CHAPTER VIII

MUSIC

I. WHAT IS MUSIC?

Among animals, only birds and men can produce music. Possibly, of these,

men only can appreciate it. It is not agreed as to whether birds can

appreciate music. They respond to it, and even imitate it, as in the

case of the mocking bird, but we cannot be sure that their singing is

for “pure joy,” or for the love of the melody rendered. With the

majority of men we know that musical tones arranged in melody or harmony

act as original satisfiers, by and in themselves. “Music hath power to

soothe the savage breast.”

The analysis of capacity for musical performance, and the study of

individual differences in this respect, were preceded by monumental

studies of tone-psychology, rhythm, pitch-discrimination, and acoustics.

In these researches psychologists, physiologists, and physicists have

joined efforts. As Mead says in discussing Meyer’s theory of melody,

“The search for the basis of music is centuries old; it antedates the

search for the philosopher’s stone, the Holy Grail, and the North Pole.”

Nevertheless, in spite of all their searching, scientific men have not

discovered the basic psychology of harmony and melody. Meyer, a lifelong

student of the problem, concludes that, “Where we hear a succession of

different pitches, we are affected in a certain way which cannot be

described, but has to be regarded as an elementary psychological fact.”

The satisfaction experienced by the typical person upon hearing a

harmony, and the annoyance experienced by him upon hearing a discord,

remain among the mysteries, perhaps unfathomable, of human psychology.

II. THE VARIOUS KINDS OF MUSIC

There are many different kinds of music, requiring certain differences

in psychophysical equipment for their execution, severally. For

instance, singing requires certain equipment which may be lacking in a

highly gifted organist. An organist must have characteristics which are

possibly dispensable to the harpist.

To sing, to play the piano, to play the violin, to play the trombone, to

compose a symphony, to write musical criticism—these are by no means all

necessarily possible to the same person. A complete inventory of musical

talent will rest upon knowledge of how all the various kinds of music

are related as regards the capacities required in each, and of how the

violinist may differ from the singer, and the drummer from the conductor

of an orchestra.

III. THE ANALYSIS OF MUSICAL TALENT

Since about the year 1915, psychologists have turned somewhat from the

study of the nature of music to the investigation of the musical person.

They have raised the questions: In what way does the musician differ

from others in his psychophysical equipment? Why are some persons unable

to produce or appreciate music?

The pursuit of these questions led immediately to an analysis of musical

talent, for it was evident at once that a great variety of subsidiary

functions contribute to any kind of musical performance. These may first

of all be classified under three general categories: (1) _the acoustic

functions_, the abilities involved in perceiving musical sounds, (2)

_the motor functions_, the abilities involved in executing musical

sounds, and (3) _the intellectual functions_, ability to interpret

musical compositions, and to originate new ideas.

It is in the United States and in Germany that the significant studies

of musical and unmusical persons have been made. Rupp, Bernfield, the

Pannenbergs, Révész, Schussler, and Seashore and his students have all

made contributions to the subject.

Révész studied children who were extremely gifted in music, and proposed

that in analysing musical talent the following abilities must be

considered: (1) to compose, (2) to reproduce, (3) to hear, (4) to

remember musical elements, (5) to transpose, (6) to improvise, (7) to

modulate, (8) to play at sight. In addition Révész stipulated that

observations must be made with regard to intelligence, interest, and the

“artistic nature” of the child. Later, in 1920, Révész proposed eight

tests devised for the identification of the musical. These were for (1)

the sense of rhythm, (2) absolute pitch, (3) octave recognition and

transposition, (4) relative pitch, (5) harmony, (6) memory of a melody,

and (7) playing by ear.

The most complete inventory of musical talent that has been proposed is

that of Seashore, who, with his numerous students, has made the most

important contributions in this field. Seashore would include tests of

all the following functions in the complete musical psychograph:

I. Musical Sensitivity

_A._ Basic Capacities

1. Sense of pitch 2. Sense of intensity 3. Sense of time 4.

Sense of extensity

_B._ Complex Capacities

1. Sense of timbre 2. Sense of rhythm 3. Sense of consonance

4. Sense of volume

II. Musical Action Natural capacity for skill in accurate and

musically expressive production of tones (vocal or instrumental

or both) in

1. Control of pitch 2. Control of intensity 3. Control of

time 4. Control of timbre 5. Control of rhythm 6. Control of

volume

III. Musical Memory and Imagination

1. Auditory imagery 2. Motor imagery 3. Creative imagination

4. Memory span 5. Learning power

IV. Musical Intellect

1. Musical free association 2. Musical power of reflection 3.

General intelligence

V. Musical Feeling

1. Musical taste: likes and dislikes 2. Emotional reaction to

music 3. Emotional self-expression in music

Seashore has succeeded in devising, standardizing, and making available

for practical purposes scales of measurement for five of the basic

capacities of musical sensitivity. These are for pitch, intensity, time,

consonance, and tonal memory. Research is under way to bring the other

elements of musical talent similarly within the province of mental

measurement.

