CHAPTER XXXII.

ROYALTY AND THE WAR.

Financing the War--The Queen’s Opinion of War Loans--A Dreadful

Winter--Distress in the Country--The “Devil” in Devonshire--Bread

Riots--War Loans and a War Budget--The Queen and the Wounded

Soldiers--Her Condemnation of “the Hulks”--Presentation of War

Medals in Hyde Park--Visit of the Emperor and Empress of the

French--A Plot to Capture the Queen--Councils of War at

Windsor--The Grand Chapter of the Order of the Garter--Imperial

Compliments--Napoleon III. in the City--At the Opera--The Queen’s

Birthday Gift to the Emperor--Scarlet Fever at Osborne--Prorogation

of Parliament--A Court Intrigue with Dom Pedro of Portugal--The

Queen Visits Paris--Her Reception at St. Cloud--The Ball at the

Hôtel de Ville--Staring at the “Koh-i-noor”--At the Tomb of the

Great Emperor--Prince Bismarck’s Introduction to the Queen--Home

again--Lord Clarendon on the Queen’s Visit to Paris--How the Prince

of Wales Enjoyed himself--At Balmoral--The Bonfire on Craig

Gowan--Sebastopol Rejoicings--“A Witches’ Dance supported by

Whisky”--Courtship of the Princess Royal--Prince Frederick William

of Prussia--His Proposal of Marriage--Attacks of the _Times_--Visit

of Victor Emmanuel--His Reputation in Paris--Memorial of the

Grenadier Guards--Fresh Charges against Prince Albert--His

Vindication of the Crimean Officers.

Early in 1855 her Majesty became anxious, not to say nervous, as to the

plans that were to be adopted for financing the war. Her personal

prepossessions were all in favour of Mr. Gladstone’s policy--which was

that of meeting expenditure out of current revenue. But then the cost of

the campaign was now so enormous that it was impossible to increase

taxation so as to cover it. The winter had been severe. Though the end

of December and the first thirteen days of January had been like summer,

during the night of the 13th, says Sir F. Hastings Doyle, “the wind

shifted suddenly to the N.N.E., and a savage frost came on which lasted

at least two months without intermission or abatement.”[220] Outdoor

workers found themselves without employment. Gangs of hungry-eyed

labouring men began to parade the streets of London, levying black-mail

on well-to-do householders. Ultimately mobs of roughs attacked and

plundered the bakers’ and chandlers’ shops in the East End on the 21st

and 22nd of February, and in Liverpool, where some 15,000 riverside

labourers were out of work, terrible scenes of riot and outrage were

enacted. It was a time when the abstraction of capital from the country

by raising a war loan would be a slight evil, compared with that which

might follow from the imposition of heavy war taxes on a discontented

and suffering industrial population. It was therefore decided that the

cost of the war should be met by a loan.

Sir George Cornewall Lewis brought forward his Budget on the 30th of

April. He could estimate for a prospective revenue of £63,000,000. This,

however, still left him with a deficit of £23,000,000, which he raised

(1), by a Three per Cent. Loan of £16,000,000; (2), by an addition to

taxation which brought in £4,000,000; (3), by raising £3,000,000 on

Exchequer Bills. “The additional taxes,” Sir George Lewis wrote to his

friend Sir E. Head, “were, however, assented to without resistance by

the House, who feared a larger addition to the Income Tax, and thought

that if they objected to my proposition, taxes which they disliked still

more would be substituted.” As for the loan, the Money Market, he says,

“was in a state favourable for such an operation; for at present there

is an abundance of money, but a want of profitable investment for the

purpose of trade.”[221] The loan of £2,000,000 to Sardinia was

sanctioned without much demur, but the loan of £5,000,000 to Turkey was

violently objected to--especially by the Tories and Cobdenites. It was

raised under the joint guarantee of France and England--an arrangement

which many people thought might create disputes between the guarantors.

Lord Palmerston, in fact, only carried the loan through by a vote of 135

to 132. Lord Aberdeen’s followers opposed the transaction, and their

opposition was resented by the Queen, who had already concluded and

ratified the arrangement with the French Emperor for guaranteeing the

loan.

[Illustration: THE WOUNDED SOLDIER’S TOAST--“THE QUEEN!”]

In other respects, however, the relations of the Court to the war were

less open to criticism. It has already been stated how her Majesty

toiled with her own hands to aid those who were striving to mitigate the

sufferings of the army during the Crimean winter. She wrote a letter to

the Commander-in-Chief on the subject that touched the heart of every

soldier in camp or hospital. Mr. Augustus Stafford, in the debate on Mr.

Roebuck’s motion in the House of Commons (26th of January), thrilled his

audience by telling them how he saw a wounded man, after hearing the

letter read, propose the Queen’s health in a draught of bark and

quinine. Mr. Stafford said to him it was a bitter cup for a loyal toast;

to which the man replied, with a smile, “Yes, and but for these words of

the Queen I could not have got it down.” Nor was her Majesty less

assiduous in her attention to the wounded, when their haggard and

mournful contingents began to return. On the 3rd of March she went down

to Chatham with her husband and her two eldest sons to inspect the

Military Hospital at Fort Pitt and Brompton. The wounded men who could

crawl from their beds were drawn up on the lawn, each bearing a card

with a description of his name, services, and wounds. Along this gaunt

array the Queen passed, sad-eyed and thoughtful, speaking a few kind and

cheering words to the sufferers whose wounds or services especially

attracted her notice. Contemporary reports of course stated that the

Sovereign was well pleased with the manner in which those poor men were

treated. But two days afterwards she sent a sharp letter to Lord

Panmure, which showed that she had been using her eyes to good purpose

during her inspection. He must, she says, have some really serviceable

military hospitals built for the sick without delay. The poor men at

Fort Pitt were well treated; but, she complains, “the buildings are

bad--the wards more like prisons than hospitals, with the windows so

high that no one can look out of them--and the most of the wards are

small, with hardly space to walk between the beds.” Her criticisms on

the dining arrangements are trenchant; and then she goes on to argue

that though Lord Panmure’s plan of building hulks may do very well at

first, it will not do for any length of time. “A hulk,” she contends,

“is a very gloomy place, and these poor men require their spirits to be

cheered, as much as to have their physical sufferings attended to. The

Queen is particularly anxious on this subject, which is, she may truly

say, constantly in her thoughts, as, indeed, is everything connected

with her beloved troops, who have fought so bravely and borne so

heroically all their sufferings and privations.”[222]

