is however, _one thing_ to introduce a

press, and _another_ to get the _people_ to support it. While a few

malicious imps, hungering for revenge, were "_grinning horrible a

ghastly smile, to hear their famine should be filled_;" the people in a

number of different towns assembled, and freely expressed their

sentiments on the fatal tendency of such measures; and animadverted

with freedom and spirit on the motives which prompted them;--for which

the book printed by the printer of their paper, stigmatizes them with

the epithet of _miscreants_; and treats the whole of their labors as

mere _cant and slang_; I suppose it must mean compared with its own

dignified and masterly pages. _The majesty of the people_ is truly a

_monstrous Deity_ in the eye of venal and sell-created consequence. It

is merely for repeating _some of the sentiments expressed at these

meetings_, that the editor of the Journal is assailed as the

arch-disturber of our political repose.

_The Citizen_, in one place storms furiously at the allegation, that

the _Albany committee_ had advised them to remove their press. That

committee was appointed to inquire into the difficulties which agitated

the republican family in this county, and devise if possible the means

of removing them. Thompson as _chief cook_ of his own party, appeared

before them, with the book in his hand and Judge Child at his elbow _as

usual_; and I do believe the citizen from my very soul, when he says

they gave him no such advice. The committee were composed of _sensible_

men; and after listening to his incoherent display of folly and

nonsense on that occasion, it would be literally casting pearl before

_swine_, to have given them any advice on the subject.

Having established and considered some extraneous facts, for which I am

aware certain _gentlemen_ will not thank me especially as it may

disorder the thread of their own reasoning a little; I shall now

proceed briefly to consider the charge of FRAUD, FALSEHOOD, DUPLICITY

and CORRUPTION, as it appears in the book itself, on their own proof,

independent of the foregoing _memorandums_, leaving the memory of Mr.

Young's _colleagues_ and others at full leisure to be refreshed by

them.

That charge it will be recollected, is the turning point of the

controversy;--the _vox et preterea nihil_, which _boils, and foams, and

wheels_ thro' _the book_, like a torrent thro' the _Augean_ stable,

collecting in its course accretions of foulness and impurity. For this

purpose, Mr. _Bunce_ and Mr. _Palmer_ are represented as a political

_Archimedes_, controlling at their will the destinies of the

county;--dictating the number and sort and deliberations of the county

delegates, prostrating the Speaker of the house of assembly; and

dealing _havoc, spoil_ and _ruin_ around them. Mr. Cowen is represented

as their associate, aiming at his own elevation thro' the lowest arts

of cunning and duplicity. But fortunately for the cause of common

sense, the touch-stone of these mighty maggots of the brain are the

_facts_ on which they are founded. And here let us for a moment take

them as they stand among the certificate gentry, and examine their

actual bearings;--in doing which I shall still have occasion to mention

names, who, if they have finally not much cause for self gratulation,

must thank their good friend _the Citizen_ for bringing them before the

public.

The Motts[9] say, that on or about the 21st of March, Mr. _Cowen_ told

them that _Young_ was becoming _unpopular_;--that he had behaved

haughtily and disrespectfully towards his colleagues; and that a few

days before, he had been informed of this fact by several gentlemen to

whom they were referred. Now it will be recollected that Mr. Cowen and

John R. Mott were two of the _delegates_ from Saratoga, and as such

mutually bound to discuss with freedom the _allegation for and against_

Mr Young, or any other person who would be a candidate before the

general committee; and Mr. Cowen at this time _at least_, had no reason

to doubt the truth of what Young's colleagues had asserted. He also

mentioned it to James Mott, who was spoken of as a substitute in the

event of his brother's absence. It seems he also conversed freely with

these men on the subject of _his_ having consented to be considered a

candidate, and (so James Mott says) examined the probability of his

success, by calculating the favorable state of the delegation. But it

seems that communications to these _leaky gentlemen_ on the subject of

candidates are not to be made under any circumstances with impunity;

