These observation balloons are used by both sides in conjunc

[Transcriber's Note: Every effort has been made to replicate this text

as faithfully as possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and

other inconsistencies. Text that has been changed to correct an obvious

error is noted at the end of this ebook.]

OUTWITTING THE HUN

[Illustration: LIEUT. PAT O'BRIEN, R. F. C.]

OUTWITTING

THE HUN

_My Escape from a

German Prison Camp_

BY

LIEUT. PAT O'BRIEN

_Royal Flying Corps_

ILLUSTRATED

[Illustration]

HARPER & BROTHERS PUBLISHERS

NEW YORK AND LONDON

OUTWITTING THE HUN

Copyright, 1918, by Lieutenant Pat O'Brien

Printed in the United States of America

Published March, 1918

TO

THE NORTH STAR

WHOSE GUIDING LIGHT MARKED THE

PATHWAY TO FREEDOM FOR A WEARY

FUGITIVE, THIS BOOK IS INSCRIBED

IN HUMBLE GRATITUDE

AND ABIDING FAITH

CONTENTS

CHAP. PAGE

PREFACE xi

I. THE FOLLY OF DESPAIR 1

II. I BECOME A FIGHTING-SCOUT 7

III. CAPTURED BY THE HUNS 21

IV. CLIPPED WINGS 34

V. THE PRISON-CAMP AT COURTRAI 53

VI. A LEAP FOR LIBERTY 77

VII. CRAWLING THROUGH GERMANY 88

VIII. NINE DAYS IN LUXEMBOURG 97

IX. I ENTER BELGIUM 112

X. EXPERIENCES IN BELGIUM 132

XI. I ENCOUNTER GERMAN SOLDIERS 145

XII. THE FORGED PASSPORT 159

XIII. FIVE DAYS IN AN EMPTY HOUSE 186

XIV. A NIGHT OF DISSIPATION 207

XV. OBSERVATIONS IN A BELGIAN CITY 219

XVI. I APPROACH THE FRONTIER 225

XVII. GETTING THROUGH THE LINES 236

XVIII. EXPERIENCES IN HOLLAND 250

XIX. I AM PRESENTED TO THE KING 273

XX. HOME AGAIN! 281

[Transcriber's Note: Illustrations were interleaved between pages in the

original text. In this version, they have been moved to be between

paragraphs. Page numbers below reflect the position of the illustration

in the original text.]

ILLUSTRATIONS

LIEUT. PAT O'BRIEN, R. F. C. _Frontispiece_

THE AEROPLANE WHICH LIEUTENANT O'BRIEN

USED IN HIS LAST BATTLE WITH THE HUNS

WHEN HE WAS BROUGHT DOWN AND

MADE PRISONER _Facing p._ 30

THE IDENTIFICATION DISK WORN BY LIEUTENANT

O'BRIEN WHEN HE WAS CAPTURED

BY THE HUNS. IT REVEALED TO

THEM THAT HE WAS AN AMERICAN " 36

LIEUT. PAUL H. RANEY OF TORONTO AND LIEUT.

PAT O'BRIEN " 50

MAILING-CARD SENT BY GERMAN GOVERNMENT

TO PAT O'BRIEN'S SISTER, MRS. CLARA

CLEGG OF MOMENCE, ILLINOIS " 60

OBVERSE SIDE OF CARD SHOWN ABOVE " 60

A GROUP OF PRISONERS OF WAR IN THE PRISON-CAMP

AT COURTRAI, BELGIUM " 70

THE FORGED PASSPORT PREPARED IN A BELGIAN

CITY TO AID LIEUTENANT O'BRIEN'S

ESCAPE INTO HOLLAND, BUT WHICH WAS

NEVER USED " 164

COPY OF TELEGRAM INVITING LIEUTENANT

O'BRIEN TO MEET KING GEORGE " 270

COPY OF TELEGRAM SENT BY LIEUTENANT

O'BRIEN IN ANSWER TO AN INVITATION

TO MEET KING GEORGE " 270

PREFACE

There is a common idea that the age of miracles is past. Perhaps it

is, but if so, the change must have come about within the past few

weeks--after I escaped into Holland. For if anything is certain in this

life it is this: this book never would have been written but for the

succession of miracles set forth in these pages.