“I myself,” said Queen Elizabeth to her troops at Tilbury, “will be your

general and your judge, and the rewarder of every one of your virtues in

the field.” If Queen Victoria has never either in statecraft or power

attained the position held by that leonine woman, she did not fail to

emulate her in her devotion to the gallant men who bled and died for

England in the desolate Chersonese. The Queen’s visit to the hospital at

Chatham, and her reception there by the soldiers, prompted her to take

the unusual course of suggesting to Lord Clarendon, on the 22nd of

March, that she should with her own hands present war medals to the

officers and men who were at home disabled or on leave. On the 18th of

May a Royal daïs was accordingly put up in the centre of the Horse

Guards parade ground, with barriers enclosing from the crowd of

spectators, a space for the heroes of the ceremony. At eleven o’clock

the Queen, Prince Albert, and their family appeared, and at a signal the

soldiers who were to be decorated stood before her. They passed along in

single file, each handing a card recording his name and services to an

officer, who delivered it to the Queen. She then presented each hero

with his medal, saying a kindly word to every man as he went by. It was

a strange and impressive spectacle. Gaunt, pallid forms, maimed and

[Illustration: THE QUEEN DISTRIBUTING THE CRIMEAN MEDAL AT THE

HORSEGUARDS PARADE GROUND.]

mutilated, hobbled along on crutches--or staggered forward, aided by

walking-sticks--and for officers and men alike the Queen had words of

sympathy that drew tears from many an eye. From the highest Prince of

the blood--the Duke of Cambridge was the first to step forward for his

medal--to the humblest private, writes the Queen to King Leopold, “all

received the same distinction for the bravest conduct in the severest

actions, and the rough hands of the brave and honest private soldier

came for the first time in contact with that of their Sovereign and

their Queen. Noble fellows! I feel as if they were my own children; my

heart beats for them as for my nearest and dearest.”[223] Captain

Currie, of the 14th, was so feeble that he almost failed to reach the

daïs on his crutches, and his condition profoundly touched the heart of

the Queen. Captain Sayer, of the 23rd Fusiliers, could not be lifted out

of his chair, so the Queen bent over him gracefully and pinned his medal

to his breast, with a few words of comfort and hope. Colonel Sir T.

Troubridge, of the 7th Fusiliers, who, when he had both his feet shot

away at Inkermann, refused to leave his command till the battle was won,

was also unable to leave his chair. When the Queen gave him his medal

she whispered in his ear that she would reward his courage by making him

one of her own aides-de-camp, whereupon he answered, “I am now amply

repaid for everything.” It was a scene which moved the hearts of all who

took part in it, with the exception, perhaps, of the brusque and

churlish Secretary of State for War. Lord Malmesbury says, “After the

ceremony, Lady Seymour, whom I met, told me that Mrs. Norton, talking

about it to Lord Panmure, asked, ‘Was the Queen touched?’ ‘Bless my

soul, no!’ was the reply. ‘She had a brass railing in front of her, and

no one could touch her.’ Mrs. Norton then said, ‘I mean was she moved?’

‘Moved!’ answered Lord Panmure, ‘she had no occasion to move.’ Mrs.

Norton then gave it up in despair.”[224]

When the Emperor of the French first hinted at his intention of going to

the Crimea, the idea frightened everybody. His own _entourage_, knowing

his ignorance of the art of war, and convinced that defeat meant ruin

for him and for them, were in despair. The Queen, too, was alarmed,

because she foresaw infinite danger from the scheme. The Emperor would

naturally desire to take supreme command of both armies, whereas the

English people would not permit British troops to serve under a foreign

sovereign, whose antecedents were doubtful, and whose friendship was

uncertain. The French and English Governments therefore privately

suggested to the Queen that she should now invite the Emperor and

Empress to pay their promised visit to England, hoping that the Queen’s

influence might be used for the purpose of preventing him from

proceeding to the seat of war.[225] The invitation was accepted, and

the rooms in Windsor which had been occupied by the Czar Nicholas and

King Louis Philippe were set apart for the Imperial guests.

[Illustration: WINDSOR CASTLE FROM THE BROCAS.]

At noon on the 16th of April, after some mishaps in the dense fog which

shrouded the Channel, the Imperial yacht reached the Admiralty Pier at

Dover, where Prince Albert was waiting to receive his guests. The Prince

went on board, shook hands with the Emperor, and then going down to the

cabin reappeared with the Empress on his arm. They landed amidst

complimentary salvoes of artillery from the castle, the salutes of the

military, and the ringing cheers of the crowd. The Royal party then

proceeded to London, and when they arrived at the Bricklayers’ Arms

Station, they found dense masses of people assembled to welcome them.

Their route lay along the line of streets leading to the Great Western

station, where they took train for Windsor. Lord Malmesbury writes in

his Diary, “Lady Ossulton, Lady Manners, my wife and I went to Lord

Carrington’s house in Whitehall to see the Emperor of the French pass.

The weather was beautiful and bright, the streets were choked with

people. The _cortège_ made its appearance at 6.15 p.m.; there were but

six open carriages, four of them escorted by a squadron of Life Guards,

and a good many outriders in scarlet liveries. They passed very slowly

at a walk

[Illustration: THE QUEEN INVESTING THE EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH WITH THE

ORDER OF THE GARTER.]

and were enthusiastically cheered the whole way from the South Eastern

to the Great Western terminus.... On going up St. James’s Street, the

Emperor was seen to point out to the Empress the house where he formerly

lived in King Street. This was at once understood by the crowd, who

cheered louder than ever. On passing the Horse Guards the Emperor stood

up in his carriage and saluted the colours, and was of course immensely

cheered.”[226] At Windsor the excitement was intense, and the Queen was

on tiptoe of expectation. Referring to the arrival of the visitors, she

writes, “I cannot say what indescribable emotions filled me--how much

all seemed like a wonderful dream. These great meetings of sovereigns,

surrounded by very exciting accompaniments, are always very

agitating.”[227] Her Majesty advanced and the Emperor kissed her hand.

