By various means the praying towns had been reduced in 1684, to four.

The tribes have dwindled and finally disappeared, till a few years since

one poor hut in Natick, inhabited by a family of Indian and Negro blood,

and the gravestone of Daniel Takawambait in the stone wall, were the most

prominent of the memorials which they have left behind them. Fragments of

their language are imperishably associated with many places and scenes

throughout the land. The rural retreat, the new town, the gallant ship,

are emulous of their names; while the tavern sign, the bank note, the

omnibus, and the tobacconist, grace themselves with their faces and

implements. The New England poet, historian, and orator, draw thrilling

incidents from Mount Hope and Bloody Brook, and the Christian and the

philanthropist will enshrine the names of Nonantum and Natick. Westward

and still westward, the New England tribes have receded. Civilization has

had more repulsion and injury for the savage than Christianity has been

able to overcome. There is a law of progress in the affairs of nations

expressed in the prophetic language of the patriarch Noah; “God shall

enlarge Japhet, and he shall dwell in the tents of Shem.” The savage

retreats before the civilized man, and while we mourn over the ruin of

individual tribes, we cannot but stand in awe of that resistless measure

of God’s providence by which he is forcing the Caucasian race to fill the

earth, and suffering uncivilized nations to melt away like the snow in

spring.

But that same vigorous faith which brought the Pilgrims here as

missionaries to the Indians, has followed the red man in his wanderings

over this vast continent. The names of David Brainard, Samuel Kirkland,

and Gideon Blackburn, are identified with the history of Indian missions.

The American Board has pursued the work of evangelizing them with much

success. The history of the Cherokees, the mountaineers of America, is

of itself a tale of romantic and thrilling interest. The sketches of the

present North American Indians by Mr. Catlin, in his valuable work, show

that a large field for missionary effort on this continent is yet spread

before the American churches.

When the workmen were digging for the foundation of some new houses at

the corner of Tremont and Boylston streets, in Boston, several years ago,

they found the skeleton of an Indian. He had been buried on his side,

reclining on his arm, and was found in that posture. Christian faith

and hope, mingled with a little fancy, would fain lead us to hail this

incident as a sign that the Indian race are not yet recumbent in hopeless

degradation; that though seemingly buried in the great wilderness, they

are buried in the posture of rising. Many interesting recollections, and

our natural feelings towards an oppressed people, make us wish that this

was more than fancy, and, as the Indian on the seal of the Massachusetts

colony had a passage of Scripture proceeding from his mouth, Come over

and help us, would we gladly put another passage into the mouth of that

resurrection Indian above mentioned, making him say, with prophetic

ecstasy, as he looks towards Nonantum and surveys the scenes of his

ancient, and apparently lost race, “Thy dead men shall live, together

with my dead body shall they arise; awake and sing, ye that dwell in

dust, for thy dew is as the dew of herbs, and the earth shall cast out

her dead.”

CHAPTER VIII.

Mr. Eliot’s avowal of republicanism, and his retraction of it.

His connection with the controversy about Mrs. Hutchinson.

Richard Baxter’s Testimony about Mr. Eliot. Roman Catholics

instructing the Indians. Mrs. Eliot. Close of Mr. Eliot’s life.

Conclusion.

Two events in the life of Mr. Eliot must necessarily be noticed in

giving a complete account of him. One is the publication and subsequent

retraction of a book called the Christian Commonwealth, and the other is

his connection with the controversy raised by that notorious woman, Mrs.

Anne Hutchinson.

Mr. Eliot wrote a book about the year 1650, called the Christian

Commonwealth. It was carried to England in manuscript and printed. In

1660, the Governor and Council of Massachusetts condemned this book

as being “full of seditious principles and notions in relation to all

established governments in the Christian world, especially against the

government established in their native country.”

Mr. Eliot wrote an acknowledgment of error as the author of the book,

and presented his recantation to the General Court. He speaks in it of

Cromwell and his friends as “the late innovators” in the government of

Great Britain, and of the monarchy as restored under Charles II., “as not

only a lawful but eminent form of government.” The book was suppressed,

and Mr. Eliot’s recantation was published through the colony.

This incident has been considered as reflecting on Mr. Eliot’s

character for discretion, or for decision. The book does not survive in

this country to speak for itself. The facts in the case seem to be that

during the success of Cromwell, Mr. Eliot composed his book in accordance

with what seemed to be the tendency in England towards a settled

republican form of government. But upon the restoration of Charles II.,

the provincial government of Massachusetts felt in duty bound to show

their allegiance to the crown by protesting against the sentiments

of a book which favored republicanism. How often it is the case that

success is regarded as settling the question of right. Had Cromwell’s

plan succeeded, the Massachusetts government would not have felt obliged

to condemn Mr. Eliot’s book. We may perhaps reflect upon him for not

maintaining and defending the principles of his book; but to have done

so would have been treason, seeing that monarchy had again become the

established form of government in the mother country. Mr. Eliot, perhaps,

felt that it was right for him to find reasons for that permanent change

in the government of Great Britain which in the providence of God seemed

to be at hand. When the event proved otherwise than he expected, loyally

being then so much a part of religion, and “the powers” in the government

of the mother country being, according to the received opinions of

Christians, and like all other powers “that be,” “ordained of God,” it

was a question with Mr. Eliot between decision and boldness, amounting to

a treasonable spirit, and submission to constituted authority. The ill

success of Cromwell no doubt made Eliot think that he had misinterpreted

the purposes of God. Men are apt to feel and reason in this manner.

If a colony, or province, or a number of men make insurrection, and

succeed in overthrowing the government, men call it a revolution, and

the independence of the new state or nation is acknowledged. If they do

not succeed, the attempt is called a plot, conspiracy, insurrection,

and the actors who in the event of success would have been “the fathers

of their country,” “the founders of a nation,” are gibbeted by their

generation, and regarded as traitors by the next, and by the world.

While a revolution is pending, a man may say many things as an observer

and theorizer, which, when events contradict them, he will do his best

to retract, or cover up. It cannot be wondered at, that, amid the

enthusiasm which attended the Restoration, and the implicit submission

of the Colonial government to the restored king, and influenced by the

loyal spirit of his times, Mr. Eliot should have deemed it a Christian

duty to confess and retract that which the providence of God seemed

to indicate was an error. He was not prepared to lift up a standard

against the government of Great Britain; the appeal which Cromwell and

his friends had made to the God of nations and of battles, had not been

answered in his favor, and Mr. Eliot was meek enough to yield submission

to that which, in the circumstances, seemed to be a Christian obligation.

What should he have done? Had he still believed that Cromwell was the

anointed of the Lord, and that Charles was the usurper, he should have

suffered any punishment rather than falsify his sentiments. It may be

charitably supposed, however, that the events of the Restoration changed

his opinion, and made him satisfied to be still a royalist. We have no

evidence in any part of his life, that Mr. Eliot was a time-server, or

coward; on the contrary, he was remarkable for decision of character and

independence.

In confirmation of what has now been said respecting Mr. Eliot’s

decision and firmness, we may allude to the part he took in opposing the

sentiments and influence of that notorious disturber of the churches in

his day, Mrs. Anne Hutchinson. She was of the sect of Antinomians, who

abused the doctrines of free grace, maintaining that the law is of no use

or obligation under the dispensation of the Gospel, while the doctrines

they taught superseded the necessity of good works. Mrs. Hutchinson

pretended to immediate impressions from heaven as the rule of conduct,

saying that she knew God “spake to her, just as Abraham knew that it was

the command of Heaven to sacrifice Isaac.” The Governor, Vane, who was an

enthusiast, countenanced this woman, and Rev. Mr. Cotton, who took Mr.

Eliot’s place in the church at Boston, when Mr. Eliot removed to Roxbury,

was also infected by her influence so far as to oppose his colleague,

the Rev. Mr. Wilson, and the other ministers, who were generally opposed

to her. Had Mr. Eliot remained the teacher of the church in Boston, it

would have prevented that church from being divided as it was with regard

to Mrs. Hutchinson, through the influence of his successor, Mr. Cotton.

Mr. Eliot, with several other ministers, visited her, conversed with

her upon religious subjects to ascertain her sentiments and spirit, and

remonstrated with her for her bold denunciation of all the Plantation

except Messrs. Cotton and Wheelright. Mr. Eliot appeared as a witness

against her on her trial before the magistrates, and with Hugh Peters

and Mr. Weld, testified that she said to them that “Mr. Cotton preached

a covenant of grace, and the other ministers a covenant of works.” Mr.

Eliot added, “I do remember this also, that she said we were not able

and faithful ministers of the new covenant, because we were not like the

apostles before the ascension.” Mr. Eliot took occasion on this trial to

bear testimony against yielding to _impressions_ as a rule of faith and

duty. A passage from Mr. Hooker’s sermons was quoted in justification

of Mrs. Hutchinson’s statements. But Mr. Eliot who had been brought up

at the feet of Mr. Hooker, and knew his opinions well, insisted that

the construction given to the passage was contrary to Mr. Hooker’s mind

and judgment. His old friend, Gov. Winthrop, gently dissented from Mr.

