CHAPTER V

RED MAN'S LAND

Red Man's Land is the Americas between the Rio Grande and the tropic of

Capricorn. Here dwells the "Amerindian" race. At the time of Columbus the

whole western hemisphere was theirs, but the white man has extirpated or

absorbed them to north and south, so that to-day the United States and

Canada in North America and the southern portions of South America are

genuine "white man's country." In the intermediate zone above mentioned,

however, the Amerindian has survived and forms the majority of the

population, albeit considerably mixed with white and to a lesser degree

with negro blood. The total number of "Indians," including both

full-bloods and mixed types, is about 40,000,000--more than two-thirds of

the whole population. In addition, there are several million negroes and

mulattoes, mostly in Brazil. The white population of the intermediate

zone, even if we include "near-whites," does not average more than 10 per

cent, though it varies greatly with different regions. The reader should

remember that neither the West India Islands nor the southern portion of

the South American continent are included in this generalization. In the

West Indies the Amerindian has completely died out and has been replaced

by the negro, while southern South America, especially Argentina and

Uruguay, are genuine white man's country in which there is little Indian

and no negro blood. Despite these exceptions, however, the fact remains

that, taken as a whole, "Latin America," the vast land-block from the Rio

Grande to Cape Horn, is racially not "Latin" but Amerindian or negroid,

with a thin Spanish or Portuguese veneer. In other words, though commonly

considered part of the white world, most of Latin America is ethnically

colored man's land, which has been growing more colored for the past

hundred years.

Latin America's evolution was predetermined by the Spanish Conquest. That

very word "conquest" tells the story. The United States was _settled_ by

colonists planning homes and bringing their women. It was thus a genuine

migration, and resulted in a full transplanting of white stock to new

soil. The Indians encountered were wild nomads, fierce of temper and few

in number. After sharp conflicts they were extirpated, leaving virtually

no ethnic traces behind. The colonization of Latin America was the exact

antithesis. The Spanish _Conquistadores_ were bold warriors descending

upon vast regions inhabited by relatively dense populations, some of

which, as in Mexico and Peru, had attained a certain degree of

civilization. The Spaniards, invincible in their shining armor, paralyzed

with terror these people still dwelling in the age of bronze and polished

stone. With ridiculous ease mere handfuls of whites overthrew empires and

lorded it like gods over servile and adoring multitudes. Cortez marched

on Mexico with less than 600 followers, while Pizarro had but 310

companions when he started his conquest of Peru. Of course the fabulous

treasures amassed in these exploits drew swarms of bold adventurers from

Spain. Nevertheless, their numbers were always infinitesimal compared with

the vastness of the quarry, while the proportion of women immigrants

continued to lag far behind that of the men. The breeding of pure whites

in Latin America was thus both scanty and slow.

On the other hand, the breeding of mixed-bloods began at once and attained

notable proportions. Having slaughtered the Indian males or brigaded them

in slave-gangs, the Conquistadores took the Indian women to themselves.

The humblest man-at-arms had several female attendants, while the leaders

became veritable pashas with great harems of concubines. The result was a

prodigious output of half-breed children, known as "mestizos" or "cholos."

And soon a new ethnic complication was added. The Indians having developed

a melancholy trick of dying off under slavery, the Spaniards imported

African negroes to fill the servile ranks, and since they took negresses

as well as Indian women for concubines, other

half-breeds--mulattoes--appeared. Here and there Indians and negroes mated

on their own account, the offspring being known as "zambos." In time these

various hybrids bred among themselves, producing the most extraordinary

ethnic combinations. As Garcia-Calderon well puts it: "Grotesque

generations with every shade of complexion and every conformation of

skull were born in America--a crucible continually agitated by unheard-of

fusions of races.... But there was little Latin blood to be found in the

homes formed by the sensuality of the first conquerors of a desolated

America."[56]

To be sure, this mongrel population long remained politically negligible.

The Spaniards regarded themselves as a master-caste, and excluded all save

pure whites from civic rights and social privileges. In fact, the

European-born Spaniards refused to recognize even their colonial-born

kinsmen as their equals, and "Creoles"[57] could not aspire to the higher

distinctions or offices. This attitude was largely inspired by the desire

to maintain a lucrative monopoly. Yet the European's sense of superiority

had some valid grounds. There can be no doubt that the Creole whites, as a

class, showed increasing signs of degeneracy. Climate was a prime cause in

the hotter regions, but there were many plateau areas, as in Colombia,

Mexico, and Peru, which though geographically in the tropics had a

temperate climate from their elevation.

Even more than by climate the Creole was injured by contact with the

colored races. Pampered and corrupted from birth by obsequious slaves, the

Creole usually led an idle and vapid existence, disdaining work as

servile and debarred from higher callings by his European-born superiors.

As time passed, the degeneracy due to climate and custom was intensified

by degeneracy of blood. Despite legal enactment and social taboo, colored

strains percolated insidiously into the creole stock. The leading

families, by elaborate precautions, might succeed in keeping their

escutcheons clean, but humbler circles darkened significantly despite

fervid protestations of "pure-white" blood. Still, so long as Spain kept

her hold on Latin America, the process of miscegenation, socially

considered, was a slow one. The whole social system was based on the idea

of white superiority, and the colors were carefully graded. "In America,"

wrote Humboldt toward the close of Spanish rule, "the more or less white

skin determines the position which a man holds in society."[58]

The revolution against Spain had momentous consequences for the racial

future of Latin America. In the beginning, to be sure, it was a white

civil war--a revolt of the Creoles against European oppression and

discrimination. The heroes of the revolution--Bolivar, Miranda, San

Martin, and the rest--were aristocrats of pure-white blood. But the

revolution presently developed new features. To begin with, the struggle

was very long. Commencing in 1809, it lasted almost twenty years. The

whites were decimated by fratricidal fury, and when the Spanish cause was

finally lost, multitudes of loyalists mainly of the superior social

classes left the country. Meanwhile, the half-castes, who had rallied

wholesale to the revolutionary banner, were demanding their reward. The

Creoles wished to close the revolutionary cycle and establish a new

society based, like the old, upon white supremacy, with themselves

substituted for the Spaniards. Bolivar planned a limited monarchy and a

white electoral oligarchy. But this was far from suiting the half-castes.