She saluted him once on each cheek, and then, as she says, “embraced the

very gentle, very graceful, and evidently very nervous Empress.” The

Duke of Cambridge and the Prince of Leiningen and the Royal children

were presented--“Vicky (now Princess Imperial of Germany) with very

alarmed eyes making very low curtesies.” In the Throne Room other

presentations followed. At dinner, however, the Emperor put the Queen

quite at her ease. He assumed the soft, low voice and the melancholy

manner of the hero of some romance of mystery. They talked about the

war--the Queen gently dissuading him from going to the Crimea, he

mournfully expressing his apprehension of disasters unless he went out,

and complaining of the blunders of the generals. Next morning (the 17th)

the subject was renewed during a long walk after breakfast. This time

the Empress was eager in pressing the Emperor to proceed to Sebastopol,

where, she said with truth, he was perhaps safer than in Paris. In the

afternoon the Royal Family and their Imperial guests reviewed the

Household troops, surrounded by gay crowds, full of effusive enthusiasm

for our Allies. At dinner they discussed the manifold iniquities of

Austria, and mourned over her decadence, because she would not fight to

vindicate a plan for reducing the Russian navy in the Black Sea to six

ships instead of eight. At night there was a ball in the Waterloo

Room--an odd place in which to find the granddaughter of George III.

dancing with the nephew of Napoleon I. The sombre memories of the hall,

however, did not prevent the Queen’s guest from dancing, as she herself

records, “with great dignity and spirit.” Next morning (the 18th) at

breakfast the Emperor received a telegram announcing the death of M.

Ducos, the Minister of Marine,[228] and at eleven o’clock a grand

Council of War was held in the Emperor’s rooms, at which those present

were Prince Albert, Lords Palmerston, Panmure, Hardinge, and Cowley,

Sir Charles Wood, Sir John Burgoyne, Count Walewski, and Marshal

Vaillant. “Something should be done somewhere, and by somebody in the

Crimea,” seems to have been the resolution to which the council came.

Though unanimous in urging the Emperor not to go there, it failed to

convince him that he ought to stay at home. In the afternoon Prince

Albert, when out walking with the Emperor, submitted a plan of his own

for reorganising the Allied Forces, which the Emperor approved. It was

sent on to Palmerston, Panmure, Hardinge, and Burgoyne, and they

resolved to draw up a memorandum on the subject for the next Conference.

The Council of War of the 18th sat on from 11 till 2 p.m., and at 4 p.m.

a Grand Chapter of the Order of the Garter was held in the Throne

Room--the Emperor being invested with the insignia of the Order--in all

the pomp and circumstance of Royal State. The Queen sat at the head of

the table with a vacant chair on her right hand; Garter King-at-Arms

summoned each Knight in the order of his creation, beginning with the

Marquis of Exeter and ending with Lord Aberdeen. The Prelate of the

Order read the new statute dispensing with existing statutes in favour

of the Emperor of the French, who was then introduced by Prince Albert

and the Duke of Cambridge. The Queen and the assembled Knights stood up

to receive the Emperor, who passed on and sat in the chair on the

Queen’s right hand. Her Majesty having proclaimed the Emperor’s

election, the King-at-Arms presented the Garter to the Queen, who,

assisted by her husband, buckled it on the Emperor’s left leg, after

which she placed the riband over his Majesty’s left shoulder, the

Chancellor of the Order pronouncing the admonition. The accolade was

then presented to the new Knight, and the ceremony was over. “It is one

bond the more,” said the Emperor as he walked with the Queen to his

apartments--“I have given my oath of fidelity to your Majesty and to

your country.” But all the world knows, neither bond nor oath was strong

enough to prevent him from subsequently intriguing with Russia against

England, when the Congress of Paris met to settle the questions raised

by the sudden termination of the Crimean War. Yet, the Imperial

flatteries served the purpose of the moment, for the Queen wrote, “These

words are very valuable from a man like him, who is not profuse in

phrases, and who is very steady of purpose.”[229] After dinner her

Majesty seems to have been chiefly amused by Marshal Vaillant’s

confidential conversation with her, in which he manifested great terror

lest the Emperor would take command of the Army in the Crimea. In the

evening there was an orchestral concert. “The Queen, Emperor, and

Empress,” writes Lord Malmesbury, “with the Royal Family, their suites,

and those invited to the banquet, entered soon after ten, and seated

themselves without speaking to any one. As soon as music was over the

company passed before the Queen and Emperor.... The Queen had arranged

everything herself, made out the lists of invitations for both parties

at Windsor, and the concert for to-morrow at Buckingham Palace. Very

few, except Cabinet Ministers, are asked twice. Even Lady Breadalbane,

who is one of the Court, was invited only for the evening party last

night, and had to sleep at a pastrycook’s, there being no room at the

Castle.”[230]

[Illustration: THE WATERLOO ROOM, WINDSOR CASTLE.]

Next day (the 19th) the Emperor and Empress had to visit the City, and

hosts and guests seemed alike sad and nervous when the Royal party set

forth. There was just a chance that some sufferer from the crime of

December, 1851, might wreak his vengeance on the perpetrator of it. The

Lord Mayor and Corporation, however, gave their guests a splendid

reception. London decked itself forth with loyal bunting. Crowds cheered

the Emperor and Empress on their way, and the town rang with “_Partant

pour la Syrie_,” which dismal air Cockneydom in those days preferred to

the “Marseillaise,” as the symbol of the French alliance, and, perhaps,

also as being less trying to the nerves of its guest.[231] The

Corporation gave their Imperial visitor a sumptuous banquet. With

characteristic delicacy of taste they served him with sherry, which

[Illustration: THE ROYAL AND IMPERIAL VISIT TO THE CRYSTAL PALACE: THE

PROCESSION DOWN THE NAVE.]