Miracles, luck, coincidence, Providence--it doesn't matter much what you

call it--certainly played an important part in the series of hairbreadth

escapes in which I figured during my short but eventful appearance in

the great drama now being enacted across the seas. Without it, all my

efforts and sufferings would have been quite unavailing.

No one realizes this better than I do and I want to repeat it right here

because elsewhere in these pages I may appear occasionally to overlook

or minimize it: without the help of Providence I would not be here

to-day.

But this same Providence which brought me home safely, despite all the

dangers which beset me, may work similar miracles for others, and it is

in the hope of encouraging other poor devils who may find themselves in

situations as hopeless apparently as mine oftentimes were that this book

is written.

When this cruel war is over--which I trust may be sooner than I expect

it to be--I hope I shall have an opportunity to revisit the scenes of my

adventures and to thank in person in an adequate manner every one who

extended a helping hand to me when I was a wretched fugitive. All of

them took great risks in befriending an escaped prisoner, and they did

it without the slightest hope of reward. At the same time I hope I shall

have a chance to pay my compliments to those who endeavored to take

advantage of my distress.

In the meanwhile, however, I can only express my thanks in this

ineffective manner, trusting that in some mysterious way a copy of this

book may fall into the hands of every one who befriended me. I hope

particularly that every good Hollander who played the part of the Good

Samaritan to me so bountifully after my escape from Belgium will see

these pages and feel that I am absolutely sincere when I say that words

cannot begin to express my sense of gratitude to the Dutch people.

It is needless for me to add how deeply I feel for my fellow-prisoners

in Germany who were less fortunate than I. Poor, poor fellows!--they are

the real victims of the war. I hope that every one of them may soon be

restored to that freedom whose value I never fully realized until after

I had had to fight so hard to regain it.

PAT O'BRIEN.

MOMENCE, ILLINOIS, _January 14, 1918_.

OUTWITTING THE HUN

I

THE FOLLY OF DESPAIR

Less than nine months ago eighteen officers of the Royal Flying Corps,

which had been training in Canada, left for England on the _Megantic_.

If any of them was over twenty-five years of age, he had successfully

concealed the fact, because they don't accept older men for the R. F. C.

Nine of the eighteen were British subjects; the other nine were

Americans, who, tired of waiting for their own country to take her place

with the Allies, had joined the British colors in Canada. I was one of

the latter.

We were going to England to earn our "wings"--a qualification which must

be won before a member of the R. F. C. is allowed to hunt the Huns on

the western front.

That was in May, 1917.

By August 1st most of us were full-fledged pilots, actively engaged at

various parts of the line in daily conflict with the enemy.

By December 15th every man Jack of us who had met the enemy in France,

with one exception, had appeared on the casualty list. The exception

was H. K. Boysen, an American, who at last report was fighting on the

Italian front, still unscathed. Whether his good fortune has stood by

him up to this time I don't know, but if it has I would be very much

surprised.

Of the others five were killed in action--three Americans, one Canadian,

and one Englishman. Three more were in all probability killed in action,

although officially they are listed merely as "missing." One of these

was an American, one a Canadian, and the third a Scotchman. Three more,

two of them Americans, were seriously wounded. Another, a Canadian, is

a prisoner in Germany. I know nothing of the others.

What happened to me is narrated in these pages. I wish, instead, I could

tell the story of each of my brave comrades, for not one of them was

downed, I am sure, without upholding the best traditions of the R. F.

C. Unfortunately, however, of the eighteen who sailed on the _Megantic_

last May, I happened to be the first to fall into the hands of the Huns,

and what befell my comrades after that, with one exception, I know only

second hand.

The exception was the case of poor, brave Paul Raney--my closest

chum--whose last battle I witnessed from my German prison--but that is a

story I shall tell in its proper place.

In one way, however, I think the story of my own "big adventure" and my

miraculous escape may, perhaps, serve a purpose as useful as that of

the heroic fate of my less fortunate comrades. Their story, it is true,

might inspire others to deeds of heroism, but mine, I hope, will convey

the equally valuable lesson of the folly of despair.

