13. So much for what may be called the classical and reference

department of the library. Important as it is, it is scarcely more so

than the documentary department or Archive proper, where documents and

deeds of all kinds, both public and private, were deposited for safe

keeping. Here by the side of treatises, royal decrees and despatches,

lists of tribute, reports from generals and governors, also those daily

sent in by the superintendents of the royal observatories,--we find

innumerable private documents: deeds of sale duly signed, witnessed and

sealed, for land, houses, slaves--any kind of property,--of money lent,

of mortgages, with the rate of interest, contracts of all sorts. The

most remarkable of private documents is one which has been called the

"will of King Sennacherib," by which he entrusts some valuable personal

property to the priests of the temple of Nebo, to be kept for his

favorite son,--whether to be delivered after his (the king's) death or

at another time is not stated.

[Illustration: 48.--CLAY TABLET IN ITS CASE. (Hommel.)]

14. It requires some effort to bear in mind the nature and looks of the

things which we must represent to ourselves when we talk of Assyrian

"_books_." The above (Fig. 47) is the portrait of a "_volume_" in

perfect condition. But it is seldom indeed that one such is found.

Layard, in his first description of his startling "find," says: "They

(the tablets) were of different sizes; the largest were flat, and

measured nine inches by six and a half; the smaller were slightly

convex, and some were not more than an inch long, with but one or two

lines of writing. The cuneiform characters on most of them were

singularly sharp and well-defined, but so minute in some instances as to

be illegible without a magnifying glass." Most curiously, glass lenses

have been found among the ruins; which may have been used for the

purpose. Specimens have also been found of the very instruments which

were employed to trace the cuneiform characters, and their form

sufficiently accounts for the peculiar shape of these characters which

was imitated by the engravers on stone. It is a little iron rod--(or

_style_, as the ancients used to call such implements)--not sharp, but

_triangular_ at the end: [open triangle]. By slightly pressing this end

on the cake of soft moist clay held in the left hand no other shape of

sign could be obtained than a wedge, [closed triangle], the direction

being determined by a turn of the wrist, presenting the instrument in

different positions. When one side of the tablet was full, the other was

to be filled. If it was small, it was sufficient to turn it over,

continuing to hold the edges between the thumb and third finger of the

left hand. But if the tablet was large and had to be laid on a table to

be written on, the face that was finished would be pressed to the hard

surface, and the clay being soft, the writing would be effaced. This was

guarded against by a contrivance as ingenious as it was simple. Empty

places were left here and there in the lines, in which were stuck small

pegs, like matches. On these the tablet was supported when turned over,

and also while baking in the oven. On many of the tablets that have

been preserved are to be seen little holes or dints, where the pegs have

been stuck. Still, it should be mentioned that these holes are not

confined to the large tablets and not found on all large tablets. When

the tablet was full, it was allowed to dry, then generally, but not

always, baked. Within the last few years several thousands unbaked

tablets have been found in Babylonia; they crumbled into dust under the

finders' fingers. It was then proposed to bake such of them as could at

all bear handling. The experiment was successful, and numbers of

valuable documents were thus preserved and transported to the great

repository of the British Museum. The tablets are covered with writing

on both sides and most accurately classed and numbered, when they form

part of a series, in which case they are all of the same shape and size.

The poem discovered by George Smith is written out on twelve tablets,

each of which is a separate book or chapter of the whole. There is an

astronomical work in over seventy tablets. The first of them begins with

the words: "_When the gods Anu and ..._" These words are taken as the

title of the entire series. Each tablet bears the notice: First, second,

third tablet of "_When the gods Anu and ..._" To guard against all

chance of confusion, the last line of one tablet is repeated as the

first line of the following one--a fashion which we still see in old

books, where the last word or two at the bottom of a page is repeated at

the top of the next.

[Illustration: 49.--ANTIQUE BRONZE SETTING OF CYLINDER. (Perrot and

Chipiez.)]