they produced proudly, because it was from the famous butt that had been

bought for £600 by Napoleon I. in his palmy days. In the evening the

Imperial visitors went with the Queen to the opera, where _Fidelio_ was

played. “We literally drove through a sea of human beings,” writes the

Queen, “cheering and pressing near the carriage.”[232] When the Royal

party appeared after the first act was over, the audience in Her

Majesty’s Theatre rose and hailed them with deafening cheers, the Queen

leading the Emperor and Prince Albert the Empress forward, so as to

emphasise the fact that they were especially the objects of this

demonstrative greeting.[233] Next day, the 20th of April, was the

Emperor’s birthday. When the Queen congratulated him in the morning it

seems he looked confused, because for the moment he had forgotten all

about the event. He, however, kissed her hand gratefully when she

presented him with her gift--a little pencil-case--and was much touched

with the other present he received--“two violets, the flower of the

Bonapartes--from Prince Arthur.”[234] Amidst great crowds cheering most

enthusiastically the Royal party drove to the Crystal Palace. They went

through the building in perfect privacy, and then walked on to the

balcony to see the fountains play. But when they returned to luncheon

they found that quite a crowd of sightseers had been admitted, and were

lining the avenue of the nave. It was a trying moment. The rows of

spectators through which the Royal party had to walk were almost

touching them, and Emperor and Empress both dreaded assassination. The

Queen, nervous as she was, courageously took the Emperor’s arm, feeling

sure her presence would protect him; and so the day passed without any

unpleasantness. In the evening there was another meeting of the Grand

Council of War, the Queen being present. Again the Council failed to

decide on a plan of operations. But it was admitted that they could come

to an agreement as to the stake to be played for in the game of war, and

this agreement, under seven heads, was drawn up by Prince Albert, and

signed by Marshal Vaillant and Lord Panmure.[235] Next day (the 21st)

the guests left amidst tender farewells on both sides. At Lady

Malmesbury’s dinner-party that day, Lord Adolphus Fitzclarence told the

company that the leave-taking was very affecting. “Everybody cried--even

the _suite_. The Queen’s children began, as the Empress had been very

kind to them, and they were sorry to lose them, and this set off the

Maids of Honour.”[236] The Emperor’s last words to the Queen were, “I

believe that having spent my birthday with your Majesty will bring me

good luck, that and the little pencil-case you gave me.”[237] The Queen

wrote in her Diary, “I am glad to have known this extraordinary man,

whom it is certainly impossible not to like when you live with him, and

not even to a considerable extent to admire.... I believe him to be

capable of kindness, affection, friendship, and gratitude.” Prince

Albert’s admiration, on the other hand, was not quite so unqualified,

and the Queen notes that he preferred the Empress to the Emperor. When

the Emperor returned to Paris he found that his reception in England had

done much to increase his _prestige_. But he also discovered that he

must abandon his intention of going to the Crimea. On the 25th of April

he communicated this welcome news to the Queen in a letter abounding

with engaging expressions of gratitude, for her kindness and hospitality

to him and his Imperial consort.

On the 28th of June Prince Albert writes to Stockmar saying, “Uncle

Leopold comes on Tuesday with Philippe and Carlo, and by the end of the

week we purpose to get away from the thoroughly used-up air of London.

The political folly and the levity of parties and the press, amidst the

terrible mass of business, makes our head reel.”[238] When these

visitors reached Osborne they found the Queen depressed and sorrowful.

Scarlet fever had attacked the Princes Arthur and Leopold and the

Princess Louise, and her Majesty was naturally afraid lest her young

Belgian relatives might be smitten also. Fortunately this peril was

avoided, and the Queen, encouraged by the approaching prorogation of

Parliament, gradually regained her cheerfulness. She had suffered from

intense anxiety during the Session, and it was with a deep sense of

relief that she found herself able to prorogue both Houses by Commission

on the 14th of August. The Speech from the Throne dwelt on the

advantages derived from cementing the French alliance. The Legislature

was also congratulated on having passed several useful measures--amongst

which those establishing local self-government in the metropolis,

sanctioning the formation of Limited Liability Companies, and abolishing

the stamp duty on newspapers, may be mentioned.

The allusion to the French alliance was made with skill and tact. “You

will come to Paris this summer,” said the Emperor to the Queen when he

was bidding her farewell at Windsor. “Yes,” she replied, “if my public

duties do not prevent me.” These duties it was now obvious would in no

way prevent her, and it was therefore determined that the Queen and her

husband should spend eight days with the Emperor and Empress. The visit

was to begin on the 18th of August, and before that day came round the

British fleet in the Baltic and the allied armies in the Crimea had won

some slight successes, which rendered the war a little less unpopular

than it had been in France. Still, despite the victory at Tchernaya, it

was unpopular. France, according to Frenchmen, was spending blood and

treasure for English interests. The alliance between the two countries

was giving England the time and experience needed to improve her

defective military system--leaving her in relation to France stronger

than ever. As for the political parties--Legitimists, Orleanists, and

Democrats--they looked on the Queen’s visit with hostility, because it

was meant to strengthen the hands of a usurper, whom they all hated. The

visit therefore was not made under auspicious circumstances. Just before

the Queen started on this journey the King of Portugal arrived at

Osborne, and on the 4th of August the Prince tells Stockmar how they had

to lodge him on their yacht, to keep him out of danger from scarlet

fever--the two eldest children in the Royal Family having alone escaped

the malady. Many visits were interchanged, however, between the King and

the Queen and Prince Albert. The Queen, indeed, at the request of her

Ministers, had agreed to persuade King Pedro to join us in the war, a

proposal which he, however, very sensibly rejected.[239]

It was in the early dawn of Saturday, the 18th of August, that the Queen

and Prince Albert, accompanied by the Prince of Wales and the Princess

Royal, embarked at Osborne, and, escorted by a steam squadron, proceeded

to Boulogne, where they arrived at one o’clock in the afternoon. Salutes

of cannon from the heights, volleys of musketry from the troops, and

enthusiastic cheers from the people greeted the visitors. When the Royal

yacht came to the pier the Emperor hastened on board, saluted the Queen,

kissing her hand and both cheeks, and then shook hands with Prince

Albert, the Prince of Wales, and the Princess Royal. The Queen and her

family drove to the station, the Emperor and Marshal Magnan riding on

each side of her carriage. They took train to Paris, where they were

cordially received. From the terminus of the Strasbourg Railway to the

Palace of St. Cloud the houses were all in festal array, and 200,000

National Guards formed a double line for five miles along the route.