and Mr. Cowen is to be censured as _criminal_ for giving that

information, which it would have been _criminal_ to withhold. The only

way to make his act in this respect _criminal_ is by saying, "he ought

to have known that Young's colleagues had _lied_." But it will be

recollected that this was impossible, for the public did not know them

_then_ as well as it does _now_; nor had Mr. Cowen yet seen their

_certificate_ which is herewith published, by which they acknowledge

_what the book_ is so anxious for Mr. Cowen to have assumed. He did

afterwards see it, and then (so say the certificates) bore public

testimony to his opinion of the merits of Mr. Young, as well as

afterwards by letter to judge Child.

Thus does the charge of duplicity, made against Mr. Cowen, resolve

itself into a base attempt to fix upon him, what so snugly suits the

shoulders of others. It seems he finally bestows that justice upon a

_political adversary_, which the baseness and treachery of his

_colleagues_ and pretended friends had withheld. Am I acting the part

of an accuser towards those men? No. They have accused themselves. Why

are they again before the public? Had they hopes of skulking into

obscurity among the _motley_ multitude of certificates which throng the

folio of _the book_? or have they like one of the moral personages in

_Hudibras_, "_catch'd the itch on purpose to be scratch'd_?" It now

requires an eye less keen than that of a ministering spirit to pierce

the cob web veil which shields them from detection.

But in the process of this investigation, we are led to the

consideration of a subject "_too awful for irony_." The interested

certificates of these men are ushered to a Christian public, and a

higher sanction demanded for them, by the author, than he is willing to

allow to facts attested under the _solemnity_ of _an oath_. One could

hardly have anticipated this _atheistical_ appeal to the credulity of

the public, even tho' human nature were as vile and monstrous in

_others_, as it appears to be in _that author_. But perhaps there was a

necessity for it, in order to preserve the _dark_ uniformity of his

production. If, as has been asserted more than _one_ of his prominent

certifiers (among whom I would by no means rank these men) are

themselves _atheists_, what could he swear them upon?--Upon the

evangelists think you?--He might as well swear them on Payn's age of

reason, or his own vile book itself. Where they "believe that their

miserable bodies must take eternal refuge in the grave, and the last

puff of their nostrils will send their souls to annihilation, they

laugh at the solemnity of an oath and tell you that the grave into

which they sink as a log, forms an intrenchment against the throne of

God, and the vengeance of exasperated justice!" Such is the character

which the writer fixes upon _himself_.--Such is the character which

several of his _disciples_ sustain in public.

True, the falsity of an extra-judicial oath, carries with it no

_temporal_ punishment; but the _moral obligation_ remains to give it

validity. That _eternal reward or punishment_ which the _Citizen_ has

taken so much pains to blot out from the mind of his readers, will

still continue the delight and terror of the Christian, the eternal

fountain of his hopes and fears;--with him a sufficient motive to

truth, without the artificial and imperfect aid of _national law_. The

affidavits of four or five _credible witnesses_ were already before the

public, that Mr. Young's Colleagues did make a charge against him; but

it seems that every moral sanction must be trampled upon or trifled

with by the _Citizen_, to secure a triumph for his false and infidel

principles. He skips, like a grasshopper, over facts and premises and

propositions, and perches upon his pitiful assertions, which he wishes

the public to pervert into conclusions. Why did he not give these

affidavits lo the public?--He cannot surely complain that he forgot

them, for they appear to haunt his guilty imagination through the whole

of his progress; nor can he complain of wanting room. But the answer is

easy. He knew it would make his bait so very bad that even his own

gulls would not nibble.--

He was afraid of injuring his credit as an author even among his _own

sort_--for these affidavits prove conclusively and indubitably, that

not one jot nor tittle more was uttered against Mr. Young, than what

emanated from his own colleagues, in the course of the winter of 1814

and 1815.