Eliot’s strong testimony against impressions. Mr. Eliot said, “I say

there is an expectation of things promised; but to have a particular

revelation of things, as they shall fall out, there is no such thing in

the Scripture.” Gov. Winthrop replied, “We must not limit the word of

God.”[40] Mrs. Hutchinson was condemned and banished. Her end softened

the feelings of those who condemned her, and made them reflect upon

the inexpediency of proceeding so strenuously as they did against her.

Such feelings always arise in the minds of good men who have withstood

prevailing errors, not to make them regret the testimony they bore for

the truth, but to mourn over hasty and excessive zeal, when patience, and

perhaps a measure of neglect, might sooner have ended a controversy, or

have prevented it altogether. But it is easier for those who are removed,

by time or place, from the excitements of a controversy, to moralize

upon the best way of conducting it, than it would have been for them

to exercise the judicious temper which they recommend and praise, had

they themselves partaken in the strife. Mr. Eliot showed himself in this

controversy to be no fanatical enthusiast, and gave evidence that he was

a man of decision and courage.

The following characteristic letter was written by the famous Rev.

Richard Baxter to Dr. Increase Mather then in London. It was occasioned

by the receipt of Cotton Mather’s Life of Eliot.

“DEAR BROTHER:

I thought I had been near dying at 12 o’clock, in bed; but your

book revived me. I lay reading it until between one and two. I

knew much of Mr. Eliot’s opinions, by many letters which I had

from him. There was no man on earth whom I honoured above him.

It is his evangelical work that is the apostolical succession

that I plead for. I am now dying, I hope, as he did. It pleased

me to read from him my case, [_my understanding faileth, my

memory faileth, my tongue faileth_,] (and my hand and pen,)

_but my charity faileth not_. That word much comforted me. I

am as zealous a lover of the New England Churches as any man,

according to Mr. Noyes’, Mr. Norton’s, Mr. Mitchel’s, and the

Synod’s model.

I loved your father upon the letters I received from him.

I love you better for your learning, labors, and peaceable

moderation. I love your son better than either of you, for the

excellent temper that appeareth in his writings.[41] O that

godliness and wisdom (may) thus increase in all families! He

hath honoured himself half as much as Mr. Eliot. I say but

half as much; for deeds excel words. God preserve you and New

England! Pray for

Your fainting, languishing Friend,

RI. BAXTER.”

_August 3, 1691._

In contrast with the instructions which Mr. Eliot and other Protestant

missionaries to the Indians gave the children of the wilderness, Cotton

Mather alludes to the instructions given to the Indians in some parts of

the country by the Popish missionaries. He says,

“By an odd accident there are lately fallen into my hands

the manuscripts of a Jesuit, whom the French employed as a

missionary among the western Indians, in which papers there

are both a catechism, containing the principles which those

heathens are to be instructed in, and cases of conscience

referring to their conversations. The catechism, which is in

the Iroquois language—with a translation annexed, has one

chapter about heaven, and another about hell, wherein are such

thick skulled passages as these.”

_Q._ How is the soil made in heaven?

_A._ ’Tis a very fair soil, they want neither for meats nor

clothes; ’tis but wishing, and we have them.

_Q._ Are they employed in heaven?

_A._ No, they do nothing; the fields yield corn, beans,

pumpkins, and the like without any tillage.

_Q._ What sort of trees are there?

_A._ Always green, full, flourishing.

_Q._ Have they in heaven the same sun, the same wind, the same

thunder that we have here?

_A._ No, the sun ever shines; it is always fair weather.

_Q._ But how are their fruits?

_A._ In this one quality they exceed ours, that they are never

wasted; you have no sooner plucked one, but you see another

presently hanging in its room.

Concerning hell, it thus discourses.

_Q._ What sort of a soil is that of hell?

_A._ A very wretched soil; ’tis a fiery pit in the centre of

the earth.

_Q._ Have they any light in hell?

_A._ No. ’Tis always dark; there is always smoke there; their

eyes are always in pain with it; they can see nothing but the

devils.

_Q._ What shaped things are the devils?

_A._ Very ill shaped things; they go about with vizards on, and

they terrify men.

_Q._ What do they eat in hell?

_A._ They are always hungry, but the damned feed on hot ashes

and serpents there.

_Q._ What water do they drink?

_A._ Horrid water, nothing but melted lead.

_Q._ Don’t they die in hell?

_A._ No; yet they eat one another every day; but anon, God

restores and renews the man that was eaten, as a cropt plant in

a little time repullulates.

One case of conscience is thus resolved by the Jesuit:

_Q._ Whether an Indian stealing a hatchet from a Dutchman be

bound to make restitution?

_A._ If the Dutchman be one that has used any trade with other

Indians, the thief is not bound unto any restitution; for it is

certain he gains more by such a trade than the value of many

hatchets in a year.

In the History of the Early Jesuit Missions to the Indians

of this country,[42] as well as in all other Jesuit missions,

there is a degree of zeal and devotedness which is truly

wonderful. This is not the place to discuss the motives of

these men, nor the principle in human nature which leads to

their self-sacrifice in the missionary work. The fruits of

their work, however, show that they do not promulgate the

Gospel of Christ in its simplicity, did we not know this by

more direct evidence.

The wife of Mr. Eliot died three years before him, at the age of 84.

She had come to him across the ocean, a betrothed bride, when he had

found a home for her in this new world. During her residence here, “she

had attained unto a considerable skill in physick and chirurgery which

enabled her to dispense many safe, good, and useful medicines unto the

poor that had occasion for them; and some hundreds of sick and weak and

maimed people owed praises to God for the benefit which therein they

freely received of her.”[43]

She managed all the private affairs of her husband for him that he

might devote his whole time and strength to his arduous public labors.

She brought up his six children of whom he beautifully said, “they are

all in Christ, or with Christ,” and then she smoothed his passage to the

tomb by going before him, and making him more willing to depart. “That

one wife,” says Mather, “which was given to him truly from the Lord, he

loved, prized, cherished, with a kindness that notably represented the

compassion which he thereby taught his church to expect from the Lord

Jesus Christ; and after he had lived with her for more than half an

hundred years he followed her to the grave with lamentations beyond those

which the Jews, from the figure of a letter in the text,[44] affirm, that

Abraham deplored his Sarah with; her departure made a deeper impression

on him than what any common affliction could. His whole conversation with

her had that sweetness and that gravity and modesty beautifying of it,

that every one called them Zachery and Elizabeth.”[45]

The old gray haired apostle stood over her coffin, and said to the

concourse of people who had come to the funeral, “Here lies my dear,

faithful, pious, prudent, prayerful wife. I shall go to her, but she

shall not return to me.”

Lord Bacon[46] speaking of “marriage and single life,” tells us what

wives are to young men, and that “for middle age” they are “companions,”

and “old men’s nurses.” Men generally do not wait till old age before

they experience the exquisite tenderness and assiduity of woman in

their sickness. We all subscribe to the last couplet of the following

quotation, but not to the first:

“O woman! in thine hours of ease

Deceitful, coy, and hard to please.

...

When pain and sickness wring the brow,

A ministering angel thou.”

There is a beautiful passage in one of Steele’s papers in the Spectator.

It purports to be a letter to his wife. He says,

“It is impossible for me to look back on many evils and pains which I

have suffered since we came together, without a pleasure which is not

to be expressed from the proofs I have had, in those circumstances, of

your unmeasured goodness. How often has your tenderness removed pain

from my sick head! how often anguish from my afflicted heart! With how

skillful patience have I known you comply with the vain projects which

pain has suggested, to have an aching limb removed, by journeying from

one side of a room to another! how often, the next instant, traveled the

same ground again, _without telling your patient it was to no purpose to

change his situation_. If there are such beings as guardian angels, thus

are they employed. I will no more believe one of them more good in its

inclinations, than I can conceive it more charming in its form than my

wife.”

As Mr. Eliot became disabled by age for the ministerial work, he seemed

to have the earnest solicitude about a successor which Moses had when,

towards the close of his life, he “cried to the Lord” that he would “set

a man over the congregation.” Mr. Eliot more than once assembled the

people of the town to fast and pray with reference to a successor. The

Rev. Nehemiah Walter was by the unanimous vote of the people associated

with him in the pastoral office, after which it was with difficulty that

he could be persuaded to conduct any public religious service, saying,

“It would be a wrong to the souls of the people for him to do any thing

among them when they were supplied so much to their advantage.” The last

time that he preached is said to have been on the occasion of a public

fast, when he expounded the lxxxiii. Psalm, being, (as the caption has

it,) a complaint to God of the enemies’ conspiracies, and a prayer

against them that oppress the church. He concluded his exposition with

an apology, begging his hearers to pardon the poorness and meanness and

brokenness of his meditations, adding, “my dear brother here will by and

by mend all.”

He once expressed the fear that his old friends and neighbors, Messrs.

Cotton, of Boston, and Mather, of Dorchester, who had gone to heaven

before him, would suspect him to have gone the wrong way, because he

staid so long behind them.

