CHAPTER I

A PRISONER OF THE REDS

[Illustration: THE TSARINA AND TSAREVICH. _Frontispiece._]

A PRISONER OF THE REDS

THE STORY OF A BRITISH OFFICER

CAPTURED IN SIBERIA

BY FRANCIS McCULLAGH

CAPTAIN, ROYAL IRISH FUSILIERS

WITH ILLUSTRATIONS

“Wer den Feind will verstehn muss in Feindes Lande gehn”

LONDON

JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W. 1

1921

_All rights reserved_

DEDICATED TO

MY COMRADES

THE BRITISH OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS CAPTURED

WITH ME AT KRASNOYARSK, SIBERIA,

JANUARY 6, 1920

PREFACE

I attempt in the following pages to give some account of my experiences

among the Bolsheviks from January to April of the year 1920. My story is

neither Propaganda for Bolshevism nor Propaganda against it. I simply

give all the facts, whether they tell against Communism or in its favour;

and, if I indulge in deductions from those facts, my readers are at

liberty to draw whatever other deductions they like. The main thing is

that all the facts be placed before them; and that I have tried my best

to do. The result may possibly be that this book will displease not

only the Bolsheviks, but also those equally fanatical anti-Bolsheviks

who believe that Lenin and Trotsky lead lives of phenomenal debauchery,

that cannibalism is common in Moscow, that all Russian women have been

nationalized, that the Red Army is composed of Letts and Chinese who

have to be driven into action by means of whips and machine-guns, and

that anyone who disputes these facts is a Bolshevik himself. I really

hate Bolshevism as much as these people do, but I also hate Propaganda

in so far as that word means the selection of all the facts supporting

a certain theory, and the deliberate suppression of all the facts which

tell against that theory, or _vice versa_. Even during the Great War

Propaganda probably did more harm than good to every nation which made

use of it. Laughed at by the soldiers, distrusted by the general public,

regarded with unspeakable contempt by independent journalists, it was

too often used merely for the purpose of screening Governments which had

miscalculated and Generals who had blundered. The only good Propaganda

is propaganda of the truth; it is amazing that none of the belligerent

Governments ever recognized the tremendous advantages such a form of

Propaganda possesses over the other kind. Of that other kind my own

experiences as a combatant at the Front during the war showed me the

futility and even danger. I will briefly narrate two of these experiences.

A raid was once made on German trenches in Serbia with the object of

ascertaining if the Germans were still there or had been replaced by

Bulgarians. It was a successful raid, so successful in fact that, instead

of withdrawing the raiding-party from the German trenches, G.H.Q. left

them there some twelve hours while it tried to think out a scheme for

pushing on still further, with the result that they were subjected to

a murderous bombardment and finally driven out with heavy loss by a

counter-attack. An English newspaper correspondent on the spot wrote a

perfectly correct description of this operation, giving well-deserved

praise to the brave Welsh and Lancashire battalions which had carried it

out, but also telling, quite simply, how they had been forced to retire.

As all the second part of his description was eliminated by the Censor,

nothing appeared in the British Press but a one-sided report conveying

the impression that the British had established themselves permanently

in the German trenches. The effect of this report on the survivors of

the raid and on the whole Salonika Army was bad; it seriously shook the

confidence of our troops in the optimistic official reports from all the

other Fronts, more especially as the German account of this particular

operation, which was published in the English newspapers, was absolutely

accurate.

My second instance is from Kolchak’s Army. In June, 1919, a Russian

Colonel who had escaped from the Bolsheviks delivered a lecture on

Bolshevism at Omsk, under the auspices of Admiral Kolchak. It was an

able, restrained, and crushing condemnation of the Soviet Government, but

the speaker admitted, what is quite true, that the Reds work extremely

hard. This admission infuriated one of the audience, an old “dug-out”

Tsarist General, who forthwith jumped to his feet and interrupted the

lecturer by loud and violent protestations that he had not come there to

hear the Bolsheviks praised. He finally left the hall in a terrible rage,

and five months later he was running for his life from Omsk owing to the

fact that Kolchak’s whole army had crumbled to pieces, because most of

its leaders had made no attempt during the year they ruled Siberia to

emulate the tireless industry of the Reds.

The Bolshevik Government would not now be in existence were it not for

two facts: (1) Intervention, which united all Russians and led to the

creation of the Red Army; (2) injudicious and exaggerated anti-Bolshevik

Propaganda, which created among the working-classes a certain sympathy

for the Reds, and finally paralyzed intervention. Every London editor

and every British politician knows that unduly violent attacks even on

a criminal tend, in this country, to cause a reaction in his favour,

especially if some of the charges are found to be false; and I have

often wished, most fervently, after reading descriptions of Muscovite

cannibalism, that there was an _advocatus diaboli_ at every editor’s

elbow. The truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, would

inflict far greater injury on Bolshevism than the most appalling

exaggerations and diatribes. Had it not been for these exaggerations

and diatribes, and the suspicion that they were partly due to the

preponderance of the aristocratic and capitalist interests in our Press,

all British workmen would have realized long ago that, instead of being

the underdog, the Reds are merely a gang of adventurers who have deprived

the Russian Proletariat of all liberty and brought discredit on the cause

of democracy in every part of the world. They would have seen that the

things which they admire in Bolshevism are not Bolshevik at all, but

are borrowed without acknowledgment from Tsarist times and from Russian

Liberal parties. Ten years ago there were in the principal towns of

Russia free theatres for the people and many splendid orphanages, but the

Reds now point out these theatres and orphanages to visitors as if they

had founded them. The very name Soviet is not Bolshevik, and the Soviet

system dates from a period long anterior to 1917. As Prince Kropotkin

points out in his letter to the Western Democracies published last July

in the British Press, the Bolsheviks have been bitter opponents of the

Soviet system, which they have in fact destroyed. The craze for education

and the breaking down of class barriers for which the Reds take all

the credit are due to the Russian Liberals who ruled Russia after the

abdication of the Tsar. Lenin has, in fact, stolen the thunder of the

Revolution, but this must not lead us to describe that particular thunder

as the voice of the Devil, when it is really the voice at the great

Russian people. It was this mistake which ruined Kolchak and Denikin.