It is still more remarkable so far forth as the charge of fraud is

concerned, with what logical precision _the Citizen_ pursues his

inquiry.--One is naturally led to expect from his _positive rant_,

nothing short of _point blank demonstration_ at least, that the fraud,

(which if there was any originated with Mr. Young's colleagues) had

produced the desired effect. That the attempt to cheat the people out

of this _mammoth legislator_,--this _sine qua non_ to their political

salvation, should have at least produced some influence with the men

upon whom it was exerted. Is there no _lost and wandering sheep_ ready

to return to the fold, and certify the delusions practised upon him by

these wolves in sheeps clothing? Even Mr. Thompson, whose attention is

apt to be otherwise directed, the moment he falls in conversation with

Palmer and Bunce, scents out the fraud with all the instinctive

keenness of a blood hound--Mr. Kasson on the same track, hardly the

length of a nose behind, and unwilling to be outdone in sagacity,

echoes the howlings of his leader. Judge Stillwell, tho' it seems the

dullest of the pack, follows hard and completes the choir; or in other

words Thompson and Kasson make a certificate that they _were not

deceived_, and Stillwell _endorses_ to give it a proper currency.

Even Mr. Roe lays claim to the same spirit of discernment, tho' his

title to that claim might be questionable on another _ground_. He is

readily led into a conclusion that Mr. Wilkins must have visited the

Northern towns to procure Mr. Cowen's nomination; when it happens that

the committees in those towns had been chosen before his name had been

mentioned in them as a candidate, and before he had consented to be

considered one. Mr. Roe had much better have satisfied himself by

consulting the northern delegation on this subject. He is remarkably

_alert_ to detect a _fraud_ where there is none, but is willing to take

any thing upon _tick_ which accommodates his good friend the _Citizen_.

He certifies that he could not be deceived by the poor stories of

Palmer and Bunce;--But believing the public to be greater numbsculls

than himself, imagines that he can trick them into a belief, that the

gentlemen who composed the northern delegation (among whom are many of

the most respectable names in the county) are the mere creatures of

another's will. It is perhaps fortunate that this man is an exception

to the general law of nature, that _like_ produces _like_, or he might

have made _tools_ of the whole county convention.

Who then was defrauded?--The Molts are by no means willing to admit

that this was the case with them. The Citizen cannot produce even one

poor certificate from any _one_ of the _county convention_, that they

were deceived or misled--neither Mr. Deake nor judge Child were of the

committee, and if they had been, they are both so good as to tell us

they were not gulled in that instance _at least_. John R. Mott, one of

the delegation from the town of Saratoga, according to his own

certificate had gone to New-York and sent Mr Olmstead who, with Mr.

_Cowen's consent_ (for it must have been by his consent that he acted

as a substitute) sat in convention, and voted for Mr. Young. Thus

ingeniously does the citizen rummage the chain of cause and effect, to

eke out his favorite conclusion.

But stop, I confess I had like to have forgotten the certificate of Dr.

Child (Increase W. Child) a son of judge Child, one of the most

distinguished among the _dramatis personæ_ who figure in the book!--He

does go the length of saying, that he voted on the strength of Mr.

Bunce's representation. Voted for whom? For Mr. Cowen? O no.--But he

voted for a _committee_, who were to meet a _committee_, to make out

the _county nomination_!--And shocking to relate, poor Dr. Child was

galled into a vote for three of the most respectable men in the town of

Milton!!--viz: Daniel Couch jun. Esq. Joel Keeler Esq. late a member of

the legislature, and Thomas Palmer Esq!!!--It is derogatory to no man

in that town, to say that a more respectable delegation could not have

been procured. And what is more shameful still, one of those gentlemen,

viz: Daniel Couch jun Esq. whom the Doctor had thus honestly sent _to

vote for Mr. Cowen_, actually deceived his constituent, and _voted for

Mr. Young_!!!!--Doctor Guild's certificate is very happily illustrated

by the burlesque syllogism; _that Moses was the meekest man:--Solomon

was the wisest man;--And therefore St. Paul was ship wrecked_. The

conclusion of a fraudulent nomination, follows about as direct upon Dr.