Towards the close of his life his mind dwelt much on the coming of the

Son of Man, and whatever theme he began to converse upon, he soon fell

into a strain of remarks upon this subject. On one occasion some one

brought him intelligence of certain sad events whereby the Churches of

New England were much afflicted. His reply was, “Behold some of the

clouds in which we must look for the coming of the Son of Man.”

Mr. Walter coming in to see him on his dying bed, Mr. Eliot said,

“Brother, thou art welcome to my very soul. Pray retire to thy study for

me, and give me leave to be gone,” meaning that he should pray for his

speedy release.

Being asked how he did, he said, “Alas, I have lost every thing; my

understanding leaves me, my memory fails me, my utterance fails me; but

I thank God my charity holds out still; I find that rather grows than

fails.”

Speaking of the work in which he had been engaged among the Indians, he

said, “There is a cloud, a dark cloud, upon the work of the gospel, among

the poor Indians. The Lord revive and prosper that work, and grant that

it may live when I am dead. It is a work which I have been doing much and

long about. But what was the word I spoke last? I recall that word, _my

doings_! Alas! they have been poor and small, and lean doings; and I’ll

be the man that shall throw the first stone at them all.”

The Rev. Increase Mather had gone to England on business connected with

the ecclesiastical affairs of New England. Mr. Eliot wrote the following

letter to him, and it is the last writing of his of which we have any

account.

“Reverend and beloved Mr. Increase Mather.

I cannot write. Read Neh. 2:10. When Sanballat the Horonite,

and Tobiah the servant, the Ammonite heard of it, it grieved

them exceedingly that there was come a man to seek the welfare

of the children of Israel.

Let thy blessed soul feed full and fat upon this and other

Scriptures. All other things I leave to other men, and rest,

Your loving Brother,

JOHN ELIOT.”

One of Mr. Eliot’s last expressions was this, Welcome joy! His last

breath was spent in calling upon those who stood around his dying bed to

“Pray, Pray, Pray.” He died in the beginning of the year 1690, in the

eighty-sixth year of his age.

Before his death, Mr. Eliot had the pleasure of seeing several faithful

men raised up to labor among the Indians; among whom were Daniel Gookin,

James Noyce, Rowland Cotton, Peter Thacher, Grindal Rawson, Goddefred

Dettins, and M. Bondet. Mather says, “about the year 1700, through the

blessing of God in this one Massachusetts province, the Indians have

mostly embraced the Christian religion. There are I suppose, more than

thirty congregations of Indians, and many more than three thousand

Indians, in this one province, calling on God in Christ, and hearing of

his glorious Word.”

In writing these pages, I have before me a copy of Eliot’s Indian Bible,

to which are annexed his Psalms and Hymns, in the Indian tongue, and a

short Catechism. Here is the monument of John Eliot; and what monument of

earthly greatness is to be compared with it! The kings of the earth sleep

in the great cathedral; the beautiful, ivy grown, ruined abbey crowns

the sepulchre of the novelist and poet; the marble statue immortalizes

the name and deeds of the conqueror by land or sea. They are but the

grass that withereth, and the flower which fadeth, “but the word of the

Lord endureth forever.” “Endureth”? There is not one Indian on this

continent, or on the face of the earth, that can read this book. It can

never guide another soul to God. As you look upon its title page, written

in an unknown tongue, you see these words, Up-Biblum God, the Book of

God. How significant, we may say, the appearance of those words when we

consider the condition of the book bereaved of the race who once read it.

“Up-Biblum God.” Like the man-child of the woman clothed with the sun who

fled into the wilderness, and whose child was caught up unto God, and

to his throne, this book, having done its office here, is, in a certain

sense, caught up to God; and there it “endureth forever,” in the hearts

and souls of redeemed savages.

This book will never, of course, be reprinted, and copies of it are

becoming rare. But if we wished to send something to a desponding

missionary, or an example of condescension and love for souls to a

minister who despises and neglects his poor, humble people, no better

gift could be selected than a copy of Eliot’s Bible. What gentle rebuke,

what exhortation and encouragement, its long barbarous words would

speak oftentimes in the minister’s or missionary’s study. We might

appropriately inscribe on its cover the third reflection of Mr. Eliot

on returning from one of his visits to Nonantum, and send it to every

missionary station round the globe: “There is no need of miraculous or

extraordinary gifts in seeking the salvation of the most depraved of the

human family.”

The mention of this Bible may lead us to think of that half million of

wild Indians and that million and a half of partly civilized Indians

who now occupy the wilderness of the west. It bids us attempt their

conversion; it shows us that no difficulties are too mighty for the

Gospel to overcome, no discouragements too great for true Christian faith

and courage. The objects of our forefathers’ zeal and hope in coming to

these shores, are now beyond the Rocky Mountains. A wilderness still

invites our increasing missionary efforts, as a wilderness once invited

the labors of the Pilgrims. Wronged and driven away by the while man,

still they cry:

[Illustration: COME OVER AND HELP VS]

APPENDIX.

A.—See page 201.

(Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. 1732.)

“The following fabulous Traditions and Customs of the Indians of Martha’s

Vineyard, were communicated to BENJAMIN BASSET, Esq. of Chilmark, by

THOMAS COOPER, a half blooded Indian, of Gay head, aged about sixty

years; and which, he says, he obtained of his grandmother, who, to use

his own expression, was a stout girl, when the English came to the island.

The first Indian who came to the Vineyard, was brought thither with his

dog on a cake of ice. When he came to Gay Head, he found a very large

man, whose name was Moshup. He had a wife and five children, four sons

and one daughter; and lived in the Den. He used to catch whales, and then

pluck up trees, and make a fire, and roast them. The coals of the trees,

and the bones of the whales, are now to be seen. After he was tired of

staying here, he told his children to go and play ball on a beach that

joined Noman’s Land to Gay Head. He then made a mark with his toe across

the beach at each end, and so deep, that the water followed, and cut away

the beach; so that his children were in fear of drowning. They took their

sister up, and held her out of the water. He told them to act as if they

were going to kill whales; and they were all turned into killers, (a

fish so called.) The sister was dressed in large stripes. He gave them a

strict charge always to be kind to her. His wife mourned the loss of her

children so exceedingly, that he threw her away. She fell upon Seconet,

near the rocks, where she lived some time, exacting contribution of all

who passed by water. After a while she was changed into a stone. The

entire shape remained for many years. But after the English came, some of

them broke off the arms, head, &c. but the most of the body remains to

this day. Moshup went away nobody knows whither. He had no conversation

with the Indians, but was kind to them, by sending whales, &c. ashore to

them to eat. But after they grew thick around him he left them.

Whenever the Indians worshipped, they always sang and danced, and then

begged of the sun and moon, as they thought most likely to hear them, to

send them the desired favour; most generally rain or fair weather, or

freedom from their enemies or sickness.

Before the English came among the Indians, there were two disorders

of which they most generally died, viz. the consumption and the yellow

fever. The latter they could always _lay_ in the following manner. After

it had raged and swept off a number, those who were well met to lay it.

The rich, that is, such as had a canoe, skins, axes, &c. brought them.

They took their seat in a circle; and all the poor sat around, without.

The richest then proposed to begin to lay the sickness; and having in

his hand something in shape resembling his canoe, skin, or whatever his

riches were, he threw it up in the air; and whoever of the poor without

could take it, the property it was intended to resemble became forever

transferred to him or her. After the rich had thus given away all their

moveable property to the poor, they looked out the handsomest and most

sprightly young man in the assembly, and put him into an entire new

wigwam, built of every thing new for that purpose. They then formed into

two files at a small distance from each other. One standing in the space

at each end, put fire to the bottom of the wigwam on all parts, and

fell to singing and dancing. Presently the youth would leap out of the

flames, and fall down to appearance dead. Him they committed to the care

of five virgins, prepared for that purpose, to restore to life again.

The term required for this would be uncertain, from six to forty-eight

hours; during which time the dance must be kept up. When he was restored,

he would tell, that he had been carried in a large thing high up in the

air, where he came to a great company of white people, with whom he had

interceded hard to have the distemper layed; and generally after much

persuasion, would obtain a promise, or answer of peace which never failed

of laying the distemper.”

“_Inscription copied from a grave stone at Gay Head._

1 2 3

YEUUH’WOHHOK’SIPSIN’

4 5

SIL’PAUL’NOHTOBEYONTOK’

6 7

AGED’ 49: YEARS’NUPPOOP’TAH’

AUGUST’24TH1787.

EXPLANATIONS.

1. Here.

2. The body.

3. Lies.

4. Silas Paul.

5. An ordained preacher.

6. Died.

7. Then, or in.”

B.—See page 41.

In connection with the remarks in the foregoing pages on the climate and

soil of New England, the following extract from a piece by Rev. John

Higginson of Salem, 1629, will be read with interest. It is taken from

the Collections of the Mass. Hist. Society, 1792.

NEW-ENGLANDS PLANTATION.

Or, a short and true DESCRIPTION of the Commodities and Discommodities

of that countrey. Written in the year 1629, by Mr. HIGGESON, a Reverend

Divine, now there resident. Whereunto is added a Letter, sent by Mr.

GRAVES, an Enginere, out of New-England. Reprinted from the third

edition, London, 1530.