Many were the times in the course of my struggles when it seemed

absolutely useless to continue. In a hostile country, where discovery

meant death, wounded, sick, famished, friendless, hundreds of miles

from the nearest neutral territory the frontier of which was so closely

guarded that even if I got there it seemed too much to hope that I could

ever get through, what was the use of enduring further agony?

And yet here I am, in the Land of Liberty--although in a somewhat

obscure corner, the little town of Momence, Illinois, where I was

born--not very much the worse for wear after all I've been through, and,

as I write these words, not eight months have passed since my seventeen

comrades and I sailed from Canada on the _Megantic_!

Can it be possible that I was spared to convey a message of hope to

others who are destined for similar trials? I am afraid there will be

many of them.

Years ago I heard of the epitaph which is said to have been found on a

child's grave:

If I was so soon to be done for,

O Lord, what was I ever begun for?

The way it has come to me since I returned from Europe is:

If, O Lord, I was _not_ to be done for,

What were my sufferings e'er begun for?

Perhaps the answer lies in the suggestion I have made.

At any rate, if this record of my adventures should prove instrumental

in sustaining others who need encouragement, I shall not feel that my

sufferings were in vain.

It is hardly likely that any one will quite duplicate my experiences,

but I haven't the slightest doubt that many will have to go through

trials equally nerve-racking and suffer disappointments just as

disheartening.

It would be very far from the mark to imagine that the optimism which I

am preaching now so glibly sustained me through all my troubles. On the

contrary, I am free to confess that I frequently gave way to despair

and often, for hours at a time, felt so dejected and discouraged that

I really didn't care what happened to me. Indeed, I rather hoped that

something _would_ happen to put an end to my misery.

But, despite all my despondency and hopelessness, the worst never

happened, and I can't help thinking that my salvation must have been

designed to show the way to others.

II

I BECOME A FIGHTING-SCOUT

I started flying, in Chicago, in 1912. I was then eighteen years old,

but I had had a hankering for the air ever since I can remember.

As a youngster I followed the exploits of the Wrights with the greatest

interest, although I must confess I sometimes hoped that they wouldn't

really conquer the air until I had had a whack at it myself. I got more

whacks than I was looking for later on.

Needless to say, my parents were very much opposed to my risking my

life at what was undoubtedly at that time one of the most hazardous

"pastimes" a young fellow could select, and every time I had a smash-up

or some other mishap I was ordered never to go near an aviation field

again.

So I went out to California. There another fellow and I built our own

machine, which we flew in various parts of the state.

In the early part of 1916, when trouble was brewing in Mexico, I joined

the American Flying Corps. I was sent to San Diego, where the army

flying school is located, and spent about eight months there, but as I

was anxious to get into active service and there didn't seem much chance

of America ever getting into the war, I resigned and, crossing over to

Canada, joined the Royal Flying Corps at Victoria, B. C.

I was sent to Camp Borden, Toronto, first to receive instruction and

later to instruct. While a cadet I made the first loop ever made

by a cadet in Canada, and after I had performed the stunt I half

expected to be kicked out of the service for it. Apparently, however,

they considered the source and let it go at that. Later on I had the

satisfaction of introducing the loop as part of the regular course of

instruction for cadets in the R. F. C., and I want to say right here

that Camp Borden has turned out some of the best fliers that have ever

gone to France.

In May, 1917, I and seventeen other Canadian fliers left for England on

the _Megantic_, where we were to qualify for service in France.

Our squadron consisted of nine Americans, C. C. Robinson, H. A. Miller,

F. S. McClurg, A. A. Allen, E. B. Garnett, H. K. Boysen, H. A. Smeeton,

A. Taylor, and myself; and nine Britishers, Paul H. Raney, J. R. Park,

C. Nelmes, C. R. Moore, T. L. Atkinson, F. C. Conry, A. Muir, E. A. L.

F. Smith, and A. C. Jones.

Within a few weeks after our arrival in England all of us had won our

"wings"--the insignia worn on the left breast by every pilot on the

western front.

We were all sent to a place in France known as the Pool Pilots' Mess.