Child's premises, as the shipwreck of St. Paul did upon the meekness of

Moses or the wisdom of Solomon. We should be almost led to suspect from

this specimen, that the Doctor is a greater _infant in politics_, than

in _dissection_.

This famous pamphleteer is by no means more fortunate, when he

approaches the topic of the McBain meeting. The materials of which this

meeting was composed are now known as far as the book, which has kindly

given their names to the public. It consisted of one _first judge_. One

_Sheriff_ and one _Clerk_, appointed under the administration of

_Samuel Young_ Esq.--_George Palmer_ Esq. Master in Chancery, As't.

Justice, Justice of the peace, Post Master, &c, and whom _the book_

holds out as the _expectant_ of the _Surrogates office_--_Roe_ deputy

Sheriff and _ci-devant_ constable--_James Mutt_--_James Thompson_ Esq.

who had kindly volunteered, as early as the 1st of April, to take the

interests of the county under his charge as _public prosecutor_ and

_States evidence_--_Alpheus Goodrich Esq. his partner_--Doctor _Nathan

Thompson_ his brother--Mr _Elias Benedict_ his client;--the one willing

to _receive_, and the other to _pay_ in certificates of the most

current stamp--_A justice or justices_ from Ballston, who knew their

political God-father--Dr. _Samuel Pitkin_, who acted as minister

plenipotentiary from _Milton_ to _Saratoga_, making thirteen, who it is

admitted, were from all the different towns enumerated in the caption

of the meeting viz: Ballston, Stillwater, Galway, Saratoga, Greenfield

and Milton. Add to these some others of minor note, and you make, as

the Citizen would have it, the number of 21 _or more_. The Citizen too

tells us he was there; but whether in the character of ---- ---- or

---- we are left to grope in the gloom of conjecture.

Such was the formidable _Areopagus_ convened to purify the _body

politic_; to correct the poor misguided county convention;--and guard

the people against _being their own worst enemies_; such was the

assembly presented to the public as a _numerous and respectable_

meeting from 6 towns out of 14 (judge Child and Dr. Thompson kindly

representing the towns of _Greenfield_ and _Galway_.)

No sooner had this _numerous meeting_ assembled, than it was tho't

necessary to divide them into the proper committees;--This being more

_genteel_ and _parliamentary_ than to act in a body;--Accordingly

_Stillwell, Thompson and Palmer_ were created a committee to draw up

the proceedings of the meeting; _Child_ and _Stillwell_, a committee of

_Logic_ and _Rhetoric_, to call on _absent friends_ and get them to

consent that he _should resign. Mott_ and _Child acted_ as a _committee

of vigilance_ to pick up and report scraps of conversations and letters

from Mr. Gowen after the meeting was over. _Mott, Thompson, Kasson,

Stillwell, Roe,_ &c acted as a committee to report to the county, the

fraud which had deprived _Mr Young_ of his undoubted right to go to the

Legislature, whether the people were _willing_ or _not_. Mr. Elias

Benedict to draw up the proceedings of _Mr. Wilkins_ and _possibly_ to

enforce the statute for the suppression of Vice and Immorality;--and

committee of the whole to tell the county they had been there; and do

away the strange reports which had gone abroad, that they were a little

self-created body, without _precedent, authority or premises_,

resembling what saucy people would call a _faction_.