Attempts to study movement as an element in musical talent are

exemplified by the recent investigations of Gatewood and of Hansen.

Gatewood studied finger-movement in a number of persons, and found that

there exist those who, even with great amounts of practice, do not

approximate the speed and accuracy which others show on the first trial.

However, the investigation of the motor elements in musical talent has

not progressed as yet to a point that would enable us to make positive

statements useful to educators; but it is obvious that for guidance they

are fully as important as the acoustic elements are.

IV. RELATION AMONG VARIOUS ELEMENTS OF MUSICAL TALENT

Correlation has proved that sense of pitch and sense of time are largely

independent of each other. Persons may stand high in one and low in the

other. We know even now, therefore, that the elements of talent are

independent or partially independent variables, and that excellence in

one may be accompanied by inferiority in another. The successful

musician is he who combines the necessary elements in high degree. Most

children combine the elements in moderate or typical degrees of each,

and are able to learn music and enjoy it in the ordinary manner. Only a

few are capable of becoming professional performers. Schussler concluded

that 5 to 10 per cent of the pupils examined by him might be justly

classified as unmusical. A similar percentage would doubtless be

classified as very musical, of whom a small proportion would be capable

of outstanding musical achievement.

V. RELATION BETWEEN MUSICAL TALENT AND GENERAL INTELLIGENCE

It is somewhat difficult to compare musical talent with general

intelligence, within a group of individuals, by test, because the tests

which have been devised are to an extent dependent on intelligence for

their execution. In order to perform them, it is necessary to follow

somewhat complicated directions, and to do this requires the exercise of

intelligence. Seashore’s tests cannot be reliably carried out with

persons whose general intelligence level falls below about nine years.

Within the range of intellect which is sufficient for understanding and

carrying out the directions, musical sensitivity as regards pitch,

intensity, time, and consonance shows no reliable correlation with

general intelligence. This is what we should expect from test results,

on the basis of the relationships shown previously between ability in

music and ability in school work on the whole. For instance, Schussler

found that of pupils classified by his criterion (grades received in

singing) as “unmusical,” 41 per cent reached the grade norms in school

work. Of those classified as “semi-musical,” 57 per cent reached the

norms. Of the “musical,” 79 per cent reached the normal status. The

average standing in marks of the “musical” fell 15 per cent above that

of the “unmusical,” while the “semi-musical” showed an average rating

6.6 per cent higher than the “unmusical.”

When we consider that school marks in singing, as in drawing, are given

not only for musical capacity, but for a heterogeneity of factors,

including effort, attendance, ability to comprehend directions, and so

forth, we should at once expect from these figures that by actual test,

musical ability would be likely to show marked independence of general

intelligence. Nearly half of the distinctly “unmusical” children reached

or exceeded the grade norms, in general school work. This is not far

from what is true of children taken at random, regardless of musical

talent. That a disproportionately large number of pupils who did very

good work in music reached or exceeded the typical performance in school

work on the whole, might be expected from the extent to which school

marks in music are probably given for general superiority of the

organism, as suggested above.

The present findings from actual tests of sensitivity, above the minimum

of intellect required for carrying out test directions, are that

correlations closely approach zero as regards musical sensitivity and

general intelligence. Therefore, educators may expect to find a number

of pupils, who fail in nothing but music, and others who succeed in

nothing but music. As Witmer has said, in discussing the specialization

of musical gifts, “Were society so organized that success in life in

every sphere of activity were dependent upon a good enough ear to turn a

tune, many persons who are now doing useful work in the world, would

have to be relegated to the class of imbeciles.”

In view of the facts, the wisdom seems doubtful of requiring all

teachers in the elementary schools to qualify in singing before being

certified, as is now done in some places. There will be a goodly number

of students, in the normal schools, who are fitted by original endowment

to become excellent teachers, except that they will never be able to

sing. In the case of a gift so specialized, it seems advisable to have a

special teacher wherever possible, rather than to disqualify from

teaching persons who cannot sing, but are otherwise well fitted to

educate the young.