This brilliant display was somewhat lost on the Queen, for her arrival

was delayed till seven in the evening. She, however, had the pleasure of

seeing Paris under the flare of illumination, and when she approached

the Arc de Triomphe her escort carried blazing torches, which gave a

strange picturesque effect to the scene. She was welcomed to the Palace

of St. Cloud, which had been set apart for her, by the Empress and the

ladies and high officers of the household; and Prince Albert describes

their reception by the people as “splendid” and “enthusiastic.” The

Queen says in her Diary, “I felt bewildered but enchanted--everything is

so beautiful.” Sunday, the 19th, was devoted to a quiet morning drive

with the Emperor, who was in high spirits over the Crimean news, and to

church-going--service being held in one of the rooms of the palace by

the chaplain to the British Embassy. Then there was a charming drive in

the afternoon to Neuilly, and later on a dinner-party, at which

Canrobert appeared, almost fresh from the Crimean trenches. He sat next

the Queen, and was surprised to find that she was nearly as well

acquainted with the details of the war as he was himself. On Monday, the

20th, the Emperor escorted his guests to breakfast--“the coffee quite

excellent, and all the cookery very plain and very good,” writes the

Queen, and served “on a small round table as we have at home.” A visit

to the Exhibition of Fine Arts, luncheon at the Elysée, a long drive

through the chief streets of Paris, and a theatrical performance in the

evening (at the Palace) of the _Demoiselles de St. Cyr_, formed the

programme. Tuesday, the 21st, was dedicated to a visit to the Palace of

Versailles and the Trianon, associated with mournful memories of Marie

Antoinette and the ladies of her court, who used to retire at times to

this retreat to play at Arcadian simplicity. In the evening, after

dinner, the Queen and her hosts went to the Opera, where her Majesty’s

reception was most cordial and gratifying. The notabilities of Parisian

society were there, and they were all charmed with the easy, cheerful,

high-spirited bearing of the Queen. On Wednesday, the 22nd, she visited

the Exhibition of Industry, remarking that the English exhibits of china

were the most striking. Then she drove to

[Illustration: THE QUEEN AT THE FÊTE IN THE FOREST OF ST. GERMAIN.]

the Tuileries, and accepted an invitation from the Préfet and the

Municipality of Paris to a ball at the Hôtel de Ville. The Queen, Prince

Albert, the Prince of Wales, and Princess Royal next drove through Paris

_incognito_, and in the evening were entertained at a great dinner, at

which eighty guests were present. At this dinner the Queen and the

Emperor talked long and earnestly over the Anglo-French alliance--he

telling her that Drouyn de Lhuys had suggestively reminded him how Louis

Philippe became unpopular because of his alliance with England; the

Queen retorting that it was not Louis Philippe’s friendship with

England, but his insincerity and treachery, which caused his fall. On

Thursday, the 24th, the Louvre was visited, and in the evening the Queen

attended the ball at the Hôtel de Ville--the opening quadrille being

danced by her Majesty, the Emperor, Prince Albert, the Princess

Mathilde, Prince Napoleon, Lady Cowley, Prince Aldebert of Bavaria, and

Mdle. Haussmann, daughter of the Prefect of the Seine. The scene was

brilliant beyond conception. It was a triumph of decorative art having,

as the Queen said, “all the effect of the Arabian Nights.” Picturesque

Arabs from Algeria at one part of the proceedings came forward and did

homage to the Emperor and his guests, staring admiringly at the

Koh-i-noor which the Queen wore in her diadem. The Royal party made the

tour of the rooms, tarrying for a little in the _Salle du Trône_, where

Robespierre was wounded and Louis Philippe proclaimed; and where the

Emperor gallantly said to the Queen, “This occasion will banish from us

all sad remembrances.” On Friday, the 24th, the Queen visited a second

time the Palais d’Industrie, lunched at the École Militaire, and

witnessed a review of the troops. Their smart uniforms, her Majesty

writes, “are infinitely better made and cut than those of our soldiers,

which provokes me much.” After this the Queen drove to the Hôtel des

Invalides, to visit the tomb of the first Emperor. As she stood before

the coffin leaning on the Emperor’s arm, by a strange coincidence, while

the organ of the church was pealing forth the solemn strains of the

English National Anthem, a dreadful thunder storm broke overhead. At

dinner the Emperor and Queen that day entertained each other with

complaints about the incapacity of their generals in the Crimea, and in

the evening another visit, but not in State, was paid to the Opera. On

Saturday, the 24th, the Queen attended a hunt in the forest of St.

Germain, where she was received by the local _curé_ and a bevy of

village maidens, one of whom broke down in the middle of her

complimentary address to the visitors, though when the _curé_ prompted

her, greatly to the Queen’s amusement, she went on glibly to the end. In

the evening there was a grand State Ball at Versailles, the Empress, as

she appeared at the head of the grand staircase, says the Queen,

“looking like a fairy queen or nymph,” and surprising even the Emperor

into exclaiming, “_Comme tu es belle!_” (“How lovely you are!”) After a

splendid display of fireworks there was dancing, and many distinguished

guests were presented to the Queen, amongst others Count Bismarck, then

Prussian Minister to Frankfort. But he did not make himself agreeable to

her Majesty, for when she expressed her admiration for Paris as a

beautiful city, he replied, “Yes, even more beautiful than St.

Petersburg”--a very significant indication of his strong pro-Russian

sympathies. On Sunday, the 26th, Prince Albert’s birthday was quietly

celebrated, and the Queen and Emperor had some serious talk over the

persecution of her friends--the Orleans Princes and Princesses--in the

course of which she very frankly and honestly explained to the Emperor

the precise nature of her relations to them. Monday, the 27th, was

devoted to leave-takings and the journey home. At Boulogne there was an

inspection of troops and the camps of Hensault and Ambleteuse were

visited, and late at night the Queen steamed away in her yacht from

Boulogne Harbour. “_Adieu, Madame, au revoir_,” to which I replied, “_Je

l’espère bien_”--these, according to the Queen, were the parting words

which passed between her and her Imperial host. By half-past eight next

morning her Majesty reached Osborne, finding her younger sons waiting on

the beach to welcome her home.