All might yet have gone well, had not _Stillwell_ been such a miserable

_slouch_ at telling a story. It appears that Stillwell and Palmer had

written a history of the meeting for publication, in which _Mr. Cowen_

tells the meeting, "that _they_ must be responsible if they act without

his absolute resignation." See p. 24 and 5. This presumptuous act

throws the Citizen into a whirlwind of passion; and he falls a _cursing

like a very drab_, at _Palmer, Bunce and Cowen_, apparently not

believing that his _friend Stillwell_ would ever have told so dangerous

a _truth_. He calls it a _farrago of nonsense_, after having before

asserted that _Palmer as Secretary_ had nothing to do with it; that it

belonged exclusively to the _committee of publication;_ and _then_

recollecting that Palmer and Stillwell were a majority of that

_committee_, and consequently the _proper authority_, he takes another

leap, and says, that the _rough draft_ of the _proceedings_ were given

to _James Thompson Esq_ for wham he claims the _copy right_.

Now altho' _Thompson_ is unwilling to be outdone in telling a story,

and tho' he had peaceable and quiet possession according to _the book_

of the _consciences_ of _Stillwell and Child_, instead of telling the

public that _Mr. Cowen had resigned_, he says something which to be

sure would look "_like that_," _as the citizen says_, upon the first

impression; but which on being critically examined, contradicts the

fact on the face of it. Even the compound of jargon and inconsistency

drawn up by Thompson, and published in page 16 of the book, could not

be tortured into an _unconditional resignation_. Mr. Cowen is there

made to say, not that he _resigned_ nomination;--But that for reasons

there enumerated, "it was his _personal wish to resign his own

nomination_ &c. and he submitted to the decision of the meeting, the

question whether it would be most expedient to act on his _resignation

which_ he now made (_which_ must refer to the _personal wish_ before

expressed, for no other resignation is pretended) if the meeting should

judge a postponement impracticable, or to postpone acting until he

could have time to communicate to some of the particular friends of his

nomination (beside those who were present at the meeting) his reasons

for resigning, and procure their concurrence _before hand_ &c."

Mr Cowen thus makes the concurrence of his friends _before hand_ a

_condition precedent_;--but the meeting disregard it--reject the

condition, and gravely resolve to accept _a resignation_, which had not

yet been tendered to them. Such is the rickety production which came

straggling before the public in search of the Secretary, who had

refused it the sanction of his name. In order to remedy this evil, and

"_throw it into form_" as the citizen would say, _his_ name gives place

to that of _Thompson and Stillwell_, who it is agreed are _larger_ men

than the Secretary,[10] and must therefore carry greater weight. Even

the certificate which follows, signed by nearly the whole of the

meeting, after going on to say that Mr. Cowen openly and publicly

resigned, immediately defeats itself by referring back to, and adopting

the statement drawn up by Thompson as a _candid, fair and faithful

statement of facts_;--and it is evident that such part of the

certificate as overshoots the premises upon which it is professedly

founded, must mean nothing more than to give a _construction_ advocated

by the Citizen, and which they esteem so necessary for their defence.

The certificate of Peters, Stewart and How, shew the miserable shifts

to which the Citizen and his friends were driven in order to bear

themselves out in their conduct. They are perhaps excusable so long as

they keep to the question of _construction_; but when they tax the zeal

of their friends with certificates and declarations so far beyond what

they themselves are willing to say--nay, which actually _contradict_

the certificates and declarations that precede them, one is almost

induced to overlook the difficulties of their defence, and to suspect

the moral honesty--not of these men; but of those who have drawn them

into this singular situation.

After all this round of certifying and reasoning, the shoe still

continues to pinch, and the first Judge again appears before the public

to help the defect. Altho' he signed Thompson's statement in which he

is careful to make use of the language employed by it, and the epithet

_personal_ when he speaks of Mr. Cowen's language, yet when he

afterwards hears of a distinction between _personally_ and _absolutely_

he seems almost struck dumb with astonishment, and says he had never

heard of the distinction before. Now altho' the public will make all

rational allowance for the judge's want of distinction where Mr.

Thompson is concerned, yet I suspect they could hardly account for his

present lack of apprehension, unless he took that statement upon tick,

and signed without reading it.