Tests show that musical talent is specialized, but this is not to say

that eminence in music can be attained by the stupid. The achievement of

eminence in any endeavor calls for a grasp of life situations and a

farsighted fidelity to sustained effort, which are functions of general

intelligence. Also, for eminence in a musical career the intellectual

functions which have to do with composition and interpretation are

doubtless indispensable. A survey of the general intelligence of eminent

musicians would probably reveal a median well above the average; and

this would probably hold true even for singers.

VI. ABSOLUTE PITCH

By absolute pitch is usually meant the power to recognize a single

musical note when heard, without comparison with any other tone, either

objective or subjective. It seems to be an hereditary gift, and probably

cannot be acquired by training. (Some doubt has, however, been recently

cast upon the latter conclusion by the researches of Gough, who was

apparently able to educate persons in this respect to a limited extent.)

Statements regarding the frequency of those who possess this

idiosyncrasy vary, from that of Boggs, who says that only a few persons

have the gift, to that of Seashore, who declares that “the ability to

name notes of a familiar keyed instrument on hearing a single tone is

rather common among trained musicians, and may show itself very early in

childhood.” Perhaps the discrepancies of statement arise through lack of

complete agreement as to what should be meant by “absolute pitch.” If

the definition is insistently limited to that often given, namely, “the

power to name a single musical note when heard, without comparison with

any other tone,” then no doubt the gift belongs to very few people, even

those otherwise musically well endowed.

Seashore holds that in these cases, it is probably not pitch as such

which is recognized, but rather the timbre of the note. “The timbre of

the low notes is entirely different from that of the higher notes, and

the evidence seems to show that it is easier to remember a

characteristic timbre than pure pitch in itself.”

The gift of absolute pitch is a great advantage to a musician. It is

included as a valuable asset in the talent-inventory of Révész.

VII. TONE DEAFNESS

Certain anomalies of structure in the ear give rise to tonal “gaps” and

“islands.” The ear does not discriminate among pitches, in certain

segments of the scale for pitch. Such a condition may occur in but one

ear of a given individual, the other ear then hiding the defect.

The child who is extensively deaf to tones has, of course, no means,

save the testimony of others, of knowing whether he is or is not singing

properly (unless he sees his singing on a tonoscope). He cannot be

taught to sing in key, because the receptors which would enable him to

profit by training are absent from the structure of the ear. Many a

tone-deaf child has doubtless suffered much from persistent,

conscientious efforts to make him sing.

VIII. RANGE OF INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES

In a previous chapter it has been pointed out that quantitative

psychology is still struggling toward the invention of scales which

shall measure mental traits in terms of units, every one of which shall

be equal to every other, as every inch is equal to every other inch.

Until this is achieved, we cannot use “times as” comparisons in speaking

of the relation of one individual to another, in respect to a function.

We can now say that one person is three times as heavy as another

person, because we can measure them in pounds, each one of which is

equal to every other. But we cannot yet say that one person is three

times as intelligent as another, because we have not captured the unit

which would enable us to do so.

In some of the traits which go to make up musical talent, it is possible

to use the “times as” comparison, because we have physical units whereby

the differences may be gauged. Pitch, for instance, may be measured

thus. It depends physically upon the frequency of vibrations, proceeding

from a sounding stimulus, and is measurable in terms of the constant

number of double vibrations per second. Seashore has found variations in

power of discrimination from one-fourth of a double vibration to fifty

double vibrations per second. This means that there exist individuals

who are at least two hundred times as sensitive as others to pitch, in

terms of the physical unit.

Other elements in musical sensitivity cannot be so readily measured in

stimulus units, so that the “times as” comparison cannot be made. The

great diversity of sensitivity to pitch may, perhaps, be regarded as a

token of the range of individual differences in musical sensitivity,

especially since pitch is a fundamental capacity. It is probably no

exaggeration to say that, in an ordinary class in the elementary school,

children are being taught together, some of whom are at least a hundred

times as musical as others. If children of the same age differed as much

from each other in height as they do in sense of pitch, it would be

impossible to teach them in unassorted groups, for some would be two

hundred times as tall as others. The diversity in mental traits, so much

greater than in physical traits, leaves us complacent, for the eye

cannot behold the incongruities, as it can in physical matters. The eye

cannot see the waste of time, effort, and joy which follows from the

attempt to train, equally and together, children of such widely

differing capacities for learning.

IX. CAN MUSICAL CAPACITY BE INCREASED BY EDUCATION?

Musical sensitivity is inborn, and probably cannot be increased in any

respect by training. If the various elements are not present in amount

and combination suitable for a given degree of achievement in music, no

course of training will supply the lack. This is not to say that

ultimate achievement, for those who do possess capacity, does not depend

on training. Achievement depends upon both training and capacity, but

the latter cannot be supplied except by hereditary endowment.