There is plenty of pure Bolshevik thunder let loose from the Kremlin, and

that we can all denounce as much as we like, for it is directed not only

against Christianity, but also against democracy.

There are in Bolshevism noble phrases and splendid schemes which are not

especially Bolshevik at all, but are borrowed from the movement that

overthrew the Tsar and all he stood for. Had the Reds never appeared on

the scene, those phrases would have been lived up to and those theories

carried into practice, and the majority of people in England would

have applauded. Now that the Reds have taken possession of them, we in

England are too much inclined to regard them as typically Bolshevik, and

to condemn them wholesale. One out of the combination of forces which

hurled Kolchak from Omsk and Denikin from Ekaterinodar was the same force

that had hurled Nicholas the Second from his throne, and, though it is

harnessed at present to the war-chariot of Bolshevism, it should be our

aim not to keep it there permanently, but to unharness it, remove its

apprehensions, and make it understand that we sympathize fully with its

fierce hatred of autocracy and militarism and with all its legitimate

aspirations. So far, unfortunately, we have done exactly the opposite.

That there are publications in this country which omit everything that

tells against the Bolsheviks is unhappily true; and things have, in

fact, come to such a pass that it would be easier and more profitable to

publish a book giving either side of the question than to publish a book

giving both sides. On the one hand, there are British organizations which

would buy whole editions of books which were from beginning to end one

long tirade against Bolshevism, and Russian organizations which would

promise very dazzling rewards, at a period which cannot now be remote,

to the authors of such books. On the other hand, there is—well, an

organization which gives away jewelry; and, between the two of them, poor

John Bull is in a position which really excites my pity.

If any reader is kind enough to remark that an author who, under these

circumstances, caters for neither of these extreme parties deserves

credit, I would at once assure him that practically all the credit is

due to the publisher who accepts such an author’s book, especially at a

time like the present, when the publishing trade has to contend with such

great and unprecedented difficulties.

I have stated above that intervention and anti-Bolshevik Propaganda

helped the Bolsheviks rather than injured them. Had it not been for

intervention there would be no sympathy for the Reds in this country,

and there would be no Red Army in Russia. The Bolsheviks are Pacifists

and anti-Militarists who were enabled to seize the reins of power

through their denunciation of war, and they could never have induced a

single soldier to fight for them if they had not been attacked from the

outside. Their military helplessness in 1918 was ludicrous. Sometimes a

dozen armed Czechs captured towns with a population of 50,000. The Czech

conquest of Siberia was like the Spanish conquest of Mexico. Had the

Bolsheviks been let alone they would have been overthrown a year ago by

some movement originating inside Russia. Russian Communism is like a top

kept spinning by external propulsion. Once the external action ceases,

the top will fall. Bolshevism is contrary to human nature. It can no more

persist in time of peace than a cone at rest can stand on its apex.

Several of my most sensational experiences I have had to omit, as even

the most discreet account of them would compromise people who are still

in Russia; but I have made a full report of these experiences to the

proper authorities in this country. Other experiences I can never publish

so long as there is a Bolshevik Government in Russia.

I might add that the publication of this book has been delayed by the

continued detention of my fellow-prisoners in Siberia. I felt that it

would be inadvisable for me to publish it until they had all crossed the

frontier—firstly, because the fact that they had helped me to escape

might have brought down on them the vengeance of the Bolsheviks; and,

secondly, because a message received from them last February indicated

that somebody who had joined them after my departure was impersonating

me, with the intention apparently of leaving Russia under my name. As I

explain in the text, I had been registered at Krasnoyarsk both as an

officer and as a civilian. When the civilian went to Moscow, my comrades

had apparently got somebody to play the part of the officer; and it was

very good for me that they did so, as the prisoners had to report once a

week, and as, if my absence had been discovered, my peregrinations as an

alleged journalist would soon have been cut short.

I have not had time, since my return from Russia, to read any of the

numerous accounts which have been written about the present condition

of that country, so that the picture which I here draw has this merit

at least, that it is taken direct from nature and not copied from other

drawings. In fact, most of the book was written by me in shorthand during

my journey from Krasnoyarsk, and my stay in Ekaterinburg and Moscow. I

can also claim, I think, to be the only foreigner who has circulated

freely in Red Siberia and Red Russia without having had a Bolshevik

“guide” attached to him or Bolshevik preparations made to receive him. In

Krasnoyarsk, Ekaterinburg, and for some time in Moscow, the Bolsheviks

completely lost track of me, and, in my Siberian fur cap and dilapidated

sheepskin coat, I wandered wherever I liked. The best testimonial I

ever received to the perfection of my “make-up” was the undisguised

incredulity with which that excellent clergyman, the Rev. Frank North,

received me in Moscow. “You mean to tell _me_ that _you_ are a British

officer!” he cried three times, each time in a so much louder tone of

voice, and with such increased emphasis on the personal pronouns, that

his final shout might almost be described as a roar of indignation.

Several of the following chapters have already appeared in various

periodicals, especially the _Nineteenth Century_ and the _Fortnightly

Review_; and I thank the various editors in question for their permission

to reprint those contributions. I must also thank my friend Professor

Francis de Zulueta, of All Souls College, Oxford, for his invaluable

assistance in seeing this book through the press during my absence from

England.