Letting passe our voyage by sea,[47] we will now begin our discourse

on the shore of New-England. And because the life and wel-fare of every

creature heere below, and the commodiousnesse of the countrey whereat

such creatures live, doth by the most wise ordering of God’s providence,

depend next unto himselfe, upon the temperature and disposition of the

foure elements, earth, water, aire, and fire (for as of the mixture of

all these, all sublunary things are composed; so by the more or lesse

enjoyment of the wholesome temper and convenient use of these, consisteth

the onely well-being both of man and beast in a more or lesse comfortable

measure in all countreys under the heavens) therefore I will indeavour

to shew you what New-England is by the consideration of each of these

apart, and truly indeavour by God’s helpe to report nothing but the

naked truth, and that both to tell you of the discommodities as well as

of the commodities, though as the idle proverbe is, _travellers may lye

by authoritie_, and so may take too much sinfull libertie that way. Yet

I may say of my selfe as once Nehemiah did in another case: _Shall such

a man as I lye?_ No verily: It becommeth not a preacher of truth to be

a writer of falshod in any degree: And therefore I have beene carefull

to report nothing of New-England but what I have partly seene with mine

own eyes, and partly heard and enquired from the mouths of verie honest

and religious persons, who, by living in the countrey a good space of

time, have had experience and knowledge of the state thereof, and whose

testimonies I doe beleeve as my selfe.

First therefore of the earth of New-England and all the appertenances

thereof: It is a land of divers and sundry sorts all about Masathulets

Bay, and at Charles river is as fat blacke earth as can be seene any

where: and in other places you have a clay soyle, in other gravell, in

other sandy, as it is all about our plantation at Salem, for so our towne

is now named. Psal. 76:2.

The forme of the earth here in the superfices of it is neither too

flat in the plainnesse, nor too high in hils, but partakes of both in a

mediocritie, and fit for pasture, or for plow or meddow ground, as men

please to employ it: though all the countrey bee as it were a thicke

wood for the generall, yet in divers places there is much ground cleared

by the Indians, and especially about the plantation: And I am told that

about three miles from us a man may stand on a little hilly place and see

divers thousands of acres of ground as good as need to be, and not a tree

in the same. It is thought here is good clay to make bricke and tyles and

earthen-pot as need to be. At this instant we are setting a brick-kill

on worke to make brickes and tiles for the building of our houses. For

stone, here is plentie of slates at the Isle of Slate in Masathulets

bay, and lime-stone, free-stone, and smooth-stone, and iron-stone, and

marble-stone also in such store, that we have great rocks of it, and a

harbour hard by. Our plantation is from thence called Marble-harbour.

Of minerals there hath yet beene but little triall made, yet we are not

without great hope of being furnished in that soyle.

The fertilitie of the soyle is to be admired at, as appeareth in the

aboundance of grasse that groweth everie where, both verie thicke, verie

long, and verie high in divers places: But it groweth verie wildly with

a great stalke and a broad and ranker blade, because it never had been

eaten with cattle, nor mowed with a sythe, and seldome trampled on by

foot. It is scarce to bee beleeved how our kine and goates, horses and

hogges, doe thrive and prosper here and like well of this countrey.

In our plantation we have already a quart of milke for a penny: but the

aboundant encrease of corne proves this countrey to bee a wonderment.

Thirtie, fortie, fiftie, sixtie are ordinarie here: Yea Joseph’s encrease

in Ægypt is outstript here with us. Our planters hope to have more then

a hundred fould this yere: And all this while I am within compasse; what

will you say of two hundred fould and upwards? It is almost incredible

what great gaine some of our English planters have had by our Indiane

corne. Credible persons have assured me, and the partie himselfe avouched

the truth of it to me, that of the setting of 13 gallons of corne hee

hath had encrease of it 52 hogsheads, every hogshead holding seven

bushels of London measure, and every bushell was by him sold and trusted

to the Indians for so much beaver as was worth 13 shillings; and so of

this 13 gallons of corne, which was worth 6 shillings 8 pence, he made

about 327 pounds of it the yeere following, as by reckoning will appeare:

where you may see how God blessed husbandry in this land. There is not

such greate and plentifull eares of corne I suppose any where else to

bee found but in this countrey: Because also of varietie of colours, as

red, blew, and yellow, &c. and of one corne there springeth four or five

hundred. I have sent you many eares of divers colours that you might see

the truth of it.

Little children here by setting of corne may earne much more then their

owne maintenance.

They have tryed our English corne at New Plimmouth plantation, so that

all our several graines will grow here verie well, and have a fitting

soyle for their nature.

Our Governor hath store of greene pease growing in his garden, as good as

ever I eat in England.

This country aboundeth naturally with store of roots of great varitie

and good to eat. Our turnips, parsnips, and carrots are here both bigger

and sweeter then is ordinary to be found in England. Here are store

of pumpions, cowcombers, and other things of that nature which I know

not. Also divers excellent pot-herbs grow abundantly among the grasse,

as strawberrie leaves in all places of the countrey, and plentie of

strawberries in their time, and pennyroyall, wintersaverie, sorrell,

brookelime, liverwort, carvell, and watercresses, also leekes and onions

are ordinarie, and divers physicall herbs. Here are also aboundance of

other sweet herbs delightful to the smell, whose names we know not, &c.

and plentie of single damaske roses verie sweete; and two kinds of herbes

that bare two kinds of flowers very sweet, which they say, are as good to

make cordage or cloath as any hempe or flaxe we have.

Excellent vines are here up and downe in the woods. Our Governour hath

already planted a vineyard with great hope of encrease.

Also, mulberries, plums, raspberries, corrance, chesnuts, filberds,

walnuts, smalnuts, hurtleberies, and hawes of whitethorne neere as good

as our cherries in England, they grow in plentie here.

For wood there is no better in the world I thinke, here being foure sorts

of oke differing both in the leafe, timber, and colour, all excellent

good. There is also good ash, elme, willow, birch, beech, saxafras,

juniper, cipres, cedar, spruce, pines, and firre that will yeeld

abundance of turpentine, pitch, tarre, masts, and other materials for

building both of ships and houses. Also here are store of sumacke trees,

they are good for dying and tanning of leather, likewise such trees yeeld

a precious gem called wine benjamin, that they say is excellent for

perfumes. Also here be divers roots and berries wherewith the Indians dye

excellent holding colours that no raine nor washing can alter. Also, wee

have materials to make sope-ashes and salt-peter in aboundance.

For beasts there are some beares, and they say some _lyons_ also;

for they have been seen at Cape Anne. Also here are several sorts of

deere, some whereof bring three or four young ones at once, which is

not ordinarie in England. Also wolves, foxes, beavers, otters, martins,

great wild cats, and a great beast called a molke as bigge as an oxe. I

have seen the skins of all these beasts since I came to this plantation

excepting lyons. Also here are great store of squerrels, some greater,

and some smaller and lesser: there are some of the lesser sort, they tell

me, that by a certaine skill will fly from tree to tree, though they

stand farre distant.

_Of the waters of_ New-England, _with the things belonging to the same_.

New-England hath water enough, both salt and fresh, the greatest sea in

the world, the Atlanticke sea, runs all along the coast thereof. There

are abundance of Ilands along the shore, some full of wood and masts to

feed swine; and others cleere of wood, and fruitful to bear corne. Also

wee have store of excellent harbours for ships, as at Cape Anne, and at

Masathulets Bay, and at Salem, and at many other places: and they are the

better because for strangers there is a verie difficult and dangerous

passage into them, but unto such as are well acquainted with them, they

are easie and safe enough. The aboundance of sea-fish are almost beyond

beleeving, and sure I should scarce have beleeved it, except I had seene

it with mine owne eyes. I saw great store of whales, and crampusse,

and such aboundance of mackerils that it would astonish one to behold,

likewise cod-fish in aboundance on the coast, and in their season are

plentifully taken. There is a fish called a basse, a most sweet and

wholesome fish as ever I did eate, it is altogether as good as our fresh

sammon, and the season of their comming was begun when wee came first

to New-England in June, and so continued about three months space. Of

this fish our fishers take many hundreds together, which I have seen

lying on the shore to my admiration; yea their nets ordinarily take more

than they are able to hale to land, and for want of boats and men they

are constrained to let a many goe after they have taken them, and yet

sometimes they fill two boates at a time with them. And besides basse wee

take plentie of scate and thornbacks, and abundance of lobsters and the

least boy in the plantation may both catch and eat what he will of them.

For my owne part I was soone cloyed with them, they were so great, and

fat, and lussious. I have seene some myselfe that have weighed 16 pound,

but others have had divers times so great lobsters as have weighed 25

pound, as they assure mee. Also heere is abundance of herring, turbut,

sturgion, cuskes, hadocks, mullets, eeles, crabbes, muskles, and oysters.

Besides there is probability that the countrey is of an excellent temper

for the making of salt: For since our comming our fishermen have brought

home very good salt which they found candied by the standing of the sea

water and the heat of the sunne, upon a rocke by the sea shore: and in

divers salt marishes that some have gone through, they have found some

salt in some places crushing under their feete and cleaving to their

shooes.