The question of improvement through education becomes especially

important in a case where the psychograph is excellent, but for one

element. Much depends, of course, upon what the inferior element is, and

the degree of the inferiority, as to whether the person will be able to

succeed in a given musical career.

Inferiorities that appear in capacity for musical _action_ are possibly

much more susceptible to improvement by training than are inferiorities

of _sensitivity_.

For example, there are persons whose psychographs show excellent musical

talent, except that they falter from the pitch in singing. The voice may

be excellent in range, quality, and volume, yet with a falter in control

which leads to “flatting” or “sharping.” This is a defect in musical

action, an inaccuracy of movement.

It has long been known that the control of movement is brought about not

only through the kinæsthetic sensations, but through aid from the other

special senses as well. Vision is a first rate aid to the acquisition of

motor control. It is a more efficient aid than hearing, because much

finer differences can be detected by vision. The problem, then, in an

endeavor to improve by training those who “flat” or “sharp,” is to

devise some method whereby visual aid may be administered to control.

Such a method has been found in the tonoscope, an instrument which

registers visually every pitch movement of vocal chords, or other

sounding body. Practicing with the tonoscope, the musician can see what

his errors are, and learn what motor reaction will bring correction. The

control of the eye is thus introduced into practice, as it is in tennis,

writing, or other form of precise motor learning. Singers of all degrees

of talent show improvement in pitch after practice with this instrument,

and the improvement continues after the instrument has been laid aside.

The gain made with the help of the eye remains in motor control, just as

once having learned to write by aid of the eye, we can easily write in

the dark or with eyes closed.

The susceptibility to improvement in other forms of musical action has

not been shown experimentally, this whole field being practically

unstudied as yet by experimental method.

X. THE INHERITANCE OF MUSICAL TALENT

The inheritance of musical talent has been investigated by Copp and by

Stanton. The latter has made measurements of specific musical capacities

in relatives of musicians, using Seashore’s tests. This is the beginning

of adequate study of the inheritance of musical talent, as the method,

though laborious, is correct.

Four of the Seashore measures of musical talent were given to

eighty-five members of six unrelated family groups, starting in each

group with a person conspicuously known as a musician. These

measurements were supplemented by a set questionnaire, covering musical

endowment, musical education and training, musical activity, musical

appreciation, musical memory and imagination, the questionnaire

including a larger number of relatives.

From these data, a study was made of the tendency of offspring to be

musical or unmusical, in accordance with parentage and more remote

ancestry. The results show that musical talent is inherited, and the

investigator believes it not improbable that the formula of inheritance

may be Mendelian. Much wider research would, however, be avowedly

necessary, in order to establish the formula. It may or may not be

Mendelian.

The offspring of a mating of musical with unmusical, of musical with

musical, or of unmusical with unmusical, may thus inherit from either

parent or from both parents, and apparently without regard to sex. Sex

differences do not appear, either, in any of the tests of musical

sensitivity, which have been standardized.

XI. PSYCHOGRAPHIC STUDY OF INDIVIDUALS

In order to illustrate concretely the way in which musical talent may or

may not accompany other mental capacities, a few psychographic studies

of individuals are presented, as follows.

The first is the psychograph of a girl, whom we may call G, aged 14

years. It shows her status in percentile ratings, on various mental and

motor tests. G is of average, or typical, general intelligence, with

superior rating in musical capacity, and in drawing.

G was brought for mental tests because she did poorly in the school

where she was attending, receiving good marks in music and drawing only.

The difficulty in keeping up to grade in general was readily explained,

when the facts of school history were elicited. G was in a very

exclusive private school, where the median IQ of the pupils is about

120, instead of 100 as among unselected pupils. This child, on account

of the social status and educational traditions of her father’s family,

had been competing all her school life in a highly selected group of

children, and was now considered dull by teachers, by parents, and by

herself. All were astounded to learn of G’s average intellectual

capacity.

[Illustration:

FIG. 25.—Psychograph of G, showing special ability in music and

drawing. (Percentile values for speed in tapping, and strength of

grip have been approximated by estimate.)