FRANCIS MCCULLAGH.

LONDON, _October, 1920._

CONTENTS

PAGES

PREFACE vii

CHAPTER I.—THE FLIGHT FROM OMSK

By train to Novo-Nikolaevsk—Congested railway lines—Questions of

precedence—Train-jumping—“Bad joss”—A broken coupling—Successful

bribery 1-11

CHAPTER II.—WE TAKE TO SLEIGHS

At Bolotnaya—We board ammunition-sleighs—Stripping the

dead—Hospital ghouls—Drinking motor spirit—Sufferings and

patience of the peasants—I nearly get lost—Colonel Ivantsev—I

reach Taiga 12-20

CHAPTER III.—CAPTURED

To Krasnoyarsk by train—The mysterious Three—The Whites

disarmed—Polite captors—We are disarmed by the Reds—Red

fanaticism—“We never kill prisoners”—Drunk with words—A

confused situation—Russian Christmas Eve, January 6, 1920 21-26

CHAPTER IV.—SOME HORRORS OF THE RETREAT

Fear of the Reds—And of Siberia—Russian

barbarity—Typhus-hospitals at Novo-Nikolaevsk—And at

Taiga—Mortality on the Retreat—Collapse of morality—Families

scattered—Fate of young girls 27-40

CHAPTER V.—FACE TO FACE WITH BOLSHEVISM

We are ignored—Impracticable schemes for escape—Krasnoyarsk—A

topsy-turvy world—Bolshevik ignorance of England—An interview

with the Red Governor—Class-warfare—We are kept as hostages 41-46

CHAPTER VI.—WE LEAVE OUR TRAIN

Impersonality of Bolshevik government—Our Omsk money becomes

valueless—We are helped by Mr. Yates—Captain Horrocks—Housing

difficulties—Militarist methods—Crowded quarters—Helpless

refugees—Compulsory registration—My growing horror of

Bolshevism—Captain Martel—English indiscretion—“The French

Uncle” 47-55

CHAPTER VII.—I BECOME A CIVILIAN

Difficulties with the Commissars—“You can work or fight for the

Communists”—Threatened with the Concentration Camp—I register

as a journalist—We sell British equipment—Captain Horrocks

gets us all registered—I acquire a dual personality—We give

lessons—An accomplished sergeant—New men, new manners—“No

Hand-shaking”—Old-fashioned Russian generosity—Bolshevik

leaders and manual labour 56-63

CHAPTER VIII.—IN RED KRASNOYARSK

Red rejoicings—Abandoned horses—Statistics—Reds in British

uniform—Mistakes that resulted—B.R.C. supplies—An unsatisfactory

barter 64-69

CHAPTER IX.—I ESCAPE

I leave my comrades—A murdered White officer—Agents with false

passports—My credentials—My exertions on behalf of my comrades—I

get permission to go to Ekaterinburg—A hurried start—49° below

zero 70-75

CHAPTER X.—THE JOURNEY TO EKATERINBURG

Russian railway engineers—Sverdlov—Dovgolevsky—Educated

Bolsheviks’ great interest in intellectual and economic

problems—Life and work on the train—Insatiable workers—Technical

experts desire to leave Russia—Their unsatisfactory status—Car

No. 1167—Repair of bridges—Abandoned White rolling-stock—Safety

of Colonel Johnston—Rise in prices at Novo-Nikolaevsk—Von

Blücher—Terror at Omsk—The “Cheka”—Our train is searched 76-87

CHAPTER XI.—TROTSKY IN EKATERINBURG

The Army of Labour—The _Red Tocsin_—The Soviet Government

composed of journalists—Trotsky—His appetite for work—Shovelling

snow—He deals with the D.M.S.—Propaganda by poster—“Packed”

public meetings—“The Fight against Economic Ruin”—Trotsky’s

contempt for democracy—His train—His Jewish adaptability—His

oratory—Failure of the Army of Labour—Bureaucracy—Place-hunters 88-107

CHAPTER XII.—IN A “PROPAGANDA HALL”

Cartoons and posters—Crowd-psychology—“Workers of the world,

unite!”—Multiplication of Government institutions—A Bolshevik

guide—Communism in action—Private enterprise killed—A meeting

of the Provincial Soviet—Soviet eating-houses—Marketing—Passive

resistance of the peasants 108-123

CHAPTER XIII.—THE MURDER OF THE TSAR

The Ippatievsky Dom at Ekaterinburg—Metvietev—Yurovsky—Lettish

Guards—July 16, 1918—Goloshokin—Yurovsky wakes the Imperial

Family—They go down to the cellar—A pathetic procession—Faithful

servants—Yurovsky reads the order for the executions—He shoots

the Tsar—The massacre—The Grand Duchess Tatiana—The bodies thrown

on to motor-lorries—Yurovsky’s anxiety to destroy all traces

of his crime—He is shunned by the Bolsheviks—And repulsed by

Lenin—Interview with Yurovsky, March 18, 1920 124-152

CHAPTER XIV.—THE BURIAL OF THE TSAR

Kopchiki Wood—Captain Pometkovsky—Remains discovered—Crown

jewels—Use of sulphuric acid—The cremation—Return of the

lorries to Ekaterinburg—Prokofy’s tale—Metvietev has the

cellar at Ippatievsky Dom cleaned—Letters of the Tsarina—The

charwomen—False reports circulated—Evidence of Kouzma

Letemin—And of Anatoly Yakimov—Treatment and behaviour

of the Imperial Family at Ekaterinburg—Their piety—Their

courtesy—Pankratov’s account of the Imperial Family and

their suite 153-185

CHAPTER XV.—THE CITY OF DREADFUL HUNGER

By train to Moscow—A fellow-traveller—Is he Metvietev?—Derelict

rolling-stock—Civilization relapses into barbarism—A changed

city—Disillusionment of my fellow-travellers—Desolation and

famine—Contrast with pre-war conditions—Bolshevism kills

private initiative—Resulting demoralization 186-197

CHAPTER XVI.—THE MYSTERIES OF MOSCOW

Government without law—Chicherin’s assistants—Lost folk—The

last first and the first last—Clumsy White conspirators—Lenin

tolerates anarchism—“The Union of Five Oppressed”—“Russian

Friends of American Freedom”—Many Bolsheviks desire to leave

Russia—And to evangelize the British workman—Jewish Communists’

