WORK AT HOME AND RESIGNATION
At Aldershot--Driving Training at High Pressure--General
French is "fairly" well pleased--Strenuous Manoeuvres--Chief
of the Imperial General Staff--Ulster and Resignation.
With Lord Kitchener, General French had a wonderful welcome on his
return from South Africa. The former had certainly added a few leaves
to his laurel wreath, but French brought back a complete new crown of
his own. His return home in July was a triumphal progress. At
Southampton, in replying to congratulations, he paid a fine tribute to
his men.
French's hatred of ostentation in any form prevented him from allowing
Society to fête him to its heart's content. He was the most retiring
of lions; and, like Kitchener, he allowed London to idolise him only
at a distance. A knighthood was one reward of his services; and after
a brief rest he was back at Aldershot as Lieutenant-General in
command.
For the first time French found himself in command of all arms of the
service in time of peace. After his arrival, instruction was driven at
high pressure. No sooner had he arrived than he turned out the whole
of his command--"just to see how they looked!" Such a thing had
scarcely ever happened before; and the order sent desolation to the
hearts of some of the officers. For it meant that the whole force,
every man, horse and gun had to turn out forthwith, in full marching
order, and ready for action. After the first feverish digging out of
accoutrements and tents, however, the men became hardened to these
sudden alarums and excursions. They became a part of the programme.
The cavalry especially was trained to an extraordinary degree of
perfection. The most rigorous methods in use abroad were used and
bettered. The result was the production of a body of men who, like
Wellington's heroes of Torres Vedras, "were ready to go anywhere and
do anything."
[Page Heading: "FAIRLY" WELL PLEASED]
In December, 1907, French was appointed Inspector-General of the
Forces. In this extremely exacting office, his qualities of
thoroughness and grip had splendid scope. A glance at his comments
discloses the high standard of excellence which he exacted from every
branch of the service. Only the other day timid folk were bewailing
his methods at manoeuvres. Four horses had succumbed to a gruelling
day of fierce exertion. But French expressed himself as "well
pleased." One does not remember his ever going farther up the giddy
incline of the superlatives. Probably his exacting eye never yet met
the corps of his dream. He had a terrible word with which he was wont
to emphasise the fact of disenchantment. How often did one read
"General French expressed himself as 'fairly' well pleased with what
he saw"? A withering qualitative. French was determined to infuse the
whole army with his own professional love of efficiency. To that end
he phrased his judgments with extraordinary care. His remarks were as
nicely aimed and as carefully timed as his cavalry charges. Nor did
they lack shattering force on occasion.
After five years of "tuning up" the army, French took command of its
administration. In 1912 he was appointed Chief of the Imperial General
Staff, a body formed on the lines of the efficient German General
Staff. Of the nature and value of the reforms instituted under his
direction it is too early yet to speak. Suffice it to say that in the
European War they have met the almost intolerable strain with signal
success. For once we presented to the Continent the unparalleled
spectacle of a War Office "ready for action."
In particular Sir John French encouraged originality of thought among
his officers by frankly seeking critical contributions for a new
service journal, and by putting various opportunities for individual
enterprise in their way.
In the midst of these invaluable if slightly uncongenial
administrative activities, Sir John French was brought to a tragic
standstill. A political intrigue cut across his soldier's life, and
ended its usefulness for the time being. At this early date it is
extremely difficult to disentangle the rights and wrongs of the Gough
incident. But there is no need to enter into the political aspect of
the case here. Suffice it to deplore the sticky mess of party politics
which threatened to gulf a great career.
[Page Heading: THE ULSTER CRISIS]
In the month of March the Government believed that they had serious
reason to expect disturbance in Ireland. Accordingly, General Sir
Arthur Paget was summoned to the War Office to consult his military
chiefs. Apparently, General Paget was instructed--so far as can be
gathered in the absence of documentary evidence--to lay before his
officers a certain choice of action. He accordingly called a meeting
of his officers, whom he informed that "Active operations were to be
begun against Ulster; that he expected the country to be in a blaze by
Saturday (March 21); and that he was instructed by the War Office to
allow officers domiciled in Ulster to disappear, but as regards others
that any who resigned would be dismissed." The officers were given two
hours to make their decision. Out of a total of 72 officers in the
Brigade, 59 "would, respectfully, and under protest," prefer to be
dismissed, while five claimed exemption on the ground of being
domiciled in Ulster.