Still despairing of any thing like a defence upon this ground, the

Citizen at length, p. 24, dismisses his whole train of statements,

certificates and letters, & undertakes very learnedly and elaborately

to refine upon the distinction; and insists that if a man expresses his

_personal wish to resign_, it is to all intents and purposes a

_resignation_, and that no other was ever heard of; as if it was

impossible to consult the opinions of others, and make a _general

resignation_ depend upon their consent. All that it seems necessary in

that case, is for the McBain meeting to resolve to accept what they

thus are pleased to call a resignation, and nominate another candidate.

And this it seems accords with the sense of all the world on the

subject, both federal and republican. Thus the world are at length

after a lapse of ages, furnished with an easy recipe for a

resignation--a sort of _panacea_ to correct all the sores of the body

politic and produce a "_speedy composure of the public mind" "Tereatis

Risum Amici_;" and call no one a political quack playing off his

whimsical nostrums upon the people, whose mental repose lies so near

his heart. If the meeting are told that they _shall be responsible if

they act on a declaration thus limited_, keep it out of view as much as

possible, or say as the citizen does, p. 40, that it was only something

_like that_ or _out of season_, or some such thing. If a committee of

_three_ are chosen to publish the proceedings and _two_ of them write a

_farrago of nonsense_ which puts the whole together by the ears, in

order to decide the quarrel and "_speedily compose the public mind_,"

let them raffle upon the question, and to see that every thing is fair,

appoint the _First Judge_ to hold the hat. Ancient history tells us of

more important controversies than this, decided in the same way;

Old Hector was a wary chap,

At pitch and chuck and hustle-cap,

An old Scotch bonnet quickly takes,

In which he three brass farthings shakes;

Then turn'd his head without deceit,

To shew them that he scorn'd to cheat;

And cries aloud, here goes, my boy,

'Tis _heads_ for Greece and _tails_ for Troy;

Then turns the cap: _great Troy_ prevails,

_Two farthings_ out of three were tails.

But it is time to lift the curtain, and attend more minutely to the

_chief jugglers_ who figure behind it. _The Sheriff and others_, who

sign the McBain certificate, alledge that Mr. Cowen (_according to

their construction_) not only _resigned his nomination_ but _did so_

without any previous _request (as they perceived)_ It would seem from

_this_, that these men were kept as a sort of _puppets_ to dance in

accordance with the wires which actuated them, from behind the scene;

being thus, _according to their own account_, strangers to the

_pressing request_ made to Mr. Cowen, and the _arguments_ by which it

was enforced. They are excluded the main _performance_ and reserved for

the _farce_--probably for the _wisest_ of reasons, as there are certain

important parts which would be ruined in _vulgar hands_. It is time

that these men _should perceive_, if they have _not yet learned_ one

important fact among others, which their famous masters, _Thompson and

Child_, have thus hypocritically concealed throughout. For this purpose

I give the following extract of a _letter_ from Judge Child, written on

the subject of that _meeting_, the day after it took place, dated at

Greenfield, April 19, 1815:

"We accordingly met, and had a free candid and friendly

_consultation_ with _Mr. Cowen_; and when he came to hear the

_communication from Esquire Cowles, Ketchum and Gardner_, on

the subject of Mr. Young's _conduct_ and _usefulness_ in the

Legislature;--_and taking into consideration all the

circumstances_, he cheerfully declared that, _in his

judgement_, it was best for him to resign being a candidate;

and use his influence for the election of Mr. Young;--but

that he _really desired_ an opportunity of _consulting those

friends_ who had exerted themselves to procure his

nomination, that were not present. It was stated to him that

they lived or at least _some_ of them, at such a distance,

that it would be very difficult to give seasonable

information to the county of his _resignation_ in favor of Mr

Young, should it be put bye till Thursday or Friday as he

requested;--and that the same _reasons_[11] _which convinced

him that it would be proper for him to resign, would satisfy

them on the subject_. Mr. Cowen _still_ tho't it would be

_the best way to proceed_ and the most gratifying to his

feelings, _to take time to consult his friends_."