missionary zeal—Dr. Karlin imprisoned 198-205

CHAPTER XVII.—MY LIFE IN MOSCOW

In a railway carriage—Impassable streets—Food-control—Catholic

churches and priests—Bolshevik intellectuals—Their theories

of education—Libraries nationalized—Christian literature

banned—Bolshevik literature—The destruction of pre-revolutionary

records and newspapers not an unmixed evil—Classic

drama—Lunacharsky—educating the public taste 206-219

CHAPTER XVIII.—THE RED TSAR AND HIS GUESTS

I am moved to a Soviet “guest-house”—The underworld

of the Third International—Intrigues with Korea and

Japan—Captain Sadul—Professor Barrakatula—Pan-Mahommedan

Congress, April, 1920—Intrigues in India, Central Asia,

and Turkey—Lenin—His appearance—His frugality—Germans in

Moscow—Concession-hunters—Financiers—Diplomats—A Bolshevik

“atmosphere” 220-232

CHAPTER XIX.—THE BOLSHEVIK F.O. AND THE FOREIGN PRESS

Foreign journalists enter Russia by underground

methods—Unscrupulous editors—Correspondents used as instruments

of Bolshevik propaganda—Their false position—The guests of the

Soviet—No free intercourse allowed them—They are shepherded

by skilfully selected interpreters—Independent and honest

journalism impossible—Litvinov—The People’s Commissariat of

Foreign Affairs—Rosenberg and Feinberger—The censorship—Its

intolerance—Chicherin—Burke quoted—Feeling of impermanence—A

tea-party 233-251

CHAPTER XX.—THE BOLSHEVIK NEWS AGENCY

I get into the Kremlin—The Rosta—An exhibition—Nationalization

of the Press—A poetic schoolmaster—“Talent

charts”—Kerzhentsev—Communist propaganda in the

provinces—Manufacturing public opinion—The wireless

service—Propaganda overreaches itself 252-261

CHAPTER XXI.—AN INTERVIEW WITH THE PATRIARCH

Patriarch Tikhon—His views on Church and State—Strangulation

of the Church by State control of communications—future of

religion in Russia—the Catholic Church—Polish clergy—Communist

schools—The Jews—The Freemasons 262-268

CHAPTER XXII.—IN THE DUNGEONS OF THE EXTRAORDINARY COMMISSION

I am arrested—And searched—The offices of the Vecheka—The police

station—Youthful policemen—I am searched again—The Governor of

the jail—Solitary confinement—My cell—Female prisoners—Mental

effects of isolation—“Who had given me away?”—Consolations—Bad

diet—Xenofontov and Mogilevsky—I am interrogated—And released 269-285

CHAPTER XXIII.—LENINISM: THE DESIGN OF THE BOLSHEVIKS

Theory of Bolshevism—The Proletariat and the

Parasites—Anti-nationalism of the Bolsheviks—But they

foment nationalist movements abroad—Their political

dishonesty—Lenin—His fanaticism—Landau-Aldanov quoted—Lenin

the prophet of “internationalism”—Radek’s “Bolshevik

Party”—The peace with Esthonia—Bolshevik accomplices and

sympathizers abroad—“The Government of the Poor and of the

Oppressed”—Lunacharsky—Bolshevik emblems—Historical parallels

afforded by the Reformation and the French Revolution—The

spread of communistic and revolutionary ideas abroad is

necessary for the continued existence of Bolshevism in

Russia—Relations of the Commissariat of Foreign Affairs with the

Third International—Commissar Feinberg—Forging passports and

foreign paper money—Historical and political comparisons with

Japan—Bolshevik misgivings—“Illusions, myths, and ghosts” 286-301

CHAPTER XXIV.—ABOARD THE GOOD SHIP “DONGOLA”