And as for fresh water, the countrey is full of dainty springs, and some

great rivers, and some lesser brookes; and at Masathulets Bay they digged

wels and found water at three foot deepe in most places: And neere Salem

thay have as fine cleare water as we can desire, and we may digge wels

and find water where we list.

Thus wee see both land and sea abound with store of blessings for the

comfortable sustenance of man’s life in New-England.

_Of the aire of_ New-England _with the temper and creatures in it_.

The temper of the aire of New-England is one speciall thing that

commends this place. Experience doth manifest that there is hardly a

more healthfull place to be found in the world that agreeth better with

our English bodyes. Many that have been weake and sickly in old England,

by comming hither have beene thoroughly healed and growne healthfull

strong. For here is an extraordinarie cleere and dry aire that is of a

most healing nature to all such as are of a cold, melancholy, flegmatick,

rheumatick temper of body. None can more truly speake hereof by their

owne experience then my selfe. My friends that knew me can well tell how

verie sickly I have bin and continually in physick, being much troubled

with a tormenting paine through an extraordinarie weaknesse of my

stomacke, and aboundance of melancholicke humors; but since I came hither

on this voyage, I thanke God, I have had perfect health, and freed from

paine and vomiting, having a stomacke to digest the hardest and coursest

fare, who before could not eat finest meat; and whereas my stomache could

onely digest and did require such drinke as was both strong and stale,

now I can and doe often times drink New-England water verie well; and

I that have not gone without a cap for many yeeres together, neither

durst leave off the same, have now cast away my cap, and doe weare none

at all in the day time: And whereas beforetime I cloathed my selfe with

double cloaths and thicke waistcoates to keep me warme, even in the

summer time, I doe now goe as thin clad as any, onely wearing a light

stuffe cassocke upon my shirt, and stuffe breeches of one thickness

without linings. Besides I have one of my children that was formerly

most lamentably handled with sore breaking out of both his hands and

feet of the king’s-evill, but since he came hither hee is very well ever

he was, and there is hope of perfect recoverie shortly even by the very

wholesomnesse of the aire, altering, digesting and drying up the cold and

crude humours of the body: And therefore I thinke it is a wise course for

al cold complections to come to take physick in New-England: for a sup of

New-England’s aire is better then a whole draught of Old England’s ale.

In the summer time, in the midst of July and August, it is a good deale

hotter then in Old England: And in winter, January and February are much

colder, as they say: But the spring and autumne are of a middle temper.

Fowles of the aire are plentifull here, and of all sorts as we have in

England, as farre as I can learn, and a great many of strange fowles

which we know not. Whilst I was writing these things, one of our men

brought home an eagle which hee had killed in the wood: They say they

are good meate. Also here are many kinds of excellent hawkes, both sea

hawkes and land hawkes: And my self walking in the woods with another

in company, sprung a patridge so bigge that through the heaviness of

his body could fly but a little way: They that have killed them, say

they are as bigge as our hens. Here are likewise aboundance of turkies

often killed in the woods, farre greater then our English turkies, and

exceeding fat, sweet, and fleshy, for here they have aboundance of

feeding all the yeere long, as strawberries, in summer al places are

full of them, and all manner of berries and fruits. In the winter time

I have scene flockes of pidgeons, and have eaten of them: They doe fly

from tree to tree as other birds doe, which our pidgeons will not doe in

England: They are of all colours as ours are, but their wings and tayles

are far longer, and therefore it is likely they fly swifter to escape the

terrible hawkes in this country. In winter time this country doth abound

with wild geese, wild ducks, and other sea fowle, that a great part of

winter the planters have eaten nothing but roast-meate of divers fowles

which they have killed.

Thus you have heard of the earth, water and aire of New-England, now it

may bee you expect something to bee said of the fire proportionable to

the rest of the elements. Indeede I thinke New-England may boast of this

element more then of all the rest: For though it bee here somewhat cold

in the winter, yet here we have plenty of fire to warme us, and that a

great deal cheaper then they sel billets and faggots in London: Nay, all

Europe is not able to afford to make so great fires as New-England. A

poore servant here that is to possesse but 50 acres of land, may afford

to give more wood for timber and fire as good as the world yeelds, then

many noble men in England can afford to do. Here is good living for those

that love good fires. And although New-England have no tallow to make

candles of, yet by the aboundance of the fish thereof, it can afford oil

for lampes. Yea our pine-trees that are the most plentifull of all wood,

doth allow us plenty of candles which are very usefull in a house: And

they are such candles as the Indians commonly use, having no other, and

they are nothing else but the wood of the pine tree cloven in two little

slices, something thin, which are so full of the moysture of turpentine

and pitch, that they burne as cleere as a torch. I have sent you some of

them that you may see the experience of them.

Thus of New-England’s commodities: now I will tell you of some

discommodities that are here to be found.

First, in the summer season for these three months, June, July, and

August, we are troubled much with little flyes called musketoes, being

the same they are troubled with in Lincolneshire and the Fens; and they

are nothing but gnats, which except they bee smoked out of their houses

are troublesome in the night season.

Secondly, in the winter season for two months space, the earth is

commonly covered with snow, which is accompanied with sharp biting

frosts, something more sharpe then is in Old England, and therefore are

forced to make great fires.

Thirdly, the countrey being very full of woods, and wildernesses, doth

also much abound with snakes and serpents of strange colours, and huge

greatnesse: yea there are some serpents called rattle-snakes that have

rattles in their tailes, that will not fly from a man as others will, but

will flye upon him, and sting him so mortally, that hee will dye within a

quarter of an houre after, except the partie stinged have about him some

of the root of an herbe called snake-weed to bite on, and then hee shall

receive no harme: but yet seldom falles it out that any hurt is done by

these. About three years since, an Indian was stung to death by one of

them, but wee heard of none since that time.

Fourthly and lastly, here wants as it were good company of honest

christians to bring with them horses, kine, and sheepe, to make use

of this fruitfull land: great pitty it is to see so much good ground

for corne and for grasse as any is under the heavens, to ly altogether

unoccupied, when so many honest men and their families in Old England

through the populousnesse thereof, do make evry hard shift to live one by

the other.

Now, thus you know what New-England is, as also with the commodities and

discommodities thereof: Now I will shew you a little of the inhabitants

thereof, and their government.

For their governors they have kings, which they call Saggamores, some

greater, and some lesser, according to the number of their subjects.

The greatest Saggamores about us can not make above three hundred

men,[48] and other lesse Saggamores have not above fifteen subjects, and

others neere about us but two.

Their subjects above twelve years since[49] were swept away by a great

and grievous plague that was amongst them, so that there are verie few

left to inhabite the country.

The Indians are not able to make use of the one fourth part of the

land, neither have they any settled places, as townes to dwell in, nor

any ground as they challenge for their own possession, but change their

habitation from place to place.

For their statures, they are a tall and strong limmed people, their

colours are tawney, they goe naked, save onely they are in part covered

with beasts skins on one of their shoulders, and weare something before;

their haire is generally blacke, and cut before like our gentlewomen, and

one locke longer than the rest, much like to our gentelmen, which fashion

I thinke came from hence into England.

For their weapons, they have bowes and arrowes, some of them headed with

bone, and some with brasse: I have sent you some of them for an example.

The men for the most part live idely, they do nothing but hunt and fish:

Their wives set their corne and doe all their other worke. They have

little houshold stuffe, as a kettle, and some other vessels like trayes,

spoones, dishes, and baskets.

Their houses are verie little and homely, being made with small poles

pricked into the ground, and so bended and fastened at the tops, and on

the sides they are matted with boughs and covered on the roof with sedge

and old mats, and for their beds that they take their rest on, they have

a mat.

They doe generally professe to like well of our coming and planting here;

partly because their is abundance of ground that they cannot possesse

nor make use of, and partly because our being here will bee a meanes

both of relief to them when they want, and also a defence from their

enemies, wherewith (I say) before this plantation began, they were often

indangered.

For their religion they do worship two Gods, a good God and an evil God:

The good God they call Tantum, and their evil God whom they fear will doe

them hurt, they call Squantum.

For their dealing with us, we neither fear them nor trust them, for

fourtie of our musketeeres will drive five hundred of them out of the

field. We use them kindly; they will come into our houses sometimes by

half a dozen or half a score at a time when we are at victuals, but will

ask or take nothing but what we give them.

We purpose to learn their language as soon as we can, which will be a

means to do them good.

_Of the present condition of the Plantation, and what it is._

When we came first to Nehum-kek,[50] we found about half a score houses,

and a faire house newly built for the Governor, we found also aboundance

of corne planted by them, very good and well liking. And we brought

with us about two hundred passengers and planters more, which by common

consent of the old planters were all combined together into one body

politicke, under the same Governour.

There are in all of us both old and new planters about three hundred,

whereof two hundred of them are settled at Nehum-kek, now called Salem:

And the rest have planted themselves at Masathulets Bay, beginning to

build a towne there which wee do call Cherton, or Charles Town.

We that are settled at Salem make what haste we can to build houses, so

that within a short time we shall have a faire towne.