Thus you see Mr. Cowen was requested to resign, and the _arguments_ in

favor of that resignation founded upon the _famous certificate_, dated

Albany, April 17, 1815, published Ante, page 4--a statement

_jesuitically_ calculated to shew that the zeal of his friends had, _by

perverting the conversation of Ketchum &c._ aided in procuring _his_

nomination. And when he expresses a _desire_ to consult his friends;

_an answer_ is ready, emanating from the same false and deceptive

source. Thus are the most _shameful arts_ employed to destroy his

_confidence in those friends_, and induce in him a reluctance _under

all the circumstances_ (as the first judge expresses it) against being

a candidate--You thus see their _rotten certificate_ made the

foundation for the _rise_--_progress_ and _result_ of that _meeting_.

Thus does the charge of DUPLICITY, FRAUD and FALSEHOOD recoil upon the

heads of those _arch-certifiers_, or _the men_ employed in _obtaining_

and _giving currency_ to their shameful communication.

It then in fact ceases to be a question what was _said_ or _done_ by

that meeting, or any member of it. For according to every principle of

reasoning, _divine_ or _human_; if the _whole_ was grounded on _fraud_,

the whole was a _nullity_, and possessed no _moral force_. "If" says

the book, "Mr. Cowen's _nomination_ was procured _by fraud_, it cannot

be called a _nomination_; and may be departed from with impunity." It

turning out on investigation, that his _nomination_ was a _perfectly

fair one_, and his pretended _resignation_ founded on the _grossest

duplicity_;--whether it was _conditional_ or _absolute_, whether it was

_personal_ or _general_, it is void, and unworthy the name of a

_resignation_. _Eternal justice_ disavows it; _Political justice_

disowns it; and _common sense_ condemns the perversion. The

_nomination_ of _Mr. Young_, by a meeting thus _packed_ for the

purpose, by a few of _his friends_, was not only _void_ for that

reason, but it had its origin in the _same duplicity_, and was

therefore equally void with _every thing founded upon it_.

Were Young's colleagues correctly informed, as to the manner _their

conversations_ were spoken of? or were they deceived by _Kasson_ and

_Thompson_ when they called for their _certificates_ at Albany? If the

_latter_, they had near one year before giving their _second_

certificate, to correct the error. Why have they always shrunk from

investigation? Why in their _second_ certificate, contradict the

_first_? Why after having _near a year_ to _prepare_ it, does their

_second_ certificate _contradict itself_? As they now stand, they

present a more shocking _caricature_ of folly and inconsistency, than

ever _figured_ before the public. They have burst the bands of

political faith--They have melted the cement of affection, and driven

to a returnless distance, the best and dearest of friends. No man knew

what to say or think of what they said or certified--Individual ruin is

threatened, and the destruction of a _free press_ aimed at; while in

the political atmosphere all is uproar, disorder and confusion.

--Alas.--"That _men_,

Clothed with a little _brief authority_,

Should play such antic tricks before high heaven,

As make the angels weep!"

With these men however I have now done--But let their _Pander_ beware;

let him _pause and reflect_, ere it be too late--"Already are the

sluices of public indignation opened upon him--Already is he _drifted

along on the surface of the stream, the object of_ CONTAGION and

ABOMINATION"--AN ELECTOR. MAY 1816.

* * * * *

NOTE: The public will duly _appreciate_ the reasons for _postponing_

the publication of the foregoing till _after Election_. The writer

hopes he has avoided the example of the _Citizen_, by not _descending_

to the retreats of _private_ character.--Even the author of the book

has not been named. The character given of that author, ante page 30 in

note, is not intended to apply to any one named in that

pamphlet.--Indeed I hope for the honor of human nature, that however

_strange_ and _inconsistently_ some of these men have acted who have in

that production given their names to the public, yet that none of them

are so far gone as to prostitute themselves to the vile purpose of

writing such a work as that in which their names are interlarded.