Failure of Bolshevism to suppress militarism and

capitalism—Foreign capitalists—Corruption and

profiteering—Bureaucracy—The Bolshevik oligarchy—Probable

reaction—I leave Russia under the Litvinov-O’Grady

agreement—I decline Bolshevik offers of employment as a

journalist—Marriage-bells—Helsingfors Harbour 302-310

APPENDIX

KOLCHAK’S GOLD TRAIN (_Chapter I., p. 6_) 311

BURNING OF A RED CROSS TRAIN (_Chapter I., p. 6_) 311

WRITINGS ON STATION WALLS (_Chapter IV., p. 38_) 312

THE PROPAGANDA HALL AT EKATERINBURG (_Chapter XII., p. 109_) 312

BOLSHEVIK JOURNALISM (_Chapter XX., p. 252_) 313

THE PEASANTS (_Chapter XII., p. 122_) 314

MOSCOW (_Chapter XV., p. 192_) 317

BOLSHEVIK MODERNISM 318

TYPHUS (_Chapter IV., p. 31_) 320

CONDITIONS IN EKATERINBURG (_Chapter XII., p. 123_) 323

THE RUSSIAN WHITES (_Chapter IV., p. 36_) 323

WHITE TROOPS WHO JOINED THE REDS (_Chapter VIII., p. 67_) 325

TRADE WITH CAPITALIST COUNTRIES 327

THE IMPERIAL FAMILY (_Chapter XIII., p. 134_) 328

LENIN (_Chapter XXIII., p. 289_) 329

THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT 332

MY BOLSHEVIK TRAVELLING COMPANIONS (_Chapter X., p. 76_) 333

THE RED LABOUR ARMY (_Chapter XI., p. 89_) 334

WORKMEN IN FACTORIES (_Chapter XXIV., p. 306_) 335

THE MILITARY POSITION IN SIBERIA 335

THE EDUCATION OF THE PROLETARIAT (_Chapter XI., p. 89_) 337

INDEX 341

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

THE TSARINA AND TSAREVICH _Frontispiece_

FACING PAGE

THE “WORKMEN’S AND SOLDIERS’ DEPUTIES” OF EKATERINBURG, JULY,

1918 xviii

AMMUNITION BEING BLOWN UP BEFORE THE EVACUATION OF EKATERINBURG

BY KOLCHAK 2

GROUP INCLUDING GENERAL SAKHAROV, GENERAL KOLCHAK, AND THE AUTHOR 4

CORPSE OF THE GRAND DUKE JOHN 82

CORPSE OF THE GRAND DUCHESS ELIZABETH 82

THE RED TOCSIN 88

IPPATIEVSKY DOM, EKATERINBURG 124

TWO SNOW SCENES ON THE FINNISH FRONTIER 310

[Illustration: THE “WORKMEN’S AND SOLDIERS’ DEPUTIES” OF EKATERINBURG,

JULY, 1918. _To face p. xvii._

THE “WORKMEN’S AND SOLDIERS’ DEPUTIES” OF EKATERINBURG WHO ALL SIGNED THE

TSAR’S DEATH WARRANT, JULY, 1918.

Central figure with cap is Comrade Sosnovsky, a prominent but mysterious

Bolshevik probably engaged to the beautiful Miss Yurovsky. On his right

is Bykov, formerly an officer. Next to him is Beloborodov, President of

the Regional Soviet of Ekaterinburg. Standing upright behind Sosnovsky is

Safarov, a powerful Bolshevik with a position on the Executive Committee

of the party. He is not an Ekaterinburg man, but came to Ekaterinburg

from Moscow nominally to occupy an unimportant post, but really to

act as the secret agent of Lenin among the Ural Bolsheviks, who,

being miners, were inclined to be headstrong and to defy even Moscow.

Safarov accompanied Lenin on his famous train journey through Germany

to Russia in a sealed carriage. At the extreme right of the first row

is Goloshokin, a Commissar who occupied somewhat the same position as

Safarov, and who worked hand in glove with him. At the extreme left of

the back row is Tuntul, formerly a subaltern in the old army. Many of

these men were neither workmen nor soldiers, but all signed the Tsar’s

death-warrant. The device on the Red Flag behind them reads “Soviet

of Workmen’s and Soldiers’ Deputies.” This picture was taken before

epaulettes were abolished.]

A PRISONER OF THE REDS

CHAPTER I

THE FLIGHT FROM OMSK

At the beginning of November, 1919, I was a member of the British

Military Mission at Omsk, which was then, apparently, about to fall into

the hands of the Bolsheviks. The British Military Mission and the British

Railway Mission (which I shall hereafter designate the B.M.M. and the

B.R.M. respectively) occupied a house in the town. General Sir Alfred

Knox lived, as he had always done, in his special train, and intended

to leave about a week before the end, bringing with him all the British

civilians and all the B.M.M. officers save four. These four, of whom I

was one, were instructed to stay behind as long as possible in order to

obtain the latest information, and with us were a number of officers and

other ranks belonging to the B.R.M.

General Knox left on November 7, and the situation rapidly darkened after

his departure. The streets became filled, first with civilian refugees,

and then with the retreating soldiers of the White Army; and there was

a hopeless muddle at the railway station, which was blocked by hundreds

of trains. Finally, on November 13, when the Reds had nearly reached the

Irtysh River, on the east bank of which Omsk is situated, we transferred

ourselves to railway carriages which the B.R.M. had prepared for us and

for themselves. But even then there was some difficulty in getting away

owing to the confusion and to several ominous instances of sabotage

on the part of the Russian railwaymen. We were blocked some time, for

example, by an engine in front of us being allowed to get “cold,” which

means that the fire was allowed to die out, with the result that the

water in the pipes got frozen, and the pipes themselves were damaged

in such a way that, under the circumstances, repair was impossible. At

length, on November 14, we managed to leave just in the nick of time, for

the Reds reached the other side of the Irtysh the same day and captured

Omsk on November 15.

Then began a stern pursuit across a thousand miles of frozen steppe, a

pursuit which lasted till January 6, and which ended in our capture on

that date at Krasnoyarsk. We should never have been captured, however,

had we not been greatly handicapped by having to look after a number of

Russian ladies and aged people of good family entrusted to our care by

our own superior officers. The obstacles we encountered during that long

race were of the most varied and formidable description. In the first

place, the track soon became blocked by an interminable ribbon of trains

which moved very slowly and made prolonged and frequent halts. In the

second place, we found great difficulty in getting water and fuel for our

engine owing to the fact that there was no firewood at the stations and

that nearly all the water-towers had run dry or got frozen. Sometimes we

watered our engine from a wayside well, but this was by no means easy,

as the soldiers of other echelons were engaged in the same occupation

and were always in an even greater hurry than we were. The well always

looked like a hole made in a frozen river, for its sides were encased

in a thick, waxy coating of highly polished ice, and no stone or earth

was anywhere visible. Long lines of men always radiated from it towards

their respective engines, and passed to one another buckets which had

been lowered into the orifice by a long rope of ice, and were themselves,

apparently, fantastic creations of the same material. This work was

not only monotonous and endless, but also dangerous, for the sheets of

ice around these wells were always slippery; most of us wore hobnailed

army boots which were continually sliding from underneath us; the water

was invariably far below the surface of the ground, and, as there was

never any railing round the opening, the risk of our tumbling down was

considerable. In case we did tumble down, there was little chance of our

having a comparatively easy death by drowning, for we should be sure to

get wedged, head downwards, in the narrow part near the water, where the

overflow from the buckets had dashed against the sides and got frozen

there.