For them the revolution had just begun. Raising the cry of "democracy,"

then become fashionable through the North American and French revolutions,

they proclaimed the doctrine of "equality" regardless of skin.

Disillusioned and full of foreboding, Bolivar, the master-spirit of the

revolution, disappeared from the scene, and his lieutenants, like the

generals of Alexander, quarrelled among themselves, split Latin America

into jarring fragments, and waged a long series of internecine wars. The

flood-gates of anarchy were opened, the result being a steady weakening of

the whites and a corresponding rise of the half-castes in the political

and social scale. Everywhere ambitious soldiers led the mongrel mob

against the white aristocracy, breaking its power and making themselves

dictators. These "caudillos" were apostles of equality and miscegenation.

Says Garcia-Calderon: "Tyrants found democracies; they lean on the support

of the people, the half-breeds and negroes, against the oligarchies; they

dominate the colonial nobility, favor the crossing of races, and free the

slaves."[59]

The consequences of all this were lamentable in the extreme. Latin

America's level of civilization fell far below that of colonial days.

Spanish rule, though narrow and tyrannical, had maintained peace and

social stability. Now all was a hideous chaos wherein frenzied castes and

colors grappled to the death. Ignorant mestizos and brutal negroes

trampled the fine flowers of culture under foot, while as by a malignant

inverse selection the most intelligent and the most cultivated perished.

These deplorable conditions prevailed in Latin America until well past the

middle of the nineteenth century. Of course, here as elsewhere, anarchy

engendered tyranny, and strong caudillos sometimes perpetuated their

dictatorship for decades, as in Paraguay under Doctor Francia and in

Mexico under Porfirio Diaz. However, these were mere interludes, of no

constructive import. Always the aging lion lost his grip, the lurking

hyenas of anarchy downed him at last, and the land sank once more into

revolutionary chaos. Some parts of Latin America did, indeed, definitely

emerge into the light of stable progress. But those favored regions owed

their deliverance, not to dictatorship, but to race. One of two factors

always operated: either (1) an efficient white oligarchy; or (2)

Aryanization through wholesale European immigration.

Stabilization through oligarchy is best illustrated by Chile. Chilean

history differs widely from that of the rest of Latin America. A land of

cool climate, no gold, and warlike Araucanian Indians, Chile attracted

the pioneering settler rather than the swashbuckling seeker of

treasure-trove. Now the pioneering types in Spain come mainly from those

northern provinces which have retained considerable Nordic blood. The

Chilean colonists were thus largely blond Asturians or austere, reasonable

Basques, seeking homes and bringing their women. Of course there was

crossing with the natives, but the fierce Araucanian aborigines clung to

their wild freedom and kept up an interminable frontier warfare in which

the occasions for race-mixture were relatively few. The country was thus

settled by a resident squirearchy of an almost English type. This ruling

gentry jealously guarded its racial integrity. In fact, it possessed not

merely a white but a Nordic race-consciousness. The Chilean gentry called

themselves sons of the Visigoths, scions of Euric and Pelayo, who had

found in remote Araucania a chance to slake their racial thirst for

fighting and freedom.

In Chile, as elsewhere, the revolution provoked a cycle of disorder. But

the cycle was short, and was more a political struggle between white

factions than a social welter of caste and race. Furthermore, Chile was

receiving fresh accessions of Nordic blood. Many English, Scotch, and

Irish gentleman-adventurers, taking part in the War of Independence,

settled down in a land so reminiscent of their own. Germans also came in

considerable numbers, settling especially in the colder south. Thus the

Chilean upper classes, always pure white, became steadily more Nordic in

ethnic character. The political and social results were unmistakable.

Chile rapidly evolved a stable society, essentially oligarchic and

consciously patterned on aristocratic England. Efficient, practical, and

extremely patriotic, the Chilean oligarchs made their country at once the

most stable and the most dynamic factor in Latin America.

The distinctly "Northern" character of Chile and the Chileans strike

foreign observers. Here, for example, are the impressions of a recent

visitor, the North American sociologist, Professor E. A. Ross. Landing at

the port of Valparaiso, he is "struck by signs of English influence. On

the commercial streets every third man suggests the Briton, while a large

proportion of the business people look as if they have their daily tub.

The cleanliness of the streets, the freshness of the parks and squares,

the dressing of the shop-windows, and the style of the mounted police

remind one of England."[60] As to the Nordic affinities of the upper

classes: "One sees it in stature, eye color, and ruddy complexion....

Among the pupils of Santiago College there are as many blonds as

brunets."[61] Even among the peon or "roto" class, despite considerable

Indian crossing, Professor Ross noted the strong Nordic strain, for he met

Chilean peasants "whose stature, broad shoulders, big faces, and tawny

mustaches proclaimed them as genuine Norsemen as the Icelanders in our

Red River Valley."[62]

Chile is thus the prime example of social stability and progress attained

through white oligarchic rule. Other, though less successful, instances

are to be noted in Peru, Colombia, and Costa Rica. Peru and Colombia,

though geographically within the tropics, have extensive temperate

plateaux. Here numerous whites settled during the colonial period, forming

an upper caste over a large Indian population. Unlike Chile, few Nordics

came to leaven society with those qualities of constructive genius and

racial self-respect which are the special birthright of Nordic man. Unlike

Chile again, not only were there dense Indian masses, but there was also

an appreciable negro element. Lastly, the number of mixed-bloods was very

large. It is thus not surprising that for both Peru and Colombia the

revolution ushered in a period of turmoil from which neither have even yet

emerged. The whites have consistently fought among themselves, invoking

the half-castes as auxiliaries and using Indians and negroes as their

pawns. The whites are still the dominant element, but only the first

families retain their pure blood, and miscegenation creeps upward with

every successive generation. As for Costa Rica, it is a tiny bit of cool

hill-country, settled by whites in colonial times, and to-day rises an

oasis of civilization, above the tropic jungle of degenerate, mongrel

Central America.