We have great ordnance, wherewith we doubt not but we shall fortifie

ourselves in a short time to keepe out a potent adversary. But that which

is our greatest comfort, and meanes of defence above all other, is, that

we have here the true religion and holy ordinances of Almighty God taught

amongst us: Thankes be to God, wee have here plenty of preaching, and

diligent catechizing, with strict and carefull exercise, and good and

commendable orders to bring our people into a christian conversation with

whom we have to doe withall. And thus wee doubt not but God will be with

us, and _if God be with us, who can be against us?_

[Here ends Master Higgeson’s relation of New-England.]

_A letter sent from New England, by Master GRAVES, Engynere, now there

resident._

Thus much I can affirme in generall, that I never came in a more goodly

country in all my life, all things considered: If it hath not at any time

been manured and husbanded, yet it is very beautifull in open lands,

mixed with goodly woods, and again open plaines, in some places five

hundred acres, some places more, some lesse, not much troublesome for

to cleer for the plough to goe in, no place barren, but on the tops of

the hils; the grasse and weeds grow up to a man’s face, in the lowlands

and by fresh rivers, aboundance of grasse and large meddowes without any

tree or shrubbe to hinder the sith. I never saw, except in Hungaria,

unto which I alwayes paralell this countrie, in all our most respects,

for every thing that is heare eyther sowne or planted prospereth far

better then in Old-England: The increase of corne is here farre beyond

expectation, as I have seene here by experience in barly, the which

because it is so much above your conception I will not mention. And

cattle doe prosper very well, and those that are bredd here farr greater

than those with you in England. Vines doe grow here plentifully laden

with the biggest grapes that ever I saw, some I have seen foure inches

about, so that I am bold to say of this countrie, as it is commonly said

in Germany of Hungaria, that for cattel, corne, and wine it excelleth. We

have many more hopefull commodities here in this country, the which time

will teach to make good use of: In the mean time wee abound with such

things which next under God doe make us subsist: as fish, foule, deere,

and sundrie sorts of fruits, as musk-millions, water-millions, Indian

pompions, Indian pease, beanes, and many other odde fruits that I cannot

name; all which are made good and pleasant through this maine blessing

of God, the healthfulnesse of the countrie which far exceedeth all parts

that ever I have beene in: It is observed that few or none doe here fal

sicke, unless of the scurvy, that they bring from aboard the ship with

them, whereof I have cured some of my companie onely by labour.

C.—See page 204.

See Morell’s poem on New England, Mass. Hist. Coll., 1792.

D.—See page 222.

The following letter to King Charles II. accompanied the presentation of

the New Testament in the Indian tongue. The letter was written and sent

by the Commissioners of the United Colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth,

Connecticut and New Haven.

“To the High and Mighty Prince, Charles the second, by the

grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland,

Defender of the faith, &c.

“The Commissioners of the United Colonies in New England, wish

increase of all happiness.

“Most dread Sovereign,

“If our weak apprehensions have not misled us, this work will

be no unacceptable present to your Majesty, as having a greater

interest therein, than we believe is generally understood,

which upon this occasion we conceive it our duty to declare.

“The people of these four colonies (confederate for mutual

defence, in the times of the late distractions of our dear

native country) your Majesty’s natural born subjects, by the

favour and grace of your royal father and grandfather of

famous memory, put themselves upon this great and hazardous

undertaking, of planting themselves at their own charge in

these remote ends of the earth; that without offence or

provocation to our dear brethren and countrymen, we might enjoy

that liberty to worship God, which our own conscience informed

us was not only our right but duty; as also that we, if it so

pleased God, might be instrumental to spread the light of the

gospel, the knowledge of the son of God, our saviour, to the

poor, barbarous heathen; which by his late Majesty, in some of

our patents, is declared to be the principal aim.

“These honest and pious intentions have through the grace of

God and our kings, been seconded with proportionable success.

For, omitting the immunities indulged by your Highness’s royal

predecessors, we have been greatly encouraged by your Majesty’s

gracious expressions of favour and approbation, signified unto

the address made by the principal of our colonies; to which

the rest do most cordially subscribe; though wanting the like

seasonable opportunity, they have been till now deprived of the

means to congratulate your Majesty’s happy restitution, after

your long sufferings; which we implore may yet be graciously

accepted, that we may be equal partakers of your royal favour

and moderation; which hath been so illustrious, that to

admiration, the animosities of different persuasions of men

have been so soon composed, and so much cause of hope, that,

unless the sins of the nation prevent, a blessed calm will

succeed the late horrid confusions of church and state. And

shall not we, dread sovereign, your subjects of these colonies,

of the same faith and belief in all points of doctrine with

our countrymen and other reformed churches, though perhaps not

alike persuaded in some matters of order, which in outward

respects hath been unhappy for us,—promise and assure ourselves

of all just favour and indulgence from a prince so graciously

and happily endowed?

“The other part of our errand hither hath been attended with

endeavours and blessing; many of the wild Indians being taught,

and understanding, the doctrine of the christian religion,

and with much affection attending such preachers as are sent

to teach them. Many of their children are instructed to write

and read; and some of them have proceeded further to attain

the knowledge of the Latin and the Greek tongues, and are

brought up with our English youth in university learning.

There are divers of them that can and do read some parts of

the scripture, and some catechisms which formerly have been

translated into their own language: which hath occasioned the

undertaking of a great work, viz. the printing the whole bible:

which, being translated by a painful labourer among them, who

was desirous to see the work accomplished in his days, hath

already proceeded to the finishing of the new testament; which

we here humbly present to your Majesty, as the first fruit and

accomplishment of the pious design of your royal ancestors. The

old testament is now under the press, wanting and craving your

royal favour and assistance for the perfecting thereof.

“We may not conceal, though this work hath been begun and

prosecuted by such instruments as God has raised up here; yet

the chief charge and cost, which hath supported and carried it

thus far, hath been from the charity and piety of divers of

our well affected countrymen in England; who, being sensible

of our inability in that respect, and studious to promote so

good a work, contributed large sums of money, which were to

be improved according to the direction and order of the then

prevailing powers; which hath been faithfully and religiously

attended, both there and here, according to the pious

intentions of the benefactors. And we most humbly beseech your

Majesty, that a matter of so much devotion and piety, tending

so much to the honour of God, may suffer no disappointment

through any legal defect, without the fault of the donors,

or poor Indians, who only receive the benefit; but that your

Majesty be graciously pleased to establish and confirm the

same; being contrived and done, as we conceive, in that first

year of your Majesty’s reign, of this book was begun and now

finished the first year of your establishment: which doth not

only presage the happy success of your Highness’s government,

but will be a perpetual monument, that by your Majesty’s

favour, the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ was made known to

the Indians; an honour whereof, we are assured, your Majesty

will not a little esteem.

“Sir, the shine of your royal favour upon these undertakings

will make these tender plants to flourish, notwithstanding any

malevolent aspect from those that bear evil will to this Sion;

and render your Majesty more illustrious and glorious to after

generations.

“The God of heaven long preserve and bless your Majesty with

many happy days, to his glory, the good and comfort of his

church and people. Amen.”

E.—See page 182.

The Society for Propagating the Gospel among the Indians has been

mentioned several times in this work.

About the year 1648, during the Protectorate of Cromwell, when the

Presbyterians and Independents had influence in England, a Society was

formed through the influence, it is believed, of Gov. Winslow, and called

the Society for Propagating the Gospel among the Indians and others in

North America.

It is somewhere stated respecting Cromwell that he had conceived a

very extensive scheme for the universal propagation of the Gospel,

borrowing the zeal and ingenuity of the Jesuits, and intending to meet

and counteract their efforts everywhere. This scheme perished with him

in his early death. Even the Society for Propagating the Gospel among

the Indians, &c., did not long survive the restoration of royalty in

1660. But during its existence under the Commonwealth it rendered aid

to Mayhew, Eliot, and others, the funds being applied here through the

Commissioners of the four Colonies.

The Society being dissolved at the Restoration of monarchy under Charles

II., an urgent application was soon made for another Society having the

same name and objects. The honorable and distinguished Robert Boyle was

President of the new Society. He had great wealth, and used it with

profuse liberality. The celebrated Bishop Burnet was his almoner in many

private as well as public charities. He distributed a thousand pounds

a year for several years before his death among the French refugees in

England. He also gave yearly, for a long time, the sum of three hundred

pounds for the propagation of the Gospel in North America. Mr. Eliot’s

letters to his noble benefactor, which may be found in the Collections of

the Mass. Hist. Society, will be read with interest.

The Indian School, at Cambridge, was supported by the funds of this

Society, and a building erected for it by the same. In 1665 there were

eight Indian youths in that school. Eliot’s Indian Bible was printed at

the expense of this Society, and cost £500, or not far from two thousand

dollars.

For a few years, the General Court of Massachusetts granted five hundred

dollars towards the object of this Society. At the suggestion of the

Society the Governor issued a request for contributions in its behalf to

the towns of the Commonwealth. About $1560 were collected.

This Society continues to this time. In 1800, its funds amounted to

$20.000. At present they are not far from twice that sum. It is in the

hands of members of the Unitarian denomination.[51]

F.