The Queen was deeply impressed, she says, with the Emperor’s quietness,

gentleness, and simplicity of manner. She felt encouraged to confide in

him without reserve, and was greatly charmed by his kindness and

attention to her children, and his admiration for Prince Albert. The

Prince, however, did not quite share the Queen’s enthusiasm for their

host, though he admitted that the Emperor had great powers of

fascination when he chose to exert them. Lord Clarendon, who was

Minister in attendance on her Majesty, told Mr. Greville that during

this visit “the Queen was delighted with everything, and especially with

the Emperor himself, who, with perfect knowledge of women, had taken the

surest way to ingratiate himself with her. This it seems he began when

he was in England, and followed it up at Paris. After her visit the

Queen talked it all over with Clarendon, and said ‘it is very odd; but

the Emperor knows everything I have done, and where I have been ever

since I was twelve years old; he even recollects how I was dressed, and

a thousand little details it is extraordinary he should be acquainted

with.’ She has never before been on such a social footing with anybody,

and he has approached her with the familiarity of their equal positions,

and with all the experience and knowledge of womankind he has acquired

during his long life, passed in the world and in mixing in every sort of

society. She seemed to have played her part throughout with great

propriety and success. Old Jérôme[240] did not choose to make his

appearance till just at the last moment, because he insisted on being

treated as a king, and having the title of ‘Majesté’ given him--a

pretension Clarendon would not hear of her yielding to.... Clarendon

said nothing could exceed the delight of the Queen at her visit to

Paris, at her reception, at all she saw, and that she was charmed with

the Emperor. They became so intimate, and she on such friendly terms

with him, that she talked to him with the utmost frankness, and even

discussed with him the most delicate of all subjects--the confiscation

of the Orleans property, telling him her opinion upon it. He did not

avoid the subject, and gave her the reasons why he thought himself

obliged to take that course; that he knew all this wealth was employed

in fomenting intrigues against his government, which was so new that it

was necessary to take all precautions to avert such dangers. She replied

that even if this were so, he might have contented himself with

sequestrating the property and restoring it when he was satisfied that

all danger on that score was at an end. I asked Clarendon what he

thought of the Emperor himself, and he said that he liked him and that

he was very pleasing, but he was struck with his being so indolent and

so excessively ignorant. The Prince of Wales was put by the Queen under

Clarendon’s charge, who was desired to tell him what to do in public,

when to bow to the people, and whom to speak to. He said that the

Princess Royal was charming, with excellent manners and full of

intelligence. Both the children were delighted with their _séjour_, and

very sorry to come away. When the visit was drawing to a close, the

Prince said to the Empress that he and his sister were both very

reluctant to leave Paris, and asked if she could not get leave for them

to stay there a little longer. The Empress said she was afraid this

would not be possible, as the Queen and Prince Albert would not be able

to do without them; to which the boy replied, ‘Not do without us! don’t

fancy that, for there are six more of us at home, and they don’t want

_us_.’”[241]

[Illustration: MAP OF CRATHIE AND BRAEMAR.]

Writing to the Dowager Duchess of Coburg from Osborne, on the 30th of

August, Prince Albert says--“We purpose making an escape on the 5th

(September) to our mountain home, Balmoral. We are sorely in want of the

moral rest, and the bodily exercise.” Balmoral was reached on the 7th,

and “the new house,” though not finished, was found to be quite

habitable, and “very comfortable.” The Queen was charmed with its

appearance, and the home-like welcome she received from her dependants,

an old shoe being thrown after her for luck when she entered the Hall.

And truly it brought luck--for in two days afterwards Deeside was ruddy

with the blaze of the bonfire which was lit on Craig Gowan heights to

celebrate the fall of Sebastopol. The bonfire had been prepared the year

before, when the false news of the fall of Sebastopol had arrived, and

the wind had blown it down on Inkermann Day (5th of November). It was

again built up, and on the evening of the 10th, writes Prince Albert to

Stockmar, “it illuminated all the peaks round about, and the whole

scattered population of the valleys understood the sign, and made for

the mountain, where we performed towards midnight a veritable Witches’

Dance, supported by whisky.”[242]