The second method of social stabilization in Latin America--Aryanization

through wholesale European immigration--is exemplified by Argentina and

Uruguay. Neither of these lands had very promising beginnings. Their

populations, at the revolution, contained strong Indian infusions and

traces of negro blood, while after the revolution both fell under the sway

of tyrannical dictators who persecuted the white aristocrats and favored

miscegenation. However, Argentina and Uruguay possessed two notable

advantages: they were climatically white man's country, and they at first

contained a very small population. Since they produced neither gold nor

tropical luxuries, Spain had neglected them, so that at the revolution

they consisted of little more than the port-towns of Buenos Aires and

Montevideo with a few dependent river-settlements. Their vast hinterlands

of fertile prairie then harbored only wandering tribes of nomad savages.

During the last half of the nineteenth century, however, the development

of ocean transport gave these antipodean prairies value as stock-raising

and grain-growing sources for congested Europe, and Europe promptly sent

immigrants to supply her needs. This immigrant stream gradually swelled to

a veritable deluge. The human tide was, on the whole, of sound stock,

mostly Spaniards and north Italians, with some Nordic elements from

northern Europe in the upper strata. Thus Europe locked antipodean America

securely to the white world. As for the colonial stock, it merged easily

into the newer, kindred flood. Here and there signs of former

miscegenation still show, the Argentino being sometimes, as Madison Grant

well puts it, "suspiciously swarthy."[63] Nevertheless, these are but

vestigial traces which the ceaseless European inflow will ultimately

eradicate. The large impending German immigration to Argentina and Uruguay

should bring valuable Nordic elements.

This same tide of European immigration has likewise pretty well Aryanized

the southern provinces of Brazil, adjacent to the Uruguayan border. Those

provinces were neglected by Portugal as Argentina and Uruguay were by

Spain, and half a century ago they had a very sparse population. To-day

they support millions of European immigrants, mostly Italians and European

Portuguese, but with the further addition of nearly half a million

Germans. Brazil is, in fact, evolving into two racially distinct

communities. The southern provinces are white man's country, with little

Indian or negro blood, and with a distinct "color line." The tropical

north is saturated with Indian and negro strains, and the whites are

rapidly disappearing in a universal mongrelization. Ultimately this must

produce momentous political consequences.

Bearing in mind the exceptions above noted, let us now observe the vast

tropical and semi-tropical bulk of Latin America. Here we find notable

changes since colonial days. White predominance is substantially a thing

of the past. Persons of unmixed Spanish or Portuguese descent are

relatively few, most of the so-called "whites" being really _near_-whites,

more or less deeply tinged with colored bloods. It is a striking token of

white race-prestige that these near-whites, despite their degeneracy and

inefficiency, are yet the dominant element; occupying, in fact, much the

same status as the aristocratic Creoles immediately after the War of

Independence. Nevertheless, the near-whites' supremacy is now threatened.

Every decade of chronic anarchy favors the darker half-breeds, while below

these, in turn, the Indian and negro full-bloods are beginning to stir, as

in Mexico to-day.

Most informed observers agree that the mixed-bloods of Latin America are

distinctly inferior to the whites. This applies to both mestizos and

mulattoes, albeit the mestizo (the cross between white and Indian) seems

less inferior than the mulatto--the cross between white and black. As for

the zambo, the Indian-negro cross, everybody is agreed that it is a very

bad one. Analyses of these hybrid stocks show remarkable similarities to

the mongrel chaos of the declining Roman Empire. Here is the judgment of

Garcia-Calderon, a Peruvian scholar and generally considered the most

authoritative writer on Latin America. "The racial question," he writes,

"is a very serious problem in American history. It explains the progress

of certain peoples and the decadence of others, and it is the key to the

incurable disorder which divides America. Upon it depend a great number

of secondary phenomena; the public wealth, the industrial system, the

stability of governments, the solidity of patriotism.... This complication

of castes, this admixture of diverse bloods, has created many problems.

For example, is the formation of a national consciousness possible with

such disparate elements? Would such heterogeneous democracies be able to

resist the invasion of superior races? Finally, is the South American

half-caste absolutely incapable of organization and culture?"[64] While

qualifying his answers to these queries, Garcia-Calderon yet deplores the

half-caste's "decadence."[65] "In the Iberian democracies," he says, "an

inferior Latinity, a Latinity of the decadence, prevails; verbal

abundance, inflated rhetoric, oratorical exaggeration, just as in Roman

Spain.... The half-caste loves grace, verbal elegance, quibbles even, and

artistic form; great passions and desires do not move him. In religion he

is sceptical, indifferent, and in politics he disputes in the Byzantine

manner. No one could discover in him a trace of his Spanish forefather,

stoical and adventurous."[66] Garcia-Calderon therefore concludes: "The

mixture of rival castes, Iberians, Indians, and negroes, has generally had

disastrous consequences.... None of the conditions established by the

French psychologists are realized by the Latin American democracies, and

their populations are therefore degenerate. The lower castes struggle

successfully against the traditional rules: the order which formerly

existed is followed by moral anarchy; solid conviction by a superficial

scepticism; and the Castilian tenacity by indecision. The black race is

doing its work, and the continent is returning to its primitive

barbarism."[67] This melancholy fate can, according to Garcia-Calderon, be

averted only by wholesale white immigration: "In South America

civilization is dependent upon the numerical predominance of the

victorious Spaniard, on the triumph of the white man over the mulatto, the

negro, and the Indian. Only a plentiful European immigration can

re-establish the shattered equilibrium of the American races."[68]

Garcia-Calderon's pronouncements are echoed by foreign observers. During

his South American travels Professor Ross noted the same melancholy

symptoms and pointed out the same unique remedy. Speaking of Ecuador, he

says: "I found no foreigners who have faith in the future of this people.