[Illustration: 50.--CHALDEAN CYLINDER AND IMPRESSION.(Perrot and Chipiez.)]

[Illustration: 51.--ASSYRIAN CYLINDER. (Perrot and Chipiez.)]

15. The clay tablets of the ancient Chaldeans are distinguished from the

Assyrian ones by a curious peculiarity: they are sometimes enclosed in a

case of the same material, with exactly the same inscription and seals

as on the inner tablet, even more carefully executed.[U] It is evidently

a sort of duplicate document, made in the prevision that the outer one

might be injured, when the inner record would remain. Rows of figures

across the tablet are impressed on it with seals called from their shape

cylinders, which were rolled over the soft moist clay. These cylinders

were generally of some valuable, hard stone--jasper, amethyst,

cornelian, onyx, agate, etc.,--and were used as signet rings were later

and are still. They are found in great numbers, being from their

hardness well-nigh indestructible. They were generally bored through,

and through the hole was passed either a string to wear them on, or a

metal axis, to roll them more easily.[V] There is a large and most

valuable collection of seal cylinders at the British Museum. Their size

ranges from a quarter of an inch to two inches or a little more. But

cylinders were also made of baked clay and larger size, and then served

a different purpose, that of historical documents. These are found in

the foundations of palaces and temples, mostly in the four corners, in

small niches or chambers, generally produced by leaving out one or more

bricks. These tiny monuments range from a couple of inches to half a

foot in height, seldom more; they are sometimes shaped like a prism with

several faces (mostly six), sometimes like a barrel, and covered with

that compact and minute writing which it often requires a magnifying

glass to make out. Owing to their sheltered position, these singular

records are generally very well preserved. Although their original

destination is only to tell by whom and for what purpose the building

has been erected, they frequently proceed to give a full though

condensed account of the respective kings' reigns, so that, should the

upper structure with its engraved annals be destroyed by the

vicissitudes of war or in the course of natural decay, some memorial of

their deeds should still be preserved--a prevision which, in several

cases, has been literally fulfilled. Sometimes the manner and material

of these records were still more fanciful. At Khorsabad, at the very

interior part of the construction, was found a large stone chest, which

enclosed several inscribed plates in various materials. "... In this only

extant specimen of an Assyrian foundation stone were found one little

golden tablet, one of silver, others of copper, lead and tin; a sixth

text was engraved on alabaster, and the seventh document was written on

the chest itself."[W] Unfortunately the heavier portion of this

remarkable find was sent with a collection which foundered on the Tigris

and was lost. Only the small plates,--gold, silver, copper and tin

(antimonium scholars now think it to be)--survived, and the inscriptions

on them have been read and translated. They all commemorate, in very

nearly the same terms, the foundation and erection of a new city and

palace by a very famous king and conqueror, generally (though not

correctly) called Sargon, and three of them end with a request to the

kings his successors to keep the building in good repair, with a prayer

for their welfare if they do and a heavy curse if they fail in this

duty: "Whoever alters the works of my hand, destroys my constructions,

pulls down the walls which I have raised,--may Asshur, Ninêb, Ramân and

the great gods who dwell there, pluck his name and seed from the land

and let him sit bound at the feet of his foe." Most inscriptions end

with invocations of the same kind, for, in the words of Ménant: "it was

not mere whim which impelled the kings of Assyria to build so

assiduously. Palaces had in those times a destination which they have no

longer in ours. Not only was the palace indeed _the dwelling of

royalty_, as the inscriptions have it,--it was also the BOOK, which each

sovereign began at his accession to the throne and in which he was to

record the history of his reign."[X]

[Illustration: 52.--PRISM OF SENNACHERIB. ALSO CALLED "TAYLOR

CYLINDER."]

[Illustration: 53.--INSCRIBED CYLINDER FROM BORSIP.]

And each such book of brick and stone we can with perfect truth call a

chapter--or a volume--of the great Book of the Past whose leaves are

scattered over the face of the earth.