[Illustration: AMMUNITION BEING BLOWN UP BEFORE THE EVACUATION OF

EKATERINBURG BY KOLCHAK. _To face p. 2._]

But these wells were rare, and we had consequently to get up very often

thrice in the course of a single night in order to fill the boilers

with snow and the tender with wood. We were in all fifteen officers and

men, and, though we did this unaccustomed work in a thoroughly sporting

spirit, it was, nevertheless, very trying work owing to the intense cold,

the deep snow, and our own physical weakness. We had to work in our heavy

fur overcoats and fur gloves, and, so far, at least, as “snowing” the

engine went, our labour seemed almost useless, for the snow, when melted,

produced such a small quantity of water that in a few hours the engine

came to a standstill, and we had to turn out again.

We should have been in better condition for this work if we had been

able to sleep comfortably at night, but that we were unable to do owing

to the overcrowding in our carriages. In order that the Russian women

and children entrusted to our care should be more comfortable, we slept

some of us two in a bunk, others on the floor, and still others in the

corridor, and those at least who slept in the corridor were seldom

able to get a good night’s rest. I might add that, though officers and

privates necessarily mixed on terms of equality, perfect discipline

prevailed amongst us, and we all worked cheerfully and harmoniously

together. We even got up concerts, in which the star performers were our

C.O., who had an inexhaustible collection of rag-time ballads; a polyglot

Irish sergeant, who was in civil life the manager of an Opera Company;

and an English officer, who sang Spanish songs to the accompaniment of a

guitar which he had brought with him from South America.

As thefts of railway engines frequently occurred on this trip, and as

engine-drivers of Bolshevik sympathies sometimes allowed their engines

to “go cold,” we kept a British guard, sometimes composed of officers

and sometimes of men, to watch ours, day and night, during stoppages. It

had almost “gone cold” on one occasion when our sentry gave the alarm

just in time. On another occasion, when we lent it for a few hours to the

commander of a Polish echelon to manœuvre his train with, it was returned

to us with the connecting-rod broken. This accident, which could not be

made good in the repair shops, crippled our locomotive badly, without,

however, rendering it completely useless. We bound up the connecting-rod

in wooden splints, as if it were a broken arm, so that the machine

could pull us along gently on the level, though it could not ascend a

hill without the assistance of another engine, assistance which was not

easy to get. A further difficulty was the quantity of snow on the line.

Although the snowfall during the retreat was not unusually heavy, the

rails were nearly always covered owing to the fact that soldiers and

refugees in passing echelons had torn down most of the snow-sheds for

firewood. Besides, as the horses and sleighs of the retreating troops

used the railway line as well as the roads on each side of it, they

sometimes forced much hard snow on to the rails, with the result that we

all had to get out on several occasions to push our train.

[Illustration: GENERAL SAKHAROV, _Commander-in-Chief_. GENERAL KOLCHAK,

_Minister of War_. CAPT. F. MCCULLAGH, _British Intelligence Officer_.

_To face p. 4._]

While waiting in Novo-Nikolaevsk we were warned by General Sakharov that

a mutiny was expected in that town, and consequently we “stood to” for

several nights in succession. The mutiny broke out after we left, and,

during one of our many stops, the disbanded soldiers of the mutinous

regiments went past us eastwards, walking on the railway track, fully

armed. None of our party, however, save myself, had the curiosity even

to look at them, for all our English soldiers were absolutely “fed up”

by this time with shocks of every kind. Shortly before we came into one

station, Achinsk, it was wrecked by the accidental explosion of a train

full of H.E., and 3,000 people were killed or wounded. When we passed

through Achinsk, the line was strewn with dead bodies and with the

wreckage of five trains, but the incident excited little comment amongst

us. All our energies were concentrated on satisfying our locomotive’s

insatiable cravings, and once or twice we were able to water at a station

where a faint trickle still came from the pump. The struggle for water

that took place on these occasions was a nightmare, as half a dozen

engines sometimes contended for the privilege of filling their boilers

first, and as the commandants of rival echelons almost came on several

occasions to blows. These scenes were extraordinary, and I can claim

to describe them with authority, if not with skill, inasmuch as my

comrades and I had frequently to stay up all night, not only in order

to work hard, but also in order to prevent our engine being stolen. All

around stretched an illimitable waste of snow, gleaming cold beneath

the starlight, and fringed on the left by dark forests which continued

for thousands of miles to the northward, till they dwindled to stunted

shrubs, and finally disappeared altogether in the ever-frozen _tundras_

of the Polar Sea. High in the darkness loomed the tall, ice-plated

water-tower, which always reminded me of a gigantic Paschal candle with

streams of wax congealed on its sides, the candlestick being a massive,

square block of ice which had formed over a brick platform three or four

feet below. From the summit of this spectral pillar hung rigid, ice-clad

ropes which clinked together with the sound of clinking glass, and at

its foot stood a crowd of men covered to the eyes in skins and looking

like Arctic necromancers awaiting a miracle. The Jews could not have

waited with more anxiety for the living stream to gush from the rock than

those Slavs waited for the most indispensable of all liquids to trickle

from this magic tower. Meanwhile the busy and mischievous Spirits of the

Snow played every conceivable prank. They whitened young men’s beards

and eyebrows, they encased the rifles of the soldiers in glittering

hoar-frost, they made the railway station look like an Eskimo snow-hut,

they even capped the telegraph poles with snowy Phrygian bonnets several

feet in height and sometimes cocked rakishly on one side.