They point out that while this was a Spanish colony there was a continual

flow of immigrants from Spain, many of whom, no doubt, were men of force.

Political separation interrupted this current, and since then the country

has really gone back. Spain had provided a ruling, organizing element,

and, with the cessation of the flow of Spaniards, the mixed-bloods took

charge of things, for the pure-white element is so small as to be

negligible. No one suggests that the mestizos equal the white stock either

in intellect or in character.... Among the rougher foreigners and

Peruvians the pet name for these people is 'monkeys.' The thoughtful often

liken them to Eurasians, clever enough, but lacking in solidity of

character. Natives and foreigners alike declare that a large white

immigration is the only hope for Ecuador."[69]

Concerning Bolivia, Professor Ross writes: "The wisest sociologist in

Bolivia told me that the zambo, resulting from the union of Indian with

negro, is inferior to both the parent races, and that likewise the mestizo

is inferior to both white and Indian in physical strength, resistance to

disease, longevity, and brains. The failure of the South American

republics has been due, he declares, to mestizo domination. Through the

colonial period there was a flow of Spaniards to the colonies, and all the

offices down to _corregidor_ and _cura_ were filled by white men. With

independence, the whites ceased coming, and the lower offices of state and

church were filled with mestizos. Then, too, the first crossing of white

with Indian gave a better result than the union between mestizos, so that

the stock has undergone progressive degeneration. The only thing, then,

that can make these countries progress is a large white immigration,

something much talked about by statesmen in all these countries, but which

has never materialized."[70]

These judgments refer particularly to Spanish America. Regarding

Portuguese Brazil, however, the verdict seems to be the same. Many years

ago Professor Agassiz wrote: "Let any one who doubts the evil of this

mixture of races, and is inclined from mistaken philanthropy to break down

all barriers between them, come to Brazil. He cannot deny the

deterioration consequent upon the amalgamation of races, more wide-spread

here than in any country in the world, and which is rapidly effacing the

best qualities of the white man, the negro, and the Indian, leaving a

mongrel, nondescript type, deficient in physical and mental energy."[71]

The mongrel's political ascendancy produces precisely the results which

might have been expected. These unhappy beings, every cell of whose bodies

is a battle-ground of jarring heredities, express their souls in acts of

hectic violence and aimless instability. The normal state of tropical

America is anarchy, restrained only by domestic tyrants or foreign

masters. Garcia-Calderon exactly describes its psychology when he writes:

"Precocious, sensual, impressionable, the Americans of these vast

territories devote their energies to local politics. Industry, commerce,

and agriculture are in a state of decay, and the unruly imagination of the

Creole expends itself in constitutions, programmes, and lyrical

discourses; in these regions anarchy is sovereign mistress."[72] The

tropical republics display, indeed, a tendency toward "atomic

disintegration.... Given to dreaming, they are led by presidents suffering

from neurosis."[73]

The stock feature of the mongrel tropics is, of course, the "revolution."

These senseless and perennial outbursts are often ridiculed in the United

States as comic opera, but the grim truth of the matter is that few Latin

American revolutions are laughing matters. The numbers of men engaged may

not be very large according to our standards, but measured by the scanty

populations of the countries concerned, they lay a heavy blood-tax on the

suffering peoples. The tatterdemalion "armies" may excite our mirth, but

the battles are real enough, often fought out to the death with

razor-edged machetes and rusty bayonets, and there is no more ghastly

sight than a Latin American battle-field. The commandeerings, burnings,

rapings, and assassinations inflicted upon the hapless civilian population

cry to heaven. There is always wholesale destruction of property,

frequently appalling loss of life, and a general paralysis of economic and

social activity. These wretched lands have now been scourged by the

revolutionary plague for a hundred years, and W. B. Hale does not

overstate the consequences when he says: "Most of the countries clustering

about the Caribbean have sunk into deeper and deeper mires of misrule,

unmatched for profligacy and violence anywhere on earth. Revolution

follows revolution; one band of brigands succeeds another; atrocities

revenge atrocities; the plundered people grow more and more abject in

poverty and slavishness; vast natural resources lie neglected, while

populations decrease, civilization recedes, and the jungle advances."[74]

Of course, under these frightful circumstances, the national character,

weak enough at best, degenerates at an ever-quickening pace. Peaceful

effort of any sort appears vain and ridiculous, and men are taught that

wealth is procurable only by violence and extortion.

Another important point should be noted. I have said that Latin American

anarchy was restrained by dictatorship. But the reader must not infer that

dictatorships are halcyon times--for the dictated. On the contrary, they

are usually only a trifle less wretched and demoralizing than times of

revolution. The "caudillos" are nearly always very sinister figures. Often

they are ignorant brutes; oftener they are blood-thirsty, lecherous

monsters; oftenest they are human spiders who suck the land dry of all

fluid wealth, banking it abroad against the day when they shall fly before

the revolutionary blast to the safe haven of Paris and the congenial

debaucheries of Montmartre. The millions amassed by tyrants like Castro of

Venezuela and Zelaya of Nicaragua are almost beyond belief, considering

the backward, bankrupt lands they have "administered."

Yet how can it be otherwise? Consider Critchfield's incisive account of a

caudillo's accession to power: "When an ignorant and brutal man, whose

entire knowledge of the world is confined to a few Indian villages, and

whose total experience has been gained in the raising of cattle, doffs his

_alpagartes_, and, machete in hand, cuts his way to power in a few weeks,

with a savage horde at his back who know nothing of the amenities of

civilization and care less than they know--when such a man comes to

power, evil and evil only can result. Even if the new dictator were

well-intentioned, his entire ignorance of law and constitutional forms, of

commercial processes and manufacturing arts, and of the fundamental and

necessary principles underlying all stable and free governments, would

render a successful administration by him extremely difficult, if not

impossible. But he is surrounded by all the elements of vice and flattery,

and he is imbued with that vain and absurd egotism which makes men of

small caliber imagine themselves to be Napoleons or Caesars. Thus do petty

despotisms, unrestrained by constitutional provisions or by anything like

a virile public opinion, lead from absurdity to outrage and crime."[75]

Such is the situation in mongrel-ruled America: revolution breeding

revolution, tyranny breeding tyranny, and the twain combining to ruin

their victims and force them ever deeper into the slough of degenerate

barbarism. The whites have lost their grip and are rapidly disappearing.