Here men gather from all the training squadrons in Canada and England

and await assignments to the particular squadron of which they are to

become members.

The Pool Pilots' Mess is situated a few miles back of the lines.

Whenever a pilot is shot down or killed the Pool Pilots' Mess is

notified to send another to take his place.

There are so many casualties every day in the R. F. C. at one point of

the front or another that the demand for new pilots is quite active,

but when a fellow is itching to get into the fight as badly as I and my

friends were I must confess that we got a little impatient, although we

realized that every time a new man was called it meant that some one

else had, in all probability, been killed, wounded, or captured.

One morning an order came in for a scout pilot, and one of my friends

was assigned. I can tell you the rest of us were as envious of him as

if it were the last chance any of us were ever going to have to get to

the front. As it was, however, hardly more than three hours had elapsed

before another wire was received at the Mess and I was ordered to

follow my friend. I afterward learned that as soon as he arrived at the

squadron he had prevailed upon the commanding officer of the squadron to

wire for me.

At the Pool Pilots' Mess it was the custom of the officers to wear

"shorts"--breeches that are about eight inches long, like the Boy Scouts

wear, leaving a space of about eight inches of open country between the

top of the puttees and the end of the "shorts." The Australians wore

them in Salonica and at the Dardanelles.

When the order came in for me, I had these "shorts" on, and I didn't

have time to change into other clothes. Indeed, I was in such a sweat to

get to the front that if I had been in my pajamas I think I would have

gone that way. As it was, it was raining and I threw an overcoat over

me, jumped into the machine, and we made record time to the aerodrome to

which I had been ordered to report.

As I alighted from the automobile my overcoat blew open and displayed

my manly form attired in "shorts" instead of in the regulation flying

breeches, and the sight aroused considerable commotion in camp.

"Must be a Yankee!" I overheard one officer say to another as I

approached. "No one but a Yank would have the cheek to show up that way,

you know!"

But they laughed good-naturedly as I came up to them and welcomed me to

the squadron, and I was soon very much at home.

My squadron was one of four stationed at an aerodrome about eighteen

miles back of the Ypres line. There were eighteen pilots in our

squadron, which was a scout-squadron, scout-machines carrying but one

man.

A scout, sometimes called a fighting-scout, has no bomb-dropping or

reconnoitering to do. His duty is just to fight, or, as the order was

given to me, "You are expected to pick fights and not wait until they

come to you!"

When bomb-droppers go out over the lines in the daytime, a

scout-squadron usually convoys them. The bomb-droppers fly at about

twelve thousand feet, the scouts a thousand feet or so above them to

protect them.

If at any time they should be attacked, it is the duty of the scouts to

dive down and carry on the fight, the orders of the bomb-droppers being

to go on dropping bombs and not to fight unless they have to. There is

seldom a time that machines go out over the lines on this work in the

daytime that they are not attacked at some time or other, and so the

scouts usually have plenty of work to do. In addition to these attacks,

however, the squadron is invariably under constant bombardment from the

ground, but that doesn't worry us very much, as we know pretty well how

to avoid being hit from that quarter.

On my first flight, after joining the squadron, I was taken out over

the lines to get a look at things, map out my location in case I was

ever lost, locate the forests, lakes, and other landmarks, and get the

general lay of the land.

One thing that was impressed upon me very emphatically was the location

of the hospitals, so that in case I was ever wounded and had the

strength to pick my landing I could land as near as possible to a

hospital. All these things a new pilot goes through during the first two

or three days after joining a squadron.

Our regular routine was two flights a day, each of two hours' duration.

After doing our regular patrol, it was our privilege to go off on our

own hook, if we wished, before going back to the squadron.

I soon found out that my squadron was some hot squadron, our fliers

being almost always assigned to special-duty work, such as shooting up

trenches at a height of fifty feet from the ground!

I received my baptism into this kind of work the third time I went out

over the lines, and I would recommend it to any one who is hankering for

excitement. You are not only apt to be attacked by hostile aircraft from

above, but you are swept by machine-gun fire from below. I have seen

some of our machines come back from this work sometimes so riddled with

bullets that I wondered how they ever held together. Before we started

out on one of these jobs we were mighty careful to see that our motors

were in perfect condition, because they told us the "war-bread was bad

in Germany."