The six or seven engines grouped around the water-tower were perfectly

in keeping with that ghostly shape, bearing as they did as little

resemblance to a respectable locomotive such as one sees in England as a

Samoyede in winter costume bears to a London bank clerk. Snow was piled

on the buffers, and on the platform in front, and on every projection at

the sides; but the most startling item of the decoration scheme was the

row of giant icicles, some of them thick and long as a man’s leg, which

adorned the steaming flanks of the monster.

The carriages were similarly garbed in snow—fantastic wreaths of soft,

unbroken snow on the roofs, deep drifts of snow on the steps, snow on the

narrow window-sills, fluffy little balls of snow clinging pertinaciously

to every rivet. The insides of these waggons were as unusual as the

outsides, being most of them more like gipsies’ vans than anything else,

as soldiers and their families had lived in them for years, children

had been born in them, rude family portraits adorned the walls, cats

and dogs looked on them as their ancestral mansions. One train carried

the equivalent of forty-four million pounds sterling in gold roubles,

Kolchak’s entire reserve and most of what was left of the fabulous wealth

of the Tsars. Another train was laden with Kurgan butter to the value

of five million roubles. A third was crammed with typhus patients, and

was throwing out naked corpses at every stopping-place with as little

ceremony as the stoker threw out ashes.

The commandants of all these trains contended furiously all night long

in the station commandant’s office, not only for the privilege of being

watered first, but also for the privilege of being put first on the

west track, which was comparatively free. Two of those commandants were

full-blown Generals, and we nicknamed one of them the “Butter General,”

and the other the “Typhus General,” from the nature of their respective

cargoes. The “Butter General” held forth oleaginously on the importance

of his little load, and warned everybody of the stimulating effect which

butter would have on the Bolshevik pursuit. He was probably thinking,

however, of his own safety; and in the end he was captured, but without

the butter, which he had encouraged the local population to loot. The

“Typhus General” quoted Kolchak’s orders to prove that hospital trains

should always have the precedence. But poor Kolchak had ceased to count:

he might as well have cited one of the maxims of Mencius. The last we

heard of the typhus train was that it had caught fire. The Reds saved

some of the patients, but all the others had been burned to death.

The Poles maintained that at such a time everything must give way

to military echelons; and, as both the station commandants and the

military echelons were Polish, the Poles invariably had their way.

But sometimes it looked as if the contest would end in bloodshed, for

all the commanders went to these incredible conferences armed to the

teeth and accompanied by soldiers who might be described, without much

exaggeration, as walking arsenals, for, in addition to rifles, bayonets,

swords, daggers, and revolvers, some of them even carried hand-grenades.

A station-master in any other country would have gone mad if he had all

these people in his office roaring at him simultaneously and handling

their revolvers, while he was trying to converse with six people at once,

and at the same time to carry on his ordinary business. And some of

these station-masters nearly did go mad. On several occasions they flew

into a rage, and ordered everybody who had no business in the office to

leave it, but none of the intruders ever stirred a step, for they all

claimed some right to be there. Even the soldiers said that they were

in attendance on their officers; and, as it was no joke tackling men

who carried Mills bombs, the station-master invariably subsided. Not to

be out of the fashion, the British delegates at these debates were also

armed; but, as we only numbered fifteen, were most of us ridiculously

young, and had merely got rifles and revolvers, we failed somehow to

inspire terror. For the contest was like one among a crowd of desperate

men belonging to different nationalities, who had been shipwrecked on

a desert island. Naturally, and as a matter of course, the nationality

which had the most numerous and best-armed representatives took the first

place without paying attention to the size or prestige of the Empires to

which smaller groups belonged.

While the Whites palavered the Reds advanced, and we began to lose hope.

“What can we expect,” asked the wit of our party with comic resignation,

“after leaving Omsk town on the 13th of the month, and leaving Omsk

station on a Friday in a group which originally numbered thirteen

persons, among them two flagrant specimens of what the Chinese call ‘bad

joss’ in the shape of one officer who was captured at Mons, and another

officer who was twice captured in previous wars and has always brought

bad luck to the army he joined?”

The last-named officer, myself, had served during the Great War in

Gallipoli and Serbia. The Mons officer, an excellent fellow who worked

harder than any of us, used to say from time to time with mournful

humour: “It’s no bally good, boys. We shan’t get away. _I’m_ with you.

_I’m_ the Jonah, all right. We’ll all get pinched.”

Nor could we forget that our G.O.C., General Sir Alfred Knox, had been in

the habit of saying in a jocular way that _he_ began his retreat in the

year 1914 at Tannenberg, where he was military _attaché_ with Samsonov’s

Army, and had been more or less on the run ever since. But I do not think

he ever imagined, even in the worst days of Rennenkampf’s rout, that his

retreat would continue as far east as Vladivostock, and until the Year of

Grace 1920.

Several of our civilian guests seriously regarded as “bad joss” the

British flag which we had displayed in a prominent position on the

outside of our carriage, and beneath which, to make sure (for we found

that most of the Siberian peasants had never before seen the British

flag), we had painted in Russian the words “British Detachment.”