The mixed-breeds have had their chance and have grotesquely failed. The

oft-quoted panacea--white immigration--is under present conditions a vain

dream, for white immigrants will not expose themselves (and still less

their women) to the horrors of mongrel rule. So far, their, as internal

factors are concerned, anarchy seems destined to continue unchecked.

In fact, new conflicts loom on the horizon. The Indian masses, so docile

to the genuine white man, begin to stir. The aureole of white prestige has

been besmirched by the near-whites and half-castes who have traded so

recklessly upon its sanctions. Strong in the poise of normal heredity, the

Indian full-blood commences to despise these chaotic masters who turn his

homelands into bear-gardens and witches' sabbaths. An "Indianista"

movement is to-day on foot throughout mongrel-ruled America. It is most

pronounced in Mexico, whose interminable agony becomes more and more a war

of Indian resurgence, but it is also starting along the west coast of

South America. Long ago, wise old Professor Pearson saw how the wind was

blowing. Noting how whites and near-whites were "everywhere fighting and

intriguing for the spoils of office," he also noted that the Indian

masses, though relatively passive and "seemingly unobservant," were yet

"conquering a place for themselves in other ways than by increasing and

multiplying," and he concluded: "the general level of the autochthonous

race is being raised; it is acquiring riches and self-respect, and must

sooner or later get the country back into its hands."[76] Recent visitors

to the South American west coast note the signs of Indian unrest. Some

years ago Lord Bryce remarked of Bolivia: "There have been Indian risings,

and firearms are more largely in their hands than formerly. They so

preponderate in numbers that any movement which united them against the

upper class might, could they find a leader, have serious

consequences."[77] Still more recently Professor Ross wrote concerning

Peru: "In Cuzco I met a gentleman of education and travel who is said to

be the only living lineal descendant of the Incas. He has great influence

with the native element and voices their bitterness and their aspirations.

He declares that the politics of Peru is a struggle between the Spanish

mestizos of Lima and the coast and the natives of Cuzco and the interior,

and predicts an uprising unless Cuzco is made the capital of the nation.

He even dreams of a Kechua republic, with Cuzco as its capital and the

United States its guarantor, as she is guarantor of the Cuban

republic."[78] And of Bolivia, Professor Ross writes: "Lately there has

been a general movement of the Bolivian Indians for the recovery of the

lands of which they have been robbed piecemeal. Conflicts have broken out

and, although the government has punished the ringleaders, there is a

feeling that, so long as the exploiting of the Indian goes on, Bolivians

are living 'in the crater of a slumbering volcano.'"[79]

Since the white man has gone and the Indian is preparing to wrest the

sceptre of authority from the mongrel's worthless hands, let us examine

this Indian race, to see what potentiality it possesses of restoring order

and initiating progress.

To begin with, there can be no doubt that the Indian is superior to the

negro. The negro, even when quickened by foreign influences, never built

up anything approaching a real civilization; whereas the Indian, though

entirely sundered from the rest of mankind, evolved genuine polities and

cultures like the Aztec of Mexico, the Inca of Peru, and the Maya of

Yucatan. The Indian thus possesses creative capacity to an appreciable

degree. However, that degree seems strictly limited. The researches of

archaeologists have sadly discounted the glowing tales of the

Conquistadores, and the "Empires" of Mexico and Peru, though far from

contemptible, certainly rank well below the achievements of European and

Asiatic races in mediaeval and even in classic times.

The Indian possesses notable stability and poise, but the very intensity

of these qualities fetters his progress and renders questionable his

ability to rise to the modern plane. His conservatism is immense. With

incredible tenacity he clings to his ancestral ways and exhibits a dull

indifference to alien innovation. Of course the Indian sub-races differ

considerably among themselves, but the same fundamental tendencies are

visible in all of them. Says Professor Ellsworth Huntington: "The Indians

are very backward. They are dull of mind and slow to adopt new ideas.

Perhaps in the future they will change, but the fact that they have been

influenced so little by four hundred years of contact with the white man

does not afford much ground for hope. Judging from the past, there is no

reason to think that their character is likely to change for many

generations.... Those who dwell permanently in the white man's cities are

influenced somewhat, but here as in other cases the general tendency seems

to be to revert to the original condition as soon as the special impetus

of immediate contact with the white man is removed."[80] And Lord Bryce

writes in similar vein: "With plenty of stability, they lack initiative.

They make steady soldiers, and fight well under white or mestizo leaders,

but one seldom hears of a pure Indian accomplishing anything or rising

either through war or politics, or in any profession, above the level of

his class...."[81]

The truth about the Indian seems to be substantially this: Left alone, he

would probably have continued to progress, albeit much more slowly than

either white or Asiatic peoples. But the Indian was not left alone. On the

contrary, he was suddenly felled by brutal and fanatical conquerors, who

uprooted his native culture and plunged him into abject servitude. The

Indian's spiritual past was shorn away and his evolution was perverted.

Prevented from developing along his own lines, and constitutionally

incapable of adapting himself to the ways of his Spanish conquerors, the

Indian vegetated, learning nothing and forgetting much that he knew. This

has continued for four hundred years. Is it not likely that his ancestral

aptitudes have atrophied or decayed? Slavery and mental sloth have indeed

scarred him with their fell stigmata. Says Garcia-Calderon: "Without

sufficient food, without hygiene, a distracted and laborious beast, he

decays and perishes; to forget the misery of his daily lot he drinks,

becomes an alcoholic, and his numerous progeny present the characteristics

of degeneracy."[82]

Furthermore, the Indian degenerates from another cause--mongrelization.