In the same letter the Prince writes, “Prince Fritz William comes here

to-morrow evening. I have received a very friendly letter from the

Princess of Prussia.” This, says Sir Theodore Martin, made Stockmar’s

heart beat fast. He was the recognised matrimonial agent of the House of

Coburg, and one of his cherished projects was to arrange a marriage

between the young and handsome heir of the Prince of Prussia and the

Princess Royal, who, of all the Queen’s children, was in an especial

degree his favourite. The young Prussian Prince was indeed the only

possible suitor in Europe whose prospects rendered him worthy to mate

with a daughter of England. The Queen felt that the day would come when

he would be Heir-Apparent not to the Crown of Prussia, but to the

Imperial Throne of the German Empire. His family was one of the

wealthiest in Europe. His father, afterwards the German Emperor, was a

very dear and valued friend of the Queen and her husband, and the young

Prince Fritz himself had all those qualities of mind and heart which

Prince Albert desired to see in the husband of his eldest child. But the

affair was one of some delicacy, because the Queen abhorred the idea of

what she called “a political marriage;” indeed, as she was on somewhat

unfriendly terms with the King of Prussia, and as Prussia was hated and

despised by the English people at the time, the alliance was, from a

political point of view, far from desirable. Her Majesty, moreover, had

no intention of sanctioning any engagement which might be objectionable

to her daughter, and the ultimate decision, therefore, lay with the

Princess herself, who at the time knew nothing of the hopes or fears

that centred round her. The gossip of Society had connected her name

with that of Prince Frederick William. But on the Queen’s return from

France at the end of August Prince Albert told Lord Clarendon there was

no truth in these rumours.[243] On the 20th of September the Prince laid

his proposal of marriage before the Queen and her husband, and they

accepted it so far as they were concerned, but asked him not to speak to

the Princess on the subject till after her confirmation. The Princess

was only sixteen years of age at the time, and the Queen was of opinion

that there should be no thought of marriage till the following spring,

when her daughter would have passed her seventeenth birthday. On the

23rd Prince Albert writes to Stockmar, telling him that “Victoria is

greatly excited. Still, all goes smoothly and prudently,” and that the

young Prince is “really in love” with the little lady, “who does her

best to please him.” The Crown Prince and Princess of Prussia, he says,

“are in raptures at the turn the affair has taken.” But when a handsome

young Prince is “really in love” with a charming young Princess who

“does her best to please him,” and they are both living in the free,

unrestrained intercourse of English family life in a romantic Highland

retreat, it is hardly practicable to prevent them from coming to an

understanding. The Prussian Prince seems to have appealed successfully

to the Queen’s good nature, and he soon obtained leave to make his

proposal to the Princess before his visit came to an end. “During our

ride up Craig-na-ban,” writes the Queen, in “The Leaves from a Journal,”

“he (Prince Fritz) picked up a piece of white heather (the emblem of

good luck), which he gave to her (the Princess Royal), and this enabled

him to make an allusion to his hopes and wishes as they rode down Glen

Girnoch.” The lady consented, and the happy pair were betrothed. “The

young people,” writes Prince Albert to Stockmar, on the 2nd of October,

“are passionately in love with each other, and the integrity,

guilelessness, and disinterestedness of the Prince are quite touching.”

“Our Fritz,” as the Prince was affectionately called, was no idle youth

of fashion. He was already Colonel of the 1st Foot Guards, and a

thorough soldier.[244] In every branch of the Army he had gone through a

hard apprenticeship, as may be seen from the peremptory instructions

which had been issued when he was ordered to serve with Colonel von

Griesheim’s Dragoons. He had to master every elementary detail of drill

and organisation, and his knowledge was tested by stern judges.[245]

Col. von Griesheim gives the following account of an interview he had

with Prince Fritz’s mother in the autumn of 1854:--“Prince Frederick

William,” he says, “was then twenty-three. He was a young man of notably

amiable manners. I received orders to wait upon his mother the Princess

at the Palace, when she told me that she wished to speak to me as the

new Commander of the Regiment, and I must do her the justice to say that

she did not allow her motherly love for a son, or her anxiety to secure

his personal comforts, to stand in the way of his duty. On the contrary,

she begged me that I would in no way unduly spare the Prince, but insist

on his learning his profession in every branch, so that he might be in a

position to judge what was the real amount of labour which a military

life entailed. She also desired that in non-military matters no special

external respect might be shown him, expressing, at the same time, her

confidence that neither I nor my brother-officers would abuse the

relationship in which we were placed. She was sure I should not forget

that it was the training of our future king that was entrusted to me,

and that I should recognise the obligation of setting things in their

true light, that a true judgment might be formed concerning them. The

Princess was proceeding to talk over a number of incidental matters

when, quite unaccompanied, the Prince of Prussia came into the room. He

looked surprised, and said, ‘Ah! I see the new Commander is receiving

the orders of the dear mamma.’ He laughed good-humouredly, and holding

out his hand with the cordiality peculiar to him, added that I did not

need any instruction from him, and that the length of time he had known

me was a guarantee that the Prince was in good hands. Turning to his

wife he smiled, and said in an undertone, “I trained Griesheim, and now

he shall train our son.’”[246]

Prince Frederick William had thoroughly fulfilled the hopes of his

parents and his tutor, and he was precisely the type of man likely to

win favour in Prince Albert’s eyes. It was, therefore, with supreme

disgust that the Queen and her husband discovered an attempt would be

made to prejudice public opinion against the marriage. The engagement

was not to be announced till after Easter. And yet the _Times_ began to

attack the Queen, Prince Albert, and the Prussian Court, for bringing

about such an alliance. The country was told that the Princess Royal was

being sacrificed to “a paltry German dynasty,” and Prince Fritz was

jeered at as a poor creature, who would have to pick up a livelihood in

the Russian service, and “pass these years which flattering anticipation

now destines to a Crown, in ignominious attendance as a General Officer

on the levee of his Imperial master, having lost even the privilege of

his birth, which is conceded to no German in Russia.” Malignity as well

as ignorance inspired this abuse, for it was at that time the cue of a

certain section of polite society to hold Prince Albert up to odium on

every possible occasion as a tool of the despotic European Courts. As a

matter of fact, the young Prince’s sympathies were with the Opposition

rather than with the Government in Prussia, and he was in the habit of

seeking Prince Albert’s advice as to how he should steer his course in

the stormy sea of Prussian politics. Very sound and wise guidance did

the Prince get from his future father-in-law, who viewed with delight

and hopefulness his assiduous efforts to fit himself for his high

destiny. “In another way,” he writes to the young Prince, “Vicky is also

busy; she has learned much in various directions.... She now comes to me

every evening from six to seven, when I put her through a kind of

general catechising, and, in order to give precision to her ideas, I

make her work out certain subjects by herself, and bring me the results

to be revised. Thus she is now engaged in writing a short compendium of

Roman history.”[247]

[Illustration: THE WOOING OF THE PRINCESS ROYAL.]

On the 30th of November the King of Sardinia, accompanied by Count

Cavour, arrived in London to visit the Queen and Prince Albert. A

rough, frank, good-humoured cavalry officer, passionately devoted to

field sports, and fired with an ardent love of Italy and a bitter hatred

of all foes of Italian Unity--such was our ally, Victor Emmanuel. He had

been preceded by his social reputation in Paris, which was, in truth,

such as to make the Queen somewhat nervous. Lord Malmesbury, writing in

his Diary on the 29th of November, says, “The King of Sardinia, who is

here (Paris), is as vulgar and coarse as possible.”[248]

[Illustration: COUNT CAVOUR.]