One morning, shortly after I joined the squadron, three of us started

over the line on our own accord. We soon observed four enemy machines,

two-seaters, coming toward us. This type of machine is used by the Huns

for artillery work and bomb-dropping, and we knew they were on mischief

bent. Each machine had a machine-gun in front, worked by the pilot, and

the observer also had a gun with which he could spray all around.

When we first noticed the Huns our machines were about six miles back of

the German lines and we were lying high up in the sky, keeping the sun

behind us, so that the enemy could not see us.

We picked out three of the machines and dove down on them. I went right

by the man I picked for myself and his observer in the rear seat kept

pumping at me to beat the band. Not one of my shots took effect as I

went right under him, but I turned and gave him another burst of bullets

and down he went in a spinning nose dive, one of his wings going one way

and one another. As I saw him crash to the ground I knew that I had got

my first hostile aircraft. One of my comrades was equally successful,

but the other two German machines got away. We chased them back until

things got too hot for us by reason of the appearance of other German

machines, and then we called it a day.

This experience whetted my appetite for more of the same kind, and I did

not have long to wait.

It may be well to explain here just what a spinning nose dive is. A

few years ago the spinning nose dive was considered one of the most

dangerous things a pilot could attempt, and many men were killed

getting into this spin and not knowing how to come out of it. In fact,

lots of pilots thought that when once you got into a spinning nose dive

there was no way of coming out of it. It is now used, however, in actual

flying.

The machines that are used in France are controlled in two ways, both

by hands and by feet, the feet working the yoke or rudder bar which

controls the rudder that steers the machine. The lateral controls and

fore and aft, which cause the machine to rise or lower, are controlled

by a contrivance called a "joy-stick." If, when flying in the air, a

pilot should release his hold on this stick, it will gradually come back

toward the pilot.

In that position the machine will begin to climb. So if a pilot is shot

and loses control of this "joy-stick" his machine begins to ascend, and

climbs until the angle formed becomes too great for it to continue or

the motor to pull the plane; for a fraction of a second it stops, and

the motor then being the heaviest, it causes the nose of the machine to

fall forward, pitching down at a terrific rate of speed and spinning at

the same time. If the motor is still running, it naturally increases the

speed much more than it would if the motor were shut off, and there is

great danger that the wings will double up, causing the machine to break

apart. Although spins are made with the motor on, you are dropping like

a ball being dropped out of the sky and the velocity increases with the

power of the motor.

This spinning nose dive has been frequently used in "stunt" flying in

recent years, but is now put to practical use by pilots in getting

away from hostile machines, for when a man is spinning, it is almost

impossible to hit him, and the man making the attack invariably thinks

his enemy is going down to certain death in the spin.

This is all right when a man is over his own territory, because he can

right his machine and come out of it; but if it happens over German

territory, the Huns would only follow him down, and when he came out of

the spin they would be above him, having all the advantage, and would

shoot him down with ease.

It is a good way of getting down into a cloud, and is used very often

by both sides, but it requires skill and courage by the pilot making it

if he ever expects to come out alive.

A spin being made by a pilot intentionally looks exactly like a spin

that is made by a machine actually being shot down, so one never knows

whether it is forced or intentional until the pilot either rights his

machine and comes out of it or crashes to the ground.

Another dive similar to this one is known as just the plain "dive."

Assume, for instance, that a pilot flying at a height of several

thousand feet is shot, loses control of his machine, and the nose of the

plane starts down with the motor full on. He is going at a tremendous

speed and in many instances is going so straight and swiftly that the

speed is too great for the machine, because it was never constructed

to withstand the enormous pressure forced against the wings, and they

consequently crumple up.

If, too, in an effort to straighten the machine, the elevators should

become affected, as often happens in trying to bring a machine out of

a dive, the strain is again too great on the wings, and there is the

same disastrous result. Oftentimes, when the petrol-tank is punctured by

a tracer-bullet from another machine in the air, the plane that is hit

catches on fire and either gets into a spin or a straight dive and heads

for the earth, hundreds of miles an hour, a mass of flame, looking like

a brilliant comet in the sky.

