CHAPTER XXIV.

CONCLUSION.

It has been shown in the foregoing pages of this work how that

providential arrangement of human affairs, in which the negro is placed

in natural juxtaposition with the white man, has resulted in the freedom

of the latter and the general well-being of both. It has been seen how a

subordinate and widely different social element in Virginia and other

States, naturally gave origin to new ideas and new modes of thought,

which, thrusting aside the mental habits and political notions brought

from the Old World, naturally culminated in the grand idea of 1776, and

the establishment of a new political existence, based on the natural,

organic, and everlasting equality of the race. It has been seen,

moreover, how the great civil revolution of 1800, which, under the lead

of Mr. Jefferson, restored the purity and simplicity of republican

principles, saved the Northern laboring and producing classes from the

rule of an oligarchy, otherwise unavoidable, however it might have been

disguised by republican formulas.

It is scarcely necessary to appeal to the political history of the

country since 1800 to demonstrate the vital importance—indeed, the

measureless benefit—of what, by an absurd perversion of terms, has been

called negro slavery, to the freedom, progress, and prosperity of the

laboring and producing classes of the North, and, indeed, to all

mankind. It is seen that the existence of an inferior race—the presence

of a natural substratum in the political society of the New World—has

resulted in the creation of a new political and social order, and

relieved the producing classes from that abject dependence on capital

which in Europe, and especially in England, renders them mere beasts of

burthen to a fraction of their brethren. The simple but transcendent

fact, that capital and labor are united at the South—that the planter,

or so-called slaveholder, is, _per se_ and of necessity, the defender of

the rights of the producing classes—this simple fact is the key to our

political history, and the hinging-point of our party politics for half

a century past.

The Southern planter and Northern farmer—the producing classes—a

Southern majority and a Northern minority—have governed the country,

fought all its battles, acquired all its territories, and conducted the

nation step by step to its present position of strength, power, and

grandeur. Just as steadily a Northern majority and a Southern minority

have opposed this progress, and labored blindly, doubtless, to return to

the system of the federalists, indeed to the European idea of class

distinctions, and to render the government an instrument for the benefit

of the few at the expense of the many.

They have sought to create national banks; demanded favors for those

engaged in manufactures; for others engaged in Northern fisheries; for

the benefit of bands of jobbers and speculators, under pretence of

internal improvements; in short, the Northern majority have labored

continually to render the government, as in England, an instrument for

benefiting classes at the expense of the great body of the people.

All these efforts, however, have been defeated by the union of Northern

and Southern producers, and mainly by the latter. A large majority of

the votes in Congress against special legislation and schemes of

corruption have been those of so-called slaveholders; and in those

extraordinary instances when Northern representatives of agricultural

constituencies have proved faithless, and these schemes “worked” through

Congress, “slaveholders” in the Presidential chair have interposed the

veto, and saved the laboring and producing classes from this dangerous

legislation, and the government from being perverted into an instrument

of mischief.

Such has been our political and current party history, and from the

nature and necessities of things, every “extension of slavery,” or every

expansion of territory, must in the future, as it has in the past,

strengthen the cause of the producing classes, and give greater scope

and power to the American idea of government.

The acquisition of Louisiana, of Florida, of Texas, etc., of those great

producing States on the Gulf Coast, has nearly overwhelmed the

anti-republican tendencies of the North, and rendered almost powerless

those combinations of capital and speculation which have always

endangered the purity and simplicity of our republican system, and thus

the rights and safety of the laboring and producing millions everywhere.

Indeed, it is a truth, a simple fact, that can not be too often

repeated, that in precise proportion to the amount or extent of

so-called “slaveholding”—of the number of negroes in their normal

condition—is freedom rendered secure to the white millions of the North.

And when in the progress of time Cuba and Central America, and the whole

tropical center of the continent is added to the Union and placed in the

same relation to New York and Ohio that Mississippi, Alabama, etc., are

now, then it is evident that the democratic or American idea of

government will be securely established forever, and the rights and

interests of the producing millions who ask nothing from government but

its protection, will be no longer endangered by those anti-republican

tendencies which in the North have so long conflicted with the natural

development of our system, and struggled so long and fiercely against

its existence.

If this freedom and prosperity of the white man rested on wrong or

oppression of the negro, then it would be valueless, for the Almighty

has evidently designed that all His creatures should be permitted to

live out the life to which He has adapted them. But when all the facts

are considered, and the negro population of the South contrasted with

any similar number of their race now or at any other time in human

experience, then it is seen that, relatively considered, they are,

perhaps, benefited to even a greater extent than the white population

themselves.

The efforts, as has been shown, to reverse the natural order of

things—to force the negro into the position of the white man—are not

merely failures, but frightful cruelties—cruelties that among ourselves

end in the extinction of these poor creatures, while in the tropics it

destroys the white man and impels the negro into barbarism.

In conclusion, therefore, it is clear, or will be clear to every mind

that grasps the facts of this great question, with the inductive facts,

or the unavoidable inferences that belong to them, that any American

citizen, party, sect, or class among us, so blinded, bewildered, and

besotted by foreign theories and false mental habits as to labor for

negro “freedom”—to drag down their own race, or to thrust the negro from

his normal condition, is alike the enemy of both, a traitor to his blood

and at war with the decrees of the Eternal.

THE END.

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TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES

1. Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in spelling.

2. Anachronistic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings retained as

printed.

3. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.

Negroes and Negro "Slavery:" the first an inferior race: the latter its normal condition. · 第 13 / 13 章