FOOTNOTES:

[U] See Fig. 48, p. 111.

[V] See above, Figs. 49 and 50.

[W] Dr. Julius Oppert, "Records of the Past," Vol. XI., p. 31.

[X] "Les Écritures Cunéiformes," of Joachim Ménant: page 198 (2d

edition, 1864).

[Illustration: CHALDEA AND NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES]

THE STORY OF CHALDEA.

I.

NOMADS AND SETTLERS.--THE FOUR STAGES OF CULTURE.

1. Men, whatever their pursuit or business, can live only in one of two

ways: they can stay where they are, or they can go from one place to

another. In the present state of the world, we generally do a little of

both. There is some place--city, village, or farm--where we have our

home and our work. But from time to time we go to other places, on

visits or on business, or travel for a certain length of time to great

distances and many places, for instruction and pleasure. Still, there is

usually some place which we think of as home and to which we return.

Wandering or roving is not our natural or permanent condition. But there

are races for whom it is. The Bedouin Arabs are the principal and best

known of such races. Who has not read with delight accounts of their

wild life in the deserts of Arabia and Northern Africa, so full of

adventure and romance,--of their wonderful, priceless horses who are to

them as their own children,--of their noble qualities, bravery,

hospitality, generosity, so strangely blended with love of booty and a

passion for robbing expeditions? They are indeed a noble race, and it is

not their choice, but their country which has made them robbers and

rovers--Nomads, as such wandering races are called in history and

geography. They cannot build cities on the sand of the desert, and the

small patches of pasture and palm groves, kept fresh and green by

solitary springs and called "oases," are too far apart, too distant from

permanently peopled regions to admit of comfortable settlement. In the

south of Arabia and along the sea-shore, where the land is fertile and

inviting, they live much as other nations do, and when, a thousand years

ago, Arabs conquered vast and wealthy countries both in Europe and Asia,

and in Africa too, they not only became model husbandmen, but built some

of the finest cities in the world, had wise and strictly enforced laws

and took the lead in literature and science. Very different are the

scattered nomadic tribes which still roam the steppes of Eastern Russia,

of Siberia and Central Asia. They are not as gifted by far as the Arabs,

yet would probably quickly settle down to farming, were it not that

their wealth consists in flocks of sheep and studs of horses, which

require the pasture yielded so abundantly by the grassy steppes, and

with which they have to move from one place, when it is browsed bare, to

another, and still another, carrying their felt-tents and simple

utensils with them, living on the milk of their mares and the meat of

their sheep. The Red Indian tribes of the far West present still another

aspect of nomadic life--that of the hunter, fierce and entirely untamed,

the simplest and wildest of all.

2. On the whole, however, nomadic life is at the present day the

exception. Most of the nations that are not savages live in houses, not

in portable tents, in cities, not encampments, and form compact, solidly

bound communities, not loose sets of tribes, now friendly, now hostile

to one another. But it has not always been so. There have been times

when settled life was the exception and nomadic life the rule. And the

older the times, the fewer were the permanent communities, the more

numerous the roving tribes. For wandering in search of better places

must have been among the first impulses of intelligent humanity. Even

when men had no shelter but caves, no pursuit but hunting the animals,

whose flesh was their food and in whose skins they clothed themselves,

they must frequently have gone forth, in families or detachments, either

to escape from a neighborhood too much infested with the gigantic wild

beasts which at one time peopled the earth more thickly than men, or

simply because the numbers of the original cave-dwellers had become too

great for the cave to hold them. The latter must have been a very usual

occurrence: families stayed together until they had no longer room

enough, or quarrelled, when they separated. Those who went never saw

again the place and kindred they left, although they carried with them

memories of both, the few simple arts they had learned there and the

customs in which they had been trained. They would stop at some

congenial halting-place, when, after a time, the same process would be

repeated--and so again and again.