Letters of Mr. Eliot to Hon. Robert Boyle may be found in Mass. Hist.

Coll. 1792. Also two interesting letters from the same in Francis’ Life

of Eliot, pp. 250 and 267.

G.

See, for an account of the Missionary Labors of the Mayhews, Wilson’s

Memoirs of Eliot, pp. 273-9.

H.

See Wilson’s Memoirs of E., p. 290.

I.

Mr. Eliot’s Observations on forming the Indian Alphabet, do. do., p. 284.

K.

For an account of Rev. William Leverich, and some other laborers among

the Indians, see Wilson’s Memoirs, pp. 257-60, p. 278-99.

L.—See page 133.

The following petitions of Mr. Eliot have been copied for this work from

the Mass. State Papers. The first is a temperance document which has not

lost any pertinency or force by age.

_Petition of John Eliot to the —— General Court concerning the

Indians_,

SHEWETH,

That whereas the Indians have frequent recourse to English

townes and especially to Boston where they too often see evil

examples of excessive drinking with English who are too often

disgraced with that beastly sin of drunkenness. And themselves

many of them greatly delighting in strong liquors, not

considering the strength and evil of them, and also too well

knowing the liberty of the law which prohibiteth above half a

pint of wine to a man that therefore they may without offence

to the law have their half pint, and when they have had it in

one place they goe to another and have the like till they be

drunken. And sometime find too much entertainment that way by

such who keepe no ordinary only desire theire trade though it

be with the hurt and perdition of their soules. Therefore my

humble request unto this honored Court is this, that there may

be but one ordinary in all Boston who may have liberty to sell

wine or any strong drink unto the Indians. And that whoever

shall further them in their vicious drinking for theire own

base ends who keep no ordinary may not be suffered in such a

sinne without due punishment. And that at what ordinary soever

in any other towne as well as Boston any Indian shall be found

drunk, having had any considerable quantity of drink there,

they should come under severe censure. These things I am bold

to present unto you for the preventing of those scandalous

evils which greatly blemish and interrupt their entertainment

of the Gospel through the policy of Satan who counter worketh

Christ with not a little uncomfortable success. And thus with

my hearty desire of the gracious and blessed presence of God

among you in all your weighty affairs, I humbly take leave and

rest your servant to command in our Savour Christ,

JOHN ELIOT.

this 23d of the 8th 1648.

M.—See page 134.

The next petition is exceedingly interesting.

_To the Honorable the Governor and Council sitting at Boston

the 13th of the 6th, 1675. The humble petition of John Eliot_,

SHEWETH,

That the terrour of selling away such Indians in the Ilands

for perpetual Slaves who shall yield up themselves to your

mercy is likely to be an effectual prolongation of the warre

and such an exasperation of them as may produce we know not

what evil consequences upon all the land. Christ hath said,

“Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy.” This

[treatment] of them is worse than death. To put to death men

that have deserved to die is an ordinance of God and a blessing

is promised to it. It may be done in faith. The design of

Christ in these last days is not to extirpate nations but to

gospelize them. He will spread the Gospel sound the world

about, rev. 11. 15. The kingdoms of the world have become the

kingdoms of our Lord and of his Christ. His sovereign hand

and grace hath brought the Gospel into these dark places of

the earth. When we came we declared to the world, and it is

recorded, yea we are instructed by our letters patent from the

King’s majesty that the endeavour of the Indians conversion not

their extirpation was one great end of our enterprize in coming

to these ends of the earth. The Lord hath so succeeded his work

as that (by his grace) they have the Holy Scriptures and sundry

of themselves able to teach their countrymen the good knowledge

of God. The light of the Gospel is risen among those who sat in

darkness and in the region of the shadow of death. And however

some of them have refused to receive the Gospel, and are now

incensed in their spirits unto a warre against the English, yet

by that good promise, Ps. 1:1-6, I doubt not but the meaning of

Christ is to open the door for the free passage of the Gospel

among them, and that the Lord will publish that word, v. 6. Yet

have I set my king on my holy hill of Syon, though some rage at

it. My humble request is if you would follow Christ his design

in this matter to promote the free passage of religion among

them and not destroy them. To send them away from the light

of the Gospel which Christ hath graciously given them unto a

place, a state, a way of spiritual darkness to the eternal

ruin of their souls is as I apprehend to act contrary to the

mind of Christ. God’s command is that we should inlarge the

kingdom of Jesus Christ. Esay, 54:2. Enlarge the place of thy

tent. It seemeth to me that to sell them away for slaves is

to hinder the inlargement of his kingdom. How can a Christian

[soule yield to act]—(these words are indistinct) in casting

away their soules for which Christ hath with an eminent hand

provided an offer of the Gospel. To sell soules for money

seemeth to me a dangerous merchandize. If they deserve to

dy, it is far better to be put to death under godly [rulers]

who will take care if meanes may be used that they may die

penitently. To fall away from all meanes of grace when Christ

hath provided meanes of grace for them, is for us to be active

in the destroying their soules when we are highly obliged to

seek their conversion and salvation and have opportunity in our

hands so to doe. Deut. 23:15, 16.[52] A fugitive servant from

his Pagan master might not be delivered to his master, but be

kept in Israel for the good of his soul. How much less lawful

is it to sell away souls from under the light of the Gospel

into a condition where their souls will be utterly lost, so

far as appertains unto man. All men (of reading) condemned the

Spaniard for cruelty upon this point for destroying men and

depopulating the land. The country is large enough, here is

land enough for them and us to, Prov. 14:28. In the multitude

of people is the King’s honor. It will be much to the glory

of Christ to have many brought in to worship his great name.

I beseech the honored Council to pardon my boldnesse, and let

the case of conscience be discussed orderly before the thing

be acted. Cover my weaknesse and weigh the reason and religion

that laboreth in this great case of conscience.

N.—See page 135.

The following petition of Mr. Eliot illustrates the kind interest which

he took in the common and private affairs of the Indians. I have copied

it from Mass. State Papers, (Indian Papers) 30. p. 15. 1639-1705.

PETITION THAT TWO INDIANS MAY HAVE THEIR DUE.

_The humble petition of John Eliot to this Honorable Court._

First in the behalfe of Totherswompe unto whom one of Uncas his

men doth owe 18 fathom of wampompeague for 6 beare skins and

he cannot obtain justice with ease and therefore doth humbly

intreat this honored Court to procure justice for him in this

particular. Phoxon well knoweth his demand is just and true, as

Thomas and Stanton can testify.

The other is in behalf of Anonganisch, who lost 17 fathom

which Uncas and his men tooke unjustly from him 3 years since

when they fell upon the Indians by Mr. Winthrop’s plantation,

and he saith that when his case was at this Court formerly

heard The Governour promised him that he should have justice,

and that doth embolden him to sue again in the case. The

bringing them to doe justice doth so far cause them to honour

and acknowledge God and therefore I humbly entreat your favour

in furtherance of the same, and so commending all your weighty

occasions to the blessing of the Lord.

Your worships servant in Jesus Christ,

JOHN ELIOT.[53]

O.—See page 48.

THE CHURCH IN ROXBURY.

(See Am. Quarterly Register, Vol. 8th.)

THOMAS WELDE, the first Minister of Roxbury, was a minister in

Essex, England. Refusing to conform to the requirements of the

Established Church, he sought the quiet enjoyment of the rights

of conscience in this country. He arrived in Boston, June 5,

1632, and entered upon the pastoral office in Roxbury, at which

time the Church was embodied. In 1641, he was sent as an agent,

with REV. HUGH PETERS, to England for the Province and never

returned.

JOHN ELIOT became teacher of the Church in Roxbury, Nov. 5,

1632. The next year he became colleague with Mr. Welde.

SAMUEL DANFORTH was colleague with Mr. Eliot after Mr. Welde

went to England. He continued in office 24 years.

NEHEMIAH WALTER, born in Ireland, came to Boston at the age of

16. Graduated at Harvard College, and was the third colleague

of Mr. Eliot. He had so good knowledge of the French Language

that he preached to a society of French Protestants while

their Pastor was absent. Whitefield called him “the good old

Puritan.” A well known publication of his is called, “The

Wonderfulness of Christ.”

THOMAS WALTER, his son, became colleague with his father, but

died 7 years after.

OLIVER PEABODY, son of the Missionary at Natick of the same

name, succeeded Mr. Walter, but continued only 18 months, and

died when on the eve of being married, aged 27.

AMOS ADAMS, was Pastor at Roxbury 22 years and died of the

epidemic which prevailed in the camp at Roxbury and Cambridge.

The title of one of his published Sermons was, The only Hope

and Refuge of Sinners.

ELIPHALET PORTER succeeded him and continued in office 51 years.

GEORGE PUTNAM, the present Pastor, was ordained colleague with

him, July 7, 1830.

A Church was organized in Roxbury, Sept. 18, 1834, composed of Members of

Evangelical sentiments, and of the Orthodox Congregational denomination.

It took the name of “ELIOT CHURCH.”

Rev. John S. C. Abbott was ordained Pastor, Nov. 25, 1835.

Rev. Augustus C. Thompson was ordained Pastor, July 27, 1842.