Miscegenation is a dual process. It works upward and downward at one and

the same time. In Latin America hybridization has been prodigious, the

hybrids to-day numbering millions. In some regions, as in Venezuela and

parts of Central America, there are very few full-blooded Indians left,

hybrids forming practically the entire population. Now, on the whole, the

white or "mestizo" crossing seems hurtful to the Indian, for what he gains

in intelligence he more than loses in character. But the mestizo crossing

is not the worst. There is another, much graver, racial danger. The hot

coastlands swarm with negroes, and the zambo or negro-Indian is

universally adjudged the worst of matings. Thus, for the Indian, white

blood appears harmful, while black blood is absolutely fatal. Yet the

mongrelizing tide sweeps steadily on. The Indian draws no "color line,"

and continually impairs the purity of his blood and the poise of his

heredity.

Bearing all the above facts in mind, can we believe the Indian capable of

drawing mongrel-ruled America from its slough of despond? Can he set it on

the path of orderly progress? It does not seem possible. Assuming for the

sake of argument complete freedom from foreign intervention, the Indian

might in time displace his mongrel rulers--provided he himself were not

also mongrelized. But the present "Indianista" movement is not a sign of

Indian political efficiency; not the harbinger of an Indian "renaissance."

It is the instinctive turning of the harried beast on his tormentor.

Maddened by the cruel vagaries of mongrel rule and increasingly conscious

of the mongrel's innate worthlessness, the Indian at last bares his teeth.

Under civilized white tutelage the "Indianista" movement would have been

practically inconceivable.

However, guesses as to the final outcome of an Indian-mongrel conflict are

academic speculation, because mongrel America will not be left to itself.

Mongrel America cannot stand alone. Indeed, it never has stood alone, for

it has always been bolstered up by the Monroe Doctrine. But for our

protection, outside forces would have long since rushed into this

political and economic vacuum, and every omen to-day denotes that this

vacuum, like all others, will presently be filled. A world close packed as

never before will not tolerate countries that are a torment to themselves

and a dangerous nuisance to their neighbors. A world half bankrupt will

not allow vast sources of potential wealth to lie in hands which idle or

misuse. Thus it is practically certain that mongrel America will presently

pass under foreign tutelage. Exactly how, is not yet clear. It may be done

by the United States alone, or, what is more probable, in "Pan-American"

co-operation with the lusty young white nations of the antipodean south.

It may be done by an even larger combination, including some European

states. After all, the details of such action do not lie within the scope

of this book, since they fall exclusively within the white man's sphere of

activity.

There is, however, another dynamic which might transform mongrel America.

This dynamic is yellow Asia. The Far East teems with virile and laborious

life. It thrills to novel ambitions and desires. Avid with the urge of

swarming myriads, it hungrily seeks outlets for its superabundant

vitality. We have already seen how the Mongolian has earmarked the whole

Far East for his own, and in subsequent pages we shall see how he also

beats restlessly against the white world's race-frontiers. But mongrel

America! What other field offers such tempting possibilities for Mongolian

race-expansion? Vast regions of incalculable, unexploited wealth, sparsely

inhabited by stagnant populations cursed with anarchy and feeble from

miscegenation--how could such lands resist the onslaught of tenacious and

indomitable millions? The answer is self-evident. They could not resist;

and such an invasion, once begun, would be consummated with a celerity and

thoroughness perhaps unexampled in human history.

Now the yellow world is alive to this momentous possibility. Japan, in

particular, has glimpsed in Latin America precious avenues to that racial

expansion which is the key-note of Japanese foreign policy. For years

Japanese statesmen and publicists have busied themselves with the problem.

The Chinese had, in fact, already pointed the way, for during the later

decades of the nineteenth century Chinamen frequented Latin America's

Pacific coast, economically vanquishing the natives with ease, and

settling in Peru in such numbers that the alarmed Peruvians hastily

stopped the inflow by drastic exclusion acts. The successes of these

Chinese pioneers, humble coolies entirely without official backing, have

fired the Japanese imagination. The Japanese press has long discussed

Latin America in optimistic vein. Count Okuma is a good exemplar of these

Japanese aspirations. Some years ago he told the American sociologist

Professor Ross: "South America, especially the northern part, will furnish

ample room for our surplus."[83] To his fellow countrymen Count Okuma was

still more specific. In 1907 he stated in the Tokio _Economist_ that the

Japanese were to overspread the earth like a cloud of locusts, alighting

on the North American coasts, and swarming into Central and South America.

Count Okuma expressed a strong preference for Latin American countries as

fields for Japanese immigration, because most of them were "much easier to

include within the sphere of influence of Japan in the future."[84]

And the Japanese have supplemented words with deeds. Especially since

1914, Japanese activity in Latin America has been ubiquitous and

striking. The west coast of South America, in particular, is to-day

flooded with Japanese goods, merchants, commercial missions, and financial

agents seeking concessions of every kind. Our State Department has had to

exercise special vigilance concerning Japanese concession-hunting in

Mexico.

Japan's present activity is of course mere reconnoitring--testings and

mappings of terrain for possible later action on a more extensive scale.

One thing alone gives Japan pause--our veto. Japan knows that real

aggression against our southern neighbors would spell war with the United

States. Japan does not contemplate war with us at present. She has many

fish to fry in the Far East. So in Latin America she plays safe. But she

bides her time. In Latin America itself she has friends--even partisans.

Japan seeks to mobilize to her profit that distrust of the "Yanqui" which

permeates Latin America. The half-castes, in particular, rage at our

"color line" and see in the United States the Nemesis of their anarchic

misrule. They flout the Monroe Doctrine, caress dreams of Japanese aid,

and welcome Nippon's pose as the champion of color throughout the world.