The spinning nose dive is used to greater advantage by the Germans than

by our own pilots, for the reason that when a fight gets too hot for the

German he will put his machine in a spin, and as the chances are nine

out of ten that we are fighting over German territory, he simply spins

down out of our range, straightens out before he reaches the ground, and

goes on home to his aerodrome. It is useless to follow him down inside

the German lines, for you would in all probability be shot down before

you could attain sufficient altitude to cross the line again.

It often happens that a pilot will be chasing another machine when

suddenly he sees it start to spin. Perhaps they are fifteen or eighteen

thousand feet in the air, and the hostile machine spins down for

thousands of feet. He thinks he has hit the other machine and goes home

happy that he has brought down another Hun. He reports the occurrence to

the squadron, telling how he shot down his enemy; but when the rest of

the squadron come in with their report, or some artillery observation

balloon sends in a report, it develops that when a few hundred feet from

the ground the supposed dead man in the spin has come out of the spin

and gone merrily on his way for his own aerodrome.

III

CAPTURED BY THE HUNS

I shall not easily forget the 17th of August, 1917. I killed two Huns in

a double-seated machine in the morning, another in the evening, and then

I was captured myself. I may have spent more eventful days in my life,

but I can't recall any just now.

That morning, in crossing the line on early morning patrol, I noticed

two German balloons. I decided that as soon as my patrol was over I

would go off on my own hook and see what a German balloon looked like at

close quarters.

These observation balloons are used by both sides in conjunction with

the artillery. A man sits up in the balloon with a wireless apparatus

and directs the firing of the guns. From his point of vantage he can

follow the work of his own artillery with a remarkable degree of

accuracy and at the same time he can observe the enemy's movements and

report them.

The Germans are very good at this work and they use a great number of

these balloons. It was considered a very important part of our work to

keep them out of the sky.

There are two ways of going after a balloon in a machine. One of them is

to cross the lines at a low altitude, flying so near the ground that the

man with the anti-aircraft gun can't bother you. You fly along until you

get to the level of the balloon, and if, in the mean time, they have not

drawn the balloon down, you open fire on it and the bullets you use will

set it on fire if they land.

The other way is to fly over where you know the balloons to be, put your

machine in a spin so that they can't hit you, get above them, spin over

the balloon, and then open fire. In going back over the line you cross

at a few hundred feet.

This is one of the hardest jobs in the service. There is less danger in

attacking an enemy's aircraft.

Nevertheless, I had made up my mind either to get those balloons or

make them descend, and I only hoped that they would stay on the job

until I had a chance at them.

When our two hours' duty was up, therefore, I dropped out of the

formation as we crossed the lines and turned back again.

I was at a height of fifteen thousand feet, considerably higher than

the balloons. Shutting my motor off, I dropped down through the clouds,

thinking to find the balloons at about five or six miles behind the

German lines.

Just as I came out of the cloud-banks I saw below me, about a thousand

feet, a two-seater hostile machine doing artillery observation and

directing the German guns. This was at a point about four miles behind

the German lines.

Evidently the German artillery saw me and put out ground signals to

attract the Hun machine's attention, for I saw the observer quit his

work and grab his gun, while the pilot stuck the nose of his machine

straight down.

But they were too late to escape me. I was diving toward them at a speed

of probably two hundred miles an hour, shooting all the time as fast as

possible. Their only chance lay in the possibility that the force of my

dive might break my wings. I knew my danger in that direction, but as

soon as I came out of my dive the Huns would have their chance to get

me, and I knew I had to get them first and take a chance on my wings

holding out.

Fortunately, some of my first bullets found their mark and I was able to

come out of my dive at about four thousand feet. They never came out of

theirs!

But right then came the hottest situation in the air I had experienced

up to that time. The depth of my dive had brought me within reach of the

machine-guns from the ground and they also put a "barrage" around me of

shrapnel from anti-aircraft guns, and I had an opportunity to "ride the

barrage," as they call it in the R. F. C. To make the situation more

interesting, they began shooting "flaming onions" at me.