They pointed out that we were now traversing intensely hostile country

where savage repression of the insurgent peasantry had been going on

for a whole year previously, and that, as the British flag had been

indirectly associated with these repressions, the guerillas, who now

swarmed along the line for a distance of a thousand miles, would be

excited by that emblem to attack us for revenge or for loot or for

both. They added, what I do not believe to be true, that a price of

50,000 roubles had been placed on the head of every British officer.

Nevertheless, we refused to haul down our flag, and it was still flying

over our carriage when we were captured at Krasnoyarsk. But what they

said about the danger from insurgent bands was perfectly true. Those

bands had derailed very many trains, and even captured stations at a time

when Kolchak’s star was in the ascendant, and the line strongly guarded

by the troops of six foreign countries. Now that the “Supreme Ruler” was

a fugitive, and that all the foreign soldiers were gone, they could

hardly be expected to refrain from attacking Kolchak’s broken rear. We

therefore made elaborate plans for their reception.

At frequent intervals on our journey we were overtaken by officers and

other ranks of the B.R.M. who were engaged in a new form of sport which

they called “train-jumping.” When they arrived in an echelon at a station

they walked to that train at the head of the “ribbon” which was going off

first, and generally managed to persuade the commandant to give them a

“lift” to the next station, where they repeated the performance. Owing,

however, to the extreme overcrowding in all the trains, no more than two

persons could play this game simultaneously in the same echelon. All

these players eventually succeeded in escaping; and if we had imitated

them we might have escaped too, but, of course, we could not leave our

refugees. The change that had taken place in the appearance of these

train-jumpers was like the change which takes place in the appearance of

domestic animals that have gone wild. Covered with dirty furs, unshaven,

wild-eyed, and desperate, they would certainly have excited comment in

Bond Street or on the Grand Stand at Ascot.

They told us stories that would fill a book, and make most books of

adventure look tame. Three of them, for instance, had been in a train a

few stations west of us, when it was rushed one night by a band of Reds

who had come on sleighs from the north. They heard the raiders thunder

on the doors of each waggon, at the same time summoning the occupants

to come forth instantly on pain of death. The sound came closer; and

when finally it shook the door behind which they crouched, a Russian

interpreter rose in a panic to undo the fastening. But one of the British

officers pressed the cold muzzle of a revolver against his head and

warned him, in a fierce whisper, to keep still. Thinking that the waggon

was empty, the Reds passed on; and, when the sentry whom they had left

behind turned his back, the three officers slipped noiselessly from the

carriage, waded through the deep snow, and gained the shelter of the

forest. They afterwards commandeered sleighs and food at the point of

the revolver, as, unfortunately, firearms were the only arguments that

had weight in those days. Two British officers who were with Ataman

Dutov in the south got across the Chinese frontier, and turned up, long

afterwards, in Peking.

As the Reds were coming still nearer, we finally got attached to a Polish

echelon on the West track; but, as that track was now as congested

as the East track, we gained little by the transfer. Like an airship

commander making for his base in a damaged condition, with the last drop

of petrol in his tanks, and enemy aircraft in hot pursuit, the Commandant

of this Polish echelon now began to shed waggon after waggon with the

object of lightening his train. I do not know on what principle he went,

but it seemed to me that, for every verst the Reds gained on us, the

Commandant jettisoned a truck. An old Tsarist “dug-out” who had lost

the good qualities of the Pole without acquiring those of the Russian,

this Commandant showed little sympathy for us; and his officers, some

of whom, being Poles from East Prussia, had served in the German Army

until they became prisoners of war, were anything but friendly. We heard

that they objected to the weight of our carriage, and would like to get

rid of it; and, though they denied having any such intention, several

ominous circumstances seemed to indicate that they had. We discovered,

for example, that one of our couplings was broken and the other so

damaged that a slight bump would be enough to make it snap. As our

carriage was the hindmost, and as the bumps were sometimes so bad that

they swept all our crockery off the table, this was a serious matter,

for, if the coupling snapped at the top of a steep incline, we should go

rushing backwards at a speed which would soon become terrific, and should

probably get derailed or smashed to pieces against some other train. When

we drew the attention of the Poles to this matter they said that they

could not repair the coupling and had no spare ones. They may have really

wanted to get rid of our carriage, either because it was too heavy or

because it was contaminated by typhus, for one of the refugees entrusted

to us had managed to contract that disease. Or perhaps they believed,

like some of those refugees, that our Union Jack would draw the fire of

guerillas, and decided that, since we refused to haul down our flag, they

would leave it and us behind.

As we could not repair the coupling ourselves, we took turns as sentry

over it day and night. Beside the sentry were several logs of wood, which

he was to throw under the nearest wheel of our carriage immediately the

coupling gave way, so as to prevent the carriage from rushing backwards.

The result was that, every time we went up a slope, my heart was in my

mouth, as it used to be when I heard the long-drawn wail of approaching

Turkish shells in Gallipoli. Never till then had I realized that there

were so many nasty inclines on that section of the Trans-Siberian which,

when I traversed it formerly in swift and well-appointed trains, had

always seemed to me as flat as a pancake.

In the end we bribed the Poles to place our carriage next the engine;

and, when they did that, they suddenly discovered that they had couplings

after all, and hastened to screw them on. We also bribed a Russian Red

Cross doctor to take our typhus case into his hospital; and, realizing

from the success of these experiments in corruption how eloquently money

spoke, we began flinging it right and left. Our bribes must, in all,

have run into hundreds of thousands of roubles; and, though this seemed

a stupendous sum at the time, it ultimately proved as valueless to the

recipients as so many hundreds of thousands of snowballs, owing to the

subsequent action of the Soviet Government in abolishing Omsk money. In

some parts of Russia banknotes are now sold by weight like waste-paper;

in other parts, tons of notes are being thrown into pulping-machines for

conversion into newsprint.

A prisoner of the Reds · 第 1 / 24 章