Japanese activities in Mexico are of especial interest. Here Japan has

three strong strings to her bow: (1) patriotic dislike of the United

States; (2) mestizo hatred of the white "gringo"; (3) the Indianista

movement. In Mexico the past decade of revolutionary turmoil has developed

into a complicated race-war of the mestizos against the white or

near-white upper class and of the Indian full-bloods against both whites

and mestizos. The one bond of union is dislike of the gringo, which often

rises to fanatical hatred. Our war against Mexico in 1847 has never been

forgotten, and many Mexicans cherish hopes of revenge and even aspire to

recover the territories then ceded to us. During the early stages of the

European War our military unpreparedness and apparent pacifism actually

emboldened some Mexican hotheads to concoct the notorious "Plan of San

Diego." The conspirators plotted to rouse the Mexican population of our

southern border, sow disaffection among our Southern negroes, and explode

the mine at the psychological moment by means of a "Reconquering Equitable

Army" invading Texas. Our whole Southwest was to be rejoined to Mexico,

while our Southern States were to form a black republic. The projected war

was conceived strictly in terms of race, the reconquering equitable army

to be composed solely of "Latins," negroes, and Japanese. The racial

results were to be decisive, for the entire white population of both our

South and Southwest was to be pitilessly massacred. Of course the plot

completely miscarried, and sporadic attempts to invade Texas during 1915

were easily repulsed.

Nevertheless, this incident reveals the trend of many Mexican minds. The

framers of the "Plan of San Diego" were not ignorant peons, but persons of

some standing. The outrages and tortures inflicted upon numerous Americans

in Mexico during recent years are further indications of that wide-spread

hatred which expresses itself in vitriolic outbursts like the following

editorial of a Mexican provincial paper, written during our chase after

the bandit Villa in 1916: "Above all, do not forget that at a time of

national need, humanity is a crime and frightfulness is a virtue. Pull out

eyes, snatch out hearts, tear open breasts, drink--if you can--the blood

in the skulls of the invaders from the cities of Yankeeland. In defense of

liberty be a Nero, be a Caligula--that is to be a good patriot. Peace

between Mexico and the United States will be closed in throes of terror

and barbarism."[85]

All this is naturally grist for the Japanese mill. Especially interesting

are Japanese attempts to play upon Mexican Indianista sentiment. Japanese

writers point out physical and cultural similarities between the Mexican

native races and themselves, deducing therefrom innate racial affinities

springing from the remote and forgotten past. All possible sympathetic

changes were rung during the diplomatic mission of Senor de la Barra to

Japan at the beginning of 1914. His reception in Tokio was a memorable

event. Senor de la Barra was greeted by cheering multitudes, and on every

occasion the manifold bonds between the two peoples were emphasized. This

of course occurred before the European War. During the war

Japanese-Mexican relations remained amicable. So far as official evidence

goes, the Japanese Government has never entered into any understandings

with the Mexican Government, though some Mexicans have hinted at a secret

agreement, and one Mexican writer, Gutierrez de Lara, asserts that in 1912

Francisco Madero, then President, "threw himself into the arms of Japan,"

and goes on: "We are well aware of the importance of this statement and of

its tremendous international significance, but we make it deliberately

with full confidence in our authority. Not only did Madero enlist the

ardent support of the South American republics in the cause of Mexico's

inviolability, but he entered into negotiations with the Japanese minister

in Mexico City for a close offensive and defensive alliance with Japan to

checkmate United States aggression. When during the fateful twelve days'

battle in Mexico City a rumor of American intervention, more alarming than

usual, was communicated to Madero, he remarked coldly that he was

thoroughly anxious for that intervention, for he was confident of the

surprise the American Government would receive in discovering that they

had to deal with Japan."[86]

But, after all, an official Japanese-Mexican understanding is not the

fundamental issue. The really significant thing is Mexican popular

antagonism to the United States, which is so wide-spread that Japan could

in a crisis probably count on Mexican benevolent neutrality if not on

Mexican support. The present Carranza government of Mexico is of course

notoriously anti-American. Its consistent policy, notably revealed in its

complaisance toward Germany and its intrigues with other anti-American

regimes like those of Colombia and Venezuela, makes Mexico the centre of

anti-Americanism in Latin America. As for the numerous Japanese residents

in Mexico, they have lost no opportunity to abet this attitude. Here, for

instance, is the text of a manifesto signed by prominent members of the

Japanese colony during the American-Mexican crisis of 1916: "Japanese:

Mexico is a friendly nation. Our commercial bonds with her are great. She

is, like us, a nation of heroes who will never consent to the

world-domination of a hard and brutal race, as are the Yankees. We cannot

abandon Mexico in her struggle against a nation supposedly stronger. The

Mexicans know how to defend themselves, but there is lacking aid which we

can furnish. If the Yankees invade Mexico, if they seize the California

coasts, Japanese commerce and the Japanese navy will face a grave peril.

The Yankees believe us impotent because of the European War, and we will

be expelled from American soil and our children from American schools. We

will aid the Mexicans. We will aid Mexico against Yankee rapacity. This

great and beautiful country is a victim of Yankee hatred toward Japan. Our

indifference would be a lack of patriotism, since the Yankees already are

against us and our divine Emperor. They have seized Hawaii, they have

seized the Philippine Islands, near our coasts, and are now about to

crush under foot our friend and possible ally, and injure our commerce and

imperil our naval power."[87]