]

It may be remarked in passing that this is the school history of many an

average child, born into a group where the family median is above the

average. The problems of the son of an eminent man, who fails to inherit

superior endowment and is but average in capacity, are especially acute,

for he is usually expected to undertake tasks for which he is

unqualified by original nature. The miseries of a boy of average

ability, expected from babyhood to pass through Harvard or Yale, the

distresses of a girl of ordinary intelligence, destined openly from

childhood for a college of very high standards, are peculiarly poignant

to the person who sees human nature in the light of all the facts which

we have been recounting. The case of G, and scores of others like it in

this respect, should lead parents to a policy of reticence concerning

their expectations of their children, until it is certain that these

expectations have a chance of being realized. Fortunately, the great

majority of children of very successful parents never have a problem of

this kind, because of the tendency to selective mating and the laws of

heredity. Most of the children of gifted parents are themselves

sufficiently gifted to perform the expected tasks as a matter of course.

Not all children of gifted fathers are, however, gifted, because other

ancestors, some of whom may be but average persons, are likely to

contribute to the mental status of the child. Yet according to the

customs of our country, it is usually the ability of the father that

determines the social _milieu_ and the educational tradition to which

the children are subject. Thus, the son of a corporation lawyer, who has

inherited the intelligence of a stupid but handsome grandmother and the

educational traditions of a brilliant father, is in a sorry plight,

unless the facts of human nature are expertly and sympathetically

understood in his family.

In the case of G, the special talents in drawing and music, combined

with average intellectual ability, made it possible to suggest very

satisfactory adjustments. The idea of college was abandoned, and plans

were made to pursue education in art and music, which had already been

undertaken in a limited way, with excellent success. From the point of

view of heredity, it is interesting to know that one of G’s

grandfathers, a chemist by profession, played a church organ every

Sabbath as a recreation, and spent leisure hours making drawings, many

of which are still kept as ornaments.

The psychograph of M shows special defect in musical capacity, combined

with very superior general intelligence. M, a schoolboy, was recently

brought for mental tests at the age of 10 years, because of disagreement

among his teachers as to his mental ability. The regular classroom

teacher believed M should be given a double promotion because of his

brilliant work in reading, arithmetic, and elementary science. The

teacher of music held that he should repeat the work of the grade in

which he then was, as an utter failure from her point of view. The shop

teacher took a midway position, saying that his work seemed fair, and

warranted promotion, but no more, to the grade above, in due order.

[Illustration:

FIG. 26.—Psychograph of M, showing special defect in music, combined

with very superior general intelligence.

]

M’s psychograph explains the differences of opinion thus expressed by

teachers. It is seen that in intellect he ranks well up in the top

percentile of all children born, while in musical capacities he ranks in

the lower percentiles. The difficulties in shop work arose from the fact

that M is left-handed, and was at that time being trained into

right-handedness by the teachers. This made him awkward in shop work,

which he cordially detested.

M’s IQ is 151, which accounts for his superiority in reading, science,

and arithmetic. He will not be able to learn music, or to appreciate it,

and to deprive him of his double promotion on this account seems

contrary to his best interests.

XII. CAPACITY TO APPRECIATE MUSIC

Though it is probably true that those who can produce good music usually

appreciate music also, the reverse need not be true. There are many who

are sensitive to music and are greatly satisfied by it, who have not the

ability to become musicians.

Music as taught in the schools is concerned chiefly with learning to

sing. It would seem that some time might profitably be devoted to

hearing good music, and learning to form preferences.

The keen satisfaction which comes to the extremely sensitive has been

expressed by some of them in words. Schumann said of another musician,

“He who has once heard Henselt can never forget his playing; these

pieces still haunt my memory like the recollection of a parterre of

flowers.” And again, “The veiled enjoyment of music which one does not

hear, has something magical in it.” Berlioz has given us this glimpse of

his delight: “Last night I dreamt of music, this morning I recalled it

all and fell into one of those supernal ecstasies.... Believe me, dear

friend, the being who could write such miracles of transcendant melody

would be more than mortal.”

Stanton questioned the talented and untalented relatives of musicians as

to the rôle played by music in their daily lives. Many showing superior

talent reported that music in some form seemed vital to their program of

living. It was referred to by them as “a daily relaxation from

business,” “a great source of courage, a spiritual tonic,” and as

“absolutely paramount.” One person used the word “hunger,” in describing

the longing which ensued upon being deprived of music. There may be

people capable of such satisfaction in music, that they would choose

between bread and music, if hard put to it, not without a struggle.

REFERENCES

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Iowa Studies, 8. Psychological Monographs_, 1922.

BERNFIELD, S.—“Zur Psychologie der Unmusikalischen”; _Archives für das

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BOGGS, L.—“Studies in Absolute Pitch”; _American Journal of

Psychology_, 1907.

COPP, E. F.—“Musical Ability”; _Journal of Heredity_, 1916.

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