P.—See page 51.

ROXBURY “ELIOT SCHOOL FUND.”

“Eliot School Fund had its origin in the donation of Rev. John

Eliot, of Roxbury, well known as the Apostle to the Indians,

who, in the year 1689, conveyed an estate of about seventy-five

acres of land to certain persons and their heirs, as Trustees

for ‘the maintenance, support and encouragement of a school and

school master at that part of Roxbury, commonly called Jamaica

or the Pond Plain, for the teaching and instructing of the

children of that end of the town (together with such Indians

and negroes as shall or may come to the said school) and to no

other use, intent, or purpose whatever. This is the language of

the deed.’ (The fund was afterwards increased by donations.)

“The Eliot school fund consists (1840) of 89,699.94. The School

also possesses some real estate, which yields an annual income

of 8381.”

Report of the Committee on the School Fund, Roxbury. Auditor’s

Reports, 1831-1846.

The following are the principal of Mr. Eliot’s publications. It is

remarkable that no entire Sermon of his has been preserved.

Answer to Norcott’s book against Infant Baptism.

The Harmony of the Gospels in the Holy History of Jesus Christ.

The Christian Commonwealth.

The Divine management of Gospel Churches by the Ordinance of Councils,

constituted in order according to the Scriptures, which may be a means

of uniting those two holy and eminent parties, the Presbyterians and the

Congregational.

Indian Bible, Catechism, and Psalms of David in metre.

Baxter’s “Call to the unconverted,” translated into the Indian Tongue.

The Practice of Piety, translated into the Indian Tongue. This book was

written by Lewis Bayly, for some time Chaplain to James the First. In

1792, it had reached the _seventy-first_ edition. The author was promoted

to the see of Bangor, 1616. See Lib. Am. Biog. V. 245. Francis’ Life of

Eliot. BIOG. BRITAN. Art. BAYLY.

Thomas Shepard’s Sincere Convert, translated into the Indian tongue.

Thomas Shepard’s Sound Believer, translated into the Indian tongue.

Indian Primer.

This little book has been of great help to linguists by the division of

syllables in it for children, thereby giving learners of a larger growth

some insight into the formation of Indian words.

NOTE.

The following appropriate conclusion to this volume came to hand just as

the last pages were going to press.

THE CHOCTAWS TO THEIR WHITE BRETHREN OF IRELAND.—A meeting for

the relief of the starving poor of Ireland was held at the

Choctaw agency, on the 23d ult. Maj. William Armstrong was

called to the chair, and J. B. Luce was appointed secretary. A

circular of the “Memphis committee” was read by Maj. Armstrong,

after which the meeting contributed $170. All subscribed,

agents, missionaries, traders and Indians, a considerable

portion of which fund was made up by the latter. The “poor

Indian” sending his mite to the poor Irish!

[_Arkansas Intelligencer, April 3_.]

[Illustration: THE END OF VOL III.]

FOOTNOTES

[1] See Laws of Mass. I., page 77, Sect. 8, 9.

“_Whereas one end in planting these parts was to propagate the true

religion unto the Indians_, and that divers of them are become subject

unto the English, and have engaged themselves to be ready and willing to

understand the law of God: It is therefore ordered that such necessary

and wholesome laws which are in force, and may be made from time to time,

to reduce them to civility of life, shall be once a year, if the times be

safe, made known to them by such fit persons as the general court shall

appoint.”

[2]

“Venient annis

Secula seris, quibus Oceanus

Vincula rerum, laxet, et ingens

Pateat tellus, Typhis que novos

Deteget orbes; nec sit terris

Ultima Thule.”

_Medea, Act. 3, v. 375._

[3] “America known to the Ancients.” Boston, 1773.

[4] Mather.

[5] Governor Bradford’s History of Plymouth.

[6] Mass. Hist. Soc., Coll. 1794., p. 206.

[7] Key, p. 213.

[8] See Appendix, B.

[9] See Appendix, C.

[10] Roger Williams’ Key, p. 26.

[11] Mag. B. III. Life of Eliot. Art. 1.

[12] Sparks’ Lib. Am. Biog. V. 9. Francis’ Life of Eliot.

[13] Mag. Book III., 499.

[14] Vol. III., p. 15.

[15] Book III. Art. IV.

[16] Jefferson’s “Notes on Virginia.”

[17] Newton. Dr. Homer, in his History of Newton says, “This son of

the apostle Eliot was the first minister of Newton. His abilities

and occupation in the ministry are said to be pre-eminent. Under the

direction of his father, he obtained considerable proficiency in

the Indian language, and was an assistant to him in the missionary

employment, until he settled at Newton. Even after his ordination there,

he imitated the manner of his father, devoting himself to the instruction

of the Indians, as well as his own flock. Accordingly he preached

statedly once in a fortnight to them at Pequimet, (Stoughton,) and

sometimes at Natick.”

[18] Now owned and occupied by Warren Dutton and Horace Gray, Esqrs.

[19] “The first place he began to preach at was Nonantum, near Watertown,

upon the south side of Charles River, about four or five miles from his

own house; where lived at that time, Wabon, one of their principal men,

and some Indians with him.” Gookin, Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll, for 1792. Vol

I.

“The place where Eliot first began to preach to the Indians, was at

Nonantum, a hill at the northeast corner of Newton, nearly where Messrs.

Haven’s and Wiggin’s houses now stand.” Moore’s Life of Eliot.

[20] Mag. Book III., Part IV. See Appendix, C.

[21] He who thinks that a belief in witchcraft, &c., was a peculiarity of

New England, should look into Strype’s Ecclesiastical Memorials.

[22] He was not a Sachem, as frequently stated. See Mass. Hist., Col.

IV., 19.

[23] The Day Breaking &c., p. 15.

[24] Shepard’s Clear Sunshine, p. 39. Hist. Coll. Vol. IV. 3d series.

Shattuck’s Hist. Concord.

[25] Shepard’s Clear Sunshine, &c., p. 41.

[26] See page 19.

[27] See Bancroft’s History of the United States, Vol. I.

[28] See Sir Walter Scott’s “Demonology and Witchcraft,” Letter II.

[29] “Cleare Sunshine of the Gospel,” p. 46.

[30] Shepard’s “Cleare Sunshine.”

[31] See the Memorial of Mr. Eliot to the General Court, on this subject,

Appendix L.

[32] Fast enough, if well enough.

[33] See Appendix, E.

[34] I. 172. Note. 1715.

[35] Mag. II, 511. _Philemon Holland._ See Rees’ Encyc., Aiken’s Biog.

Mem. of Medicine. He was the _translator general_ of his age, a man

of incredible industry. In Fuller’s Worthies of England we learn that

Holland, having written several translations with one pen, made the

following stanza:

“With one solo pen I writ this book,

Made of a gray goose quill;

A pen it was when I it took,

And a pen I leave it still.”

A familiar story is told of Gibbon, in writing the “Decline and Fall,”

and that he presented the pen to the Duchess of Devonshire, who honored

it with a silver case. These stories are probably fabulous. The

contrivances which these men must have used to make one pen, or even one

quill, do so much work, would deserve the appellation above quoted from

Douglass, “otiosorum hominum negotia,” or, the notions of men who had

plenty of leisure.

[36] II. 94.

[37] Magnalia I, 516.—See Appendix, G.

[38] Cotton Mather’s mother was the daughter of Mr. Cotton.

[39] See Appendix, M.

[40] Mass. Hist. Coll. 1802.

[41] This testimony from Richard Baxter, in favor of the Mathers, is

valuable to those who have seen them decried by some modern writers.

[42] See Early Jesuit Missions, &c., by Wm Ingraham Kip.

[43] C. Mather.

[44] Mather’s allusion is probably this: In Gen. 23:2, where it is said

that Abraham came to weep for Sarah, a letter, smaller than the rest, in

the Hebrew word _to weep for her_ is believed by the Jewish critics to

intimate that his grief was somewhat composed; (—“_luctum Abrahæ fuisse

moderatum_.”—Poole’s Synopsis.)—ED.

[45] Magnalia I. 495.

[46] Essays, VIII.

[47] For the Journal of Mr. Higginson’s Voyage, see Hutchinson’s

Collection of Papers, page 32.

[48] That is fighting men.

[49] 1617.

[50] Or Naumkeag. Salem.

[51] See Smith & Choules’ Hist. Miss. 1832, Vol. II.

[52] “Thou shall not deliver unto his master the servant which is

escaped,” &c.

[53] Those who are interested in the subjects referred to in other

petitions of Mr. Eliot may find those petitions as follows:

Petition that the Indians may have more land, Mass. State Papers, 30,

page 31.

Petition in relation to exchange of land with the Indians, do. do. page

81.

Statement of John Eliot respecting lands, do. do. pp. 99, 100.

Complains of wrong done to the Nipmucks by the Narragansetts, do. do.

page 138.

Gookin’s and Eliot’s petition for lands for the Christian Indians, do.

do. p. 286.

There are also some original MSS. of Mr. Eliot’s in the Hutchinson papers

in the Library of the Mass. Historical Society, but they are somewhat

illegible and of no special pertinency to the present work.