A few days later it was explained on behalf of the Government that no
operations were intended against Ulster, and that through "an honest
misunderstanding" General Paget had misinterpreted his instructions.
Brigadier-General Gough was therefore asked to return to his command,
finally obtaining a written undertaking, signed by the Secretary of
State for War, that the troops would not be used in Ulster. In
addition to Colonel Seely's signature, that of the Chief of the
Imperial General Staff (Sir John French) and of the Adjutant-General
(Sir J.S. Ewart) appeared on the memorandum.
Now it transpired that two important paragraphs of the memorandum were
written by Colonel Seely, but presumably they were not sanctioned by
the Cabinet. The paragraphs in question ran: "His Majesty's Government
must retain their right to use all the forces of the Crown in Ireland,
or elsewhere, to maintain law and order, and to support the Civil
Power in the ordinary execution of its duty.
"But they had no intention whatever of taking advantage of this right
to crush political opposition to the policy or principles of the Home
Rule Bill."
As they stand these two paragraphs are a trifle ambiguous. The fact
apparently occurred to General Gough. For he asked Sir John French
explicitly whether they could be taken to mean that he could not be
called upon to order his brigade to take part in the coercion of
Ulster to the Home Rule Bill. Sir John French wrote across the note
that this was his belief. On the strength of this General Gough
returned to his command.
[Page Heading: A QUESTION OF HONOUR]
When the facts of the case were known, the Government were severely
criticised by the Labour and the Nationalist parties. In replying to
these criticisms, on Wednesday, this pledge was declared to be "not
operative." As the result, Colonel Seely, who had signed the
assurance, threatened resignation. On Friday, March 26, it was known
that both Sir John French and Sir J.S. Ewart had resigned their
positions. Every effort was made to induce these distinguished
officers to reconsider their decision, but without avail. To remain in
office would mean repudiating their pledged word. To this course no
possible pressure could induce Sir John French to agree. He persisted
in his resignation: and the Prime Minister solved a very dangerous
situation by himself taking up the office of Minister of War, which
Colonel Seely had now resigned.
So Sir John French went for a second time into retirement. Nothing
less could be expected of one whose views on discipline are so
extremely strict and whose ideals of loyalty are notoriously so high.
To have remained in office would have been to impair the authority of
the Imperial General Staff, quite apart from failing in loyalty to a
pledged word. For all these reasons Sir John French chose eclipse
rather than dishonour.
Unquestionably he viewed the _impasse_ purely from the military point
of view. His dislike of anything like politics in the army is well
known. Mr. Asquith's famous dictum on taking up the office of
Secretary for War is an echo of General French's invariable advice to
his officers--"You will hear no politics from me, and I expect to
hear none from you."
What his attitude towards the officers at the Curragh was in the first
instance, is a matter of mere surmise. It has been said that he would
personally have dealt very sharply with those concerned. But such
statements obviously lack authority. Sir John French is much too
discreet an officer to babble his views abroad on such a point. All we
know is that at the time he strongly deprecated politics in the army
in several speeches of considerable force. A psychological problem in
army feeling was closely bound up with the issue. It is enough to
emphasise the fact that Sir John French is himself no politician and
did what he did because his honour demanded nothing less.
[Page Heading: A HOLIDAY]
For four months the most energetic man in the Army was able to
rusticate. Actually nothing ever fell out more happily than this
enforced holiday. His duties during the past few years had necessarily
been extremely exhausting. He had rarely had time for the rest and
relaxation that make for physical and mental freshness. Now he gave
himself to the walking, the riding and the yachting he so keenly
enjoys, and so rarely indulges in. For the General has, at least,
taken the love of the water from his otherwise tedious days in the
Navy. He is an expert yachtsman and has explored a large part of the
British coast at one time or another. Riding and hunting are, however,
the only sports he now takes very seriously. He rides a great deal
during his busiest days at home, running down from London to the Manor
at Waltham Cross for the purpose when occasion permits.
Until the beginning of August, Sir John French was able to revel in
his new found freedom. When the call came, it found him feeling better
and fitter than he had done for years. Perhaps even political intrigue
serves a purpose in the game of the War Gods.