3. How was the first horse conquered, the first wild-dog tamed and

conciliated? How were cattle first enticed to give man their milk, to

depend on his care and follow his movements? Who shall tell? However

that may have happened, it is certain that the transition from a

hunter's wild, irregular and almost necessarily lawless existence to the

gentler pursuits of pastoral life must have been attended by a great

change in manners and character. The feeling of ownership too, one of

the principal promoters of a well-regulated state of society, must have

quickly developed with the possession of rapidly increasing wealth in

sheep and horses,--the principal property of nomadic races. But it was

not a kind of property which encouraged to settling, or uniting in close

communities; quite the contrary. Large flocks need vast pasture-grounds.

Besides, it is desirable to keep them apart in order to avoid confusion

and disputes about wells and springs, those rare treasures of the

steppes, which are liable to exhaustion or drying up, and which,

therefore, one flock-owner is not likely to share with another, though

that other were of his own race and kin. The Book of Genesis, which

gives us so faithful and lively a picture of this nomadic pastoral life

of ancient nations, in the account of the wanderings of Abraham and the

other Hebrew patriarchs, has preserved such an incident in the quarrel

between the herdsmen of Abraham and his nephew Lot, which led to their

separation. This is what Abraham said to Lot: "Is not the whole land

before thee? Separate thyself, I pray thee, from me: if thou wilt take

the left hand, then I will go to the right; or if thou depart to the

right hand, then I will go to the left."[Y] So also it is said of Esau

that he "went into the country from the face of his brother Jacob: for

their riches were more than they might dwell together, and the land

wherein they were strangers could not bear them because of their

cattle."[Z] This was a facility offered by those immense plains,

unclaimed as yet by any one people in particular, and which must

oft-times have averted strife and bloodshed, but which ceased from the

moment that some one tribe, tired of wandering or tempted by some more

than usually engaging spot, settled down on it, marking that and the

country around it, as far as its power reached, for its own. There is

even now in the East something very similar to this mode of occupation.

In the Turkish Empire, which is, in many places, thinly peopled, there

are large tracts of waste land, sometimes very fertile, accounted as

nobody's property, and acknowledged to belong, legally and forever, to

the first man who takes possession of them, provided he cultivates them.

The government asks no purchase price for the land, but demands taxes

from it as soon as it has found an owner and begins to yield crops.

4. The pastoral nomad's life is, like the hunter's, a singularly free

one,--free both from restraint, and, comparatively, from toil. For

watching and tending flocks is not a laborious occupation, and no

authority can always reach or weigh very heavily on people who are here

to-day and elsewhere to-morrow. Therefore, it is only with the third

stage of human existence, the agricultural one, that civilization, which

cannot subsist without permanent homes and authority, really commences.

The farmer's homestead is the beginning of the State, as the hearth or

fireplace was the beginning of the family. The different labors of the

fields, the house, and the dairy require a great number of hands and a

well-regulated distribution of the work, and so keep several generations

of the settler's family together, on the same farm. Life in common makes

it absolutely necessary to have a set of simple rules for home

government, to prevent disputes, keep up order and harmony, and settle

questions of mutual rights and duties. Who should set down and enforce

these rules but the head of the family, the founder of the race--the

patriarch? And when the family has become too numerous for the original

homestead to hold it, and part of it has to leave it, to found a new

home for itself, it does not, as in the primitive nomadic times, wander

off at random and break all ties, but settles close by on a portion of

the family land, or takes possession of a new piece of ground somewhat

further off, but still within easy reach. In the first case the land

which had been common property gets broken up into lots, which, though

belonging more particularly to the members who separate from the old

stock, are not for that withdrawn from the authority of the patriarch.

There are several homesteads now, which form a village, and, later on,

several villages; but the bond of kindred, of tradition and custom is

religiously preserved, as well as subordination to the common head of

the race, whose power keeps increasing as the community grows in numbers

and extent of land, as the greater complications of relationships,

property, inheritance, demand more laws and a stricter rule,--until he

becomes not so much Father as King. Then naturally come collisions with

neighboring similar settlements, friendly or hostile, which result in

alliances or quarrels, trade or war, and herewith we have the State

complete, with inner organization and foreign policy.