However, his Majesty was received with much kindness by the English

people, and on the day after his arrival the Queen and Prince took him

to see Woolwich Arsenal and the Hospitals, only too well filled with

wounded Crimean soldiers. The Artillery Parade on the Common was viewed

by the King with great delight. On Monday, the 3rd of December, Prince

Albert accompanied his Royal guest to Spithead, where they inspected

the fleet and went over the old _Victory_, and a new ship of war, to be

named after his Majesty. On Tuesday, the 4th, Victor Emmanuel visited

the City of London in State, where he met with an effusive welcome, that

greatly impressed him. The reply to the Address presented to him by the

Corporation, which was delivered by the King--though “writ in choice

Italian” for him by his crafty mentor, Cavour--pledging him to support

us to the last in our struggle with Russia if the peace negotiations

then going on failed, vastly increased his popularity. Next day he was

invested by the Queen with the Order of the Garter, and on Thursday he

left at five o’clock in the morning for Boulogne. It was bitterly cold

and bleak, yet, to the surprise of Cavour, the Queen was up betimes to

bid her guest farewell, with all the cordiality of a true English

hostess. Many good stories, most of which will not bear repetition here,

were told of this visit. “I was presented,” writes Lord Malmesbury on

the 5th of December, “to the King of Sardinia by Prince Albert, who told

him that I was an ‘_Ancien Ministre d’Affaires Etrangères_.’ ‘_A quelle

époque?_’ answered the King. I said, ‘In 1852, under Lord Derby’s

Government.’ The King replied, ‘_Que faites-vous à présent?_’ To which

the Prince said, ‘_II fait de l’opposition, car il faut toujours faire

quelque chose dans ce pays_.’ ‘_Ah_,’ replied the King, ‘_donc vous êtes

opposé à mon voyage en Angleterre, et à mon alliance_.’”[249] Lord

Clarendon, says Mr. Greville, “gave me an account of his conversations

both with the King and Cavour. He thinks well of the King, and that he

is intelligent, and he has a very high opinion indeed of Cavour, and was

especially struck with his knowledge of England, and our institutions

and constitutional history. I was much amused after all the praises that

have been lavished on Sardinia for the noble part she has played, and

for taking up arms in so _unselfish_ a manner, that she has, after all,

a keen view to her own interests, and wants some solid pudding as well

as so much empty praise.” In fact, Sardinia wanted some territorial

advantage, which, of course, in view of our relations with Austria at

the time, England could not obtain for her. Hence Victor Emmanuel

complained that after spending 40,000,000 francs on the war, he had

nothing to show his people for it.[250] “The King and his people,”

writes Mr. Greville, “are far better satisfied with their reception here

than in France, where, under much external civility, there was very

little cordiality, the Emperor’s intimate relations with Austria

rendering him little inclined towards the Piedmontese. Here the Queen

was wonderfully cordial and attentive. She got up at five in the morning

to see him depart. His Majesty appears to be frightful in person, but a

great, strong, burly, athletic man, brusque in his manners, unrefined in

his conversation, very loose in his conduct, and eccentric in his

habits. When he was at Paris his talk in society amused or terrified

everybody, but here he seems to have been more guarded. It was amusing

to see all the religious societies hastening with their addresses to

him, totally forgetting that he is the most dissolute fellow in the

world; but the fact of his being excommunicated by the Pope and his

waging war with the ecclesiastical power in his own country covers every

sin against morality, and he is a great hero with the Low Church people

and Exeter Hall. My brother-in-law said he looked at Windsor more like a

chief of the Heruli or Longobardi than a modern Italian prince, and the

Duchess of Sutherland said that of all the Knights of the Garter she had

seen, he was the only one who seemed as if he would have the best of it

with the Dragon.”[251] If Clarendon expressed to Mr. Greville great

admiration for the Sardinian Monarch, he must have been of a singularly

forgiving disposition. For Lord Malmesbury says that when Prince Albert

presented Lord Clarendon to his Majesty as the Secretary of State for

Foreign Affairs, Victor Emmanuel remarked, “_J’ai entendu parler de

vous_,” adding, “_C’est fini_,” which, says Lord Malmesbury, in plain

English meant--“Be off. I’ve nothing more to say to you.”[252]

On the 6th of October, 1854, the Queen had issued a Royal Warrant for

regulating promotion and retirement in the army, which now caused her

much vexation. The warrant enabled lieutenant-colonels, after three

years’ service, to become by right full colonels. This privilege was

confined to line regiments, and the officers of the Guards accordingly

sent a memorial to the Crown begging that it should be extended to them

also. Prince Albert, as Colonel of the Grenadiers, had signed their

petition, and in the middle of December the _Times_ attacked him with

great acrimony for pampering the Guards, and charged him with using his

influence over the Queen for purposes of military jobbery. The old

story, accusing the Prince of interfering with the army and of having

intrigued to become Commander-in-Chief, was vamped up again. It has

already been seen that these accusations were absolutely false, and the

impossibility of contradicting them publicly gave her Majesty great

pain. She knew nothing about the Guards’ memorial, and all the Prince

knew about it was that he had signed it as a matter of formality,

because it was only through him as their colonel, that the officers of

his regiment could, according to the regulations, forward any petition

to the Government. The memorial was dealt with by the Secretary of

State, Lord Panmure, who, as a matter of fact, did _not_ grant its

prayer. That the Prince sometimes interfered with military

administration was quite true. When the War Department broke down he

toiled hard to help the Duke of Newcastle to set it on its legs again.

When the Queen began to fret over the meagreness of Raglan’s despatches,

he showed the Department how to draw up a series of forms that would

compel Raglan to keep the Secretary of State fully aware from day to

day of the state of the Crimean army. When the Prince of Prussia wrote

to him warning him that the conduct of the English officers in the

Crimea, who were supposed to be deserting their posts “on urgent private

affairs,” was bringing disgrace on the name of England, Prince Albert

did what ought to have been done by Lord Panmure, when the story was

promulgated in the press--that is to say, he sifted the facts, and gave

the lie direct to the slanderous fable.[253] To these attacks the Prince

had become indifferent; but they irritated the Queen, who resented their

injustice, and chafed against her powerlessness to give them public

denial.

[Illustration: BALACLAVA: AT PEACE.

(_From a Drawing made Twenty-Five Years after the Crimean War._)]

[Illustration: CATHCART’S HILL, CRIMEA.]

The Life and Times of Queen Victoria; vol. 2 of 4 · 第 12 / 18 章