The fact is that Latin America's attitude toward the yellow world tends

everywhere to crystallize along race lines. The half-castes, naturally

hostile to the United States, see in Japan a welcome offset to the

"Colossus of the North." The self-conscious Indianista elements likewise

heed Japanese suggestions of ethnic affinity. On the other hand, the

whites and near-whites instinctively react against Japanese advances. Even

those who have no love for the Yankee see in the Mongolian the greatest of

perils. Garcia-Calderon typifies this point of view. He dreads our

imperialistic tendencies, yet he reproves those Latin Americans who, in a

Japanese-American clash, would favor Japan. "Victorious," he writes, "the

Japanese would invade Western America and convert the Pacific into a vast

closed sea, closed to foreign ambitions, _mare nostrum_, peopled with

Japanese colonies. The Japanese hegemony would not be a mere change of

tutelage for the nations of America. In spite of essential differences,

the Latins oversea have certain common ties with the people of the

(United) States: a long-established religion, Christianity, and a

coherent, European, Occidental civilization. Perhaps there is some obscure

fraternity between the Japanese and the American Indians, between the

yellow men of Nippon and the copper-colored Quechuas, a disciplined and

sober people. But the ruling race, the dominant type of Spanish origin,

which imposes the civilization of the white man upon America, is hostile

to the entire invading East."[88]

White men throughout Latin America generally echo these sentiments. Chile

and Argentina repulse Oriental immigration, and the white oligarchs of

Peru dread keenly Japanese designs directed so specifically against their

country. Very recently a Peruvian, Doctor Jorge M. Corbacho,[89] wrote

most bitterly about the Japanese infiltration into Peru and adjacent

Bolivia, while some years ago Senor Augustin Edwards, owner of the leading

Chilean periodical, _El Mercurio_, denounced Count Okuma's menaces and

called for a Pan-American rampart against Asia from Behring Strait to Cape

Horn. "Japanese immigration," asserted Senor Edwards, "must be firmly

opposed, not only in South America, but in the whole American continent.

The same remark applies to Chinese immigration.... In short, these threats

of Okuma should induce the nations of South America to adopt the Monroe

Doctrine--an invincible weapon against the plans and intentions of that

'Empire of the Orient,' which has so lately risen up to new life, and

already manifests so dire a greed of conquest."[90] From Central America

similar voices arise. A Salvadorean writer urges political federation

with the United States as the sole refuge against the "Yellow Peril," to

avoid becoming "slaves and utterly insignificant";[91] and a well-known

Nicaraguan politician, Senor Moncada,[92] writes in similar vein.

The momentous implications of Mongolian pressure upon Latin America are

admirably described by Professor Ross. "Provided that no barrier be

interposed to the inflow from man-stifled Asia," he says, "it is well

within the bounds of probability that by the close of this century South

America will be the home of twenty or thirty millions of Orientals and

descendants of Orientals.... But Asiatic immigration of such volume would

change profoundly the destiny of South America. For one thing, it would

forestall and frustrate that great immigration of Europeans which South

American statesmen are counting on to relieve their countries from mestizo

unprogressiveness and misgovernment. The white race would withhold its

increase or look elsewhere for outlets; for those with the higher standard

of comfort always shun competition with those of a lower standard. Again,

large areas of South America might cease to be parts of Christendom. Some

of the republics there might come to be as dependent upon Asiatic Powers

as the Cuban republic is dependent upon the United States."[93]

Very pertinent is Professor Ross's warning as to the fate of the Indian

population--a warning which Indianista believers in Japanese "affinity"

should seriously take to heart. Whatever might be the lot of the Latin

American whites, Professor Ross points out that "an Asiatic influx would

seal the doom of the Indian element in these countries.... The Indians

could make no effective economic stand against the wide-awake,

resourceful, and aggressive Japanese or Chinese. The Oriental immigrants

could beat the Indians at every point, block every path upward, and even

turn them out of most of their present employments. In great part the

Indians would become a cringing _sudra_ caste, tilling the poorer lands

and confined to the menial or repulsive occupations. Filled with despair,

and abandoning themselves even more than they do now to pisco and coca,

they would shrivel into a numerically negligible element in the

population."[94]

Such are the underlying factors in the Latin American situation. Once more

we see the essential instability of mere political phenomena. Once more we

see the supreme importance of race. No conquest could have been completer

than that of the Spaniards four centuries ago. The Indians were helpless

as sheep before the mail-clad Conquistadores. And military conquest was

succeeded by complete political domination. The Indian even lost his

cultural heritage, and became a passive tool in the hands of his white

masters. But the Spaniard did not seal his title-deed with the indelible

signet of race. Indian blood remained numerically predominant, and the

conqueror further weakened his tenure by bringing in black blood--the most

irreducible of ethnic factors. The inflow of white blood was small, and

much of what did come lost itself in the dismal swamp of miscegenation.

Lastly, the whites quarrelled among themselves.

The result was inevitable. The colonial whites triumphed only by aid of

the half-castes, who promptly claimed their reward. A fresh struggle

ensued, ending (save in the antipodean regions) in the triumph of the

half-castes. But these, in turn, had called in the Indians and negroes.

Furthermore, the half-castes recklessly squandered the white political

heritage. So the colored full-bloods stirred in their turn, and a new

movement began which, if allowed to run its natural course, might result

in complete de-Aryanization. In other words, the white race has been going

back, and Latin America has been getting more Indian and negro for the

past hundred years.

This cycle, however, now nears its end. Latin America will be neither red

nor black. It will ultimately be either white or yellow. The Indian is

patently unable to construct a progressive civilization. As for the negro,

he has proved as incapable in the New World as in the Old. Everywhere his

presence has spelled regression, and his one New World field of

triumph--Haiti--has resulted in an abysmal plunge to the jungle-level of

Guinea and the Congo. Thus is created a political vacuum. And this vacuum

unerring nature makes ready to fill.

The Latin American situation is, indeed, akin to that of Africa. Latin

America, like Africa, cannot stand alone. An inexorable dilemma impends:

white or yellow. The white man has been first in the field and holds the

central colored zone between two strong bases, north and south, where his

tenure is the unimpeachable title of race. The yellow man has to conquer

every step, though he has already acquired footholds and has behind him

the welling reservoirs of Asia. Nevertheless, white victory in Latin

America is sure--if internecine discord does not rob the white world of

its strength. In Latin America, as in Africa, therefore, the whites must

stand fast--and stand together.

_PART II_

THE EBBING TIDE OF WHITE

The Rising Tide of Color Against White World-Supremacy · 第 5 / 12 章