5. This stage of culture, in its higher development, combines with the

fourth and last--city-building, and city-life, when men of the same

race, and conscious of a common origin, but practically strangers to

each other, form settlements on a large scale, which, being enclosed in

walls, become places of refuge and defence, centres of commerce,

industry and government. For, when a community has become very numerous,

with wants multiplied by continual improvements and increasing culture,

each family can no longer make all the things it needs, and a portion of

the population devotes itself to manufacture and arts, occupations best

pursued in cities, while the other goes on cultivating the land and

raising cattle, the two sets of produces--those of nature and those of

the cunning hand and brain--being bartered one for the other, or, when

coin is invented, exchanged through that more convenient medium. In the

same manner, the task of government having become too manifold and

complicated for one man, the former Patriarch, now King, is obliged to

surround himself with assistants--either the elders of the race, or

persons of his own choice,--and send others to different places, to rule

in his name and under his authority. The city in which the King and his

immediate ministers and officers reside, naturally becomes the most

important one--the Capital of the State.

6. It does not follow by any means that a people, once settled, never

stirred from its adopted country. The migratory or wandering instinct

never quite died out--our own love of travelling sufficiently proves

that--and it was no unfrequent occurrence in very ancient times for

large tribes, even portions of nations, to start off again in search of

new homes and to found new cities, compelled thereto either by the

gradual overcrowding of the old country, or by intestine discords, or by

the invasion of new nomadic tribes of a different race who drove the old

settlers before them to take possession of their settlements, massacred

them if they resisted and reduced those who remained to an irksome

subjection. Such invasions, of course, might also be perpetrated with

the same results by regular armies, led by kings and generals from some

other settled and organized country. The alternative between bondage

and emigration must have been frequently offered, and the choice in

favor of the latter was helped not a little by the spirit of adventure

inborn in man, tempted by so many unexplored regions as there were in

those remote ages.

7. Such have been the beginnings of all nations. There can be no other.

And there is one more observation which will scarcely ever prove wrong.

It is that, however far we may go back into the past, the people whom we

find inhabiting any country at the very dawn of tradition, can always be

shown to have come from somewhere else, and not to have been the first

either. Every swarm of nomads or adventurers who either pass through a

country or stop and settle there, always find it occupied already. Now

the older population was hardly ever entirely destroyed or dislodged by

the newcomers. A portion at least remained, as an inferior or subject

race, but in time came to mix with them, mostly in the way of

intermarriage. Then again, if the newcomers were peaceable and there was

room enough--which there generally was in very early times--they would

frequently be suffered to form separate settlements, and dwell in the

land; when they would either remain in a subordinate condition, or, if

they were the finer and better gifted race, they would quickly take the

upper hand, teach the old settlers their own arts and ideas, their

manners and their laws. If the new settlement was effected by conquest,

the arrangement was short and simple: the conquerors, though less

numerous, at once established themselves as masters and formed a ruling

nobility, an aristocracy, while the old owners of the land, those at

least that did not choose to emigrate, became what may be called "the

common people," bound to do service and pay tribute or taxes to their

self-instituted masters. Every country has generally experienced, at

various times, all these modes of invasion, so that each nation may be

said to have been formed gradually, in successive layers, as it were,

and often of very different elements, which either finally amalgamated

or kept apart, according to circumstances.

The early history of Chaldea is a particularly good illustration of all

that has just been said.

FOOTNOTES:

[Y] Genesis, xiii. 7-11.

[Z] Genesis, xxxvi. 6-7.

II.

THE GREAT RACES.--CHAPTER X. OF GENESIS.

1. The Bible says (Genesis xi. 2): "And it came to pass, as they

journeyed in the east, that they found a plain in the land of Shinar;

and they dwelt there."

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