"Flaming onions" are rockets shot from a rocket-gun. They are used to

hit a machine when it is flying low and they are effective up to about

five thousand feet. Sometimes they are shot up one after another in

strings of about eight, and they are one of the hardest things to go

through. If they hit the machine it is bound to catch fire and then the

jig is up.

All the time, too, I was being attacked by "Archie"--the anti-aircraft

fire. I escaped the machine-guns and the "flaming onions," but "Archie"

got me four or five times. Every time a bullet plugged me, or rather my

machine, it made a loud bang, on account of the tension on the material

covering the wings.

None of their shots hurt me until I was about a mile from our lines,

and then they hit my motor. Fortunately I still had altitude enough

to drift on to our own side of the lines, for my motor was completely

out of commission. They just raised the dickens with me all the time I

was descending, and I began to think I would strike the ground before

crossing the line, but there was a slight wind in my favor and it

carried me two miles behind our lines. There the balloons I had gone out

to get had the satisfaction of "pin-pointing" me. Through the directions

which they were able to give to their artillery, they commenced shelling

my machine where it lay.

Their particular work is to direct the fire of their artillery, and they

are used just as the artillery observation airplanes are. Usually two

men are stationed in each balloon. They ascend to a height of several

thousand feet about five miles behind their own lines and are equipped

with wireless and signaling apparatus. They watch the burst of their own

artillery, check up the position, get the range, and direct the next

shot.

When conditions are favorable they are able to direct the shots so

accurately that it is a simple matter to destroy the object of their

attack. It was such a balloon as this that got my position, marked

me out, called for an artillery shot, and they commenced shelling my

machine where it lay. If I had got the two balloons instead of the

airplane, I probably would not have lost my machine, for he would in all

probability have gone on home and not bothered about getting my range

and causing the destruction of my machine.

I landed in a part of the country that was literally covered with

shell-holes. Fortunately my machine was not badly damaged by the forced

landing. I leisurely got out, walked around it to see what the damage

was, and concluded that it could be easily repaired. In fact, I thought,

if I could find a space long enough between shell-holes to get a start

before leaving the ground, that I would be able to fly on from there.

I was still examining my plane and considering the matter of a few

slight repairs, without any particular thought for my own safety in that

unprotected spot, when a shell came whizzing through the air, knocked me

to the ground, and landed a few feet away. It had no sooner struck than

I made a run for cover and crawled into a shell-hole. I would have liked

to have got farther away, but I didn't know where the next shell would

burst, and I thought I was fairly safe there, so I squatted down and let

them blaze away.

The only damage I suffered was from the mud which splattered up in my

face and over my clothes. That was my introduction to a shell-hole, and

I resolved right there that the infantry could have all the shell-hole

fighting they wanted, but it did not appeal to me, though they live in

them through many a long night and I had only sought shelter there for

a few minutes.

After the Germans had completely demolished my machine and ceased firing

I waited there a short time, fearing perhaps they might send over a

lucky shot, hoping to get me, after all. But evidently they concluded

enough shells had been wasted on one man. I crawled out cautiously,

shook the mud off, and looked over in the direction where my machine

had once been. There wasn't enough left for a decent souvenir, but

nevertheless I got a few, such as they were, and, readily observing that

nothing could be done with what was left, I made my way back to infantry

headquarters, where I was able to telephone in a report.

A little later one of our automobiles came out after me and took me back

to our aerodrome. Most of my squadron thought I was lost beyond a doubt

and never expected to see me again; but my friend, Paul Raney, had held

out that I was all right, and, as I was afterward told, "Don't send for

another pilot; that Irishman will be back if he has to walk." And he

knew that the only thing that kept me from walking was the fact that

our own automobile had been sent out to bring me home.

I had lots to think about that day, and I had learned many things; one

was not to have too much confidence in my own ability. One of the men in

the squadron told me that I had better not take those chances; that it

was going to be a long war and I would have plenty of opportunities to

be killed without deliberately "wishing them on" myself. Later I was to

learn the truth of his statement.

That night my "flight"--each squadron is divided into three flights

consisting of six men each--got ready to go out again. As I started to

put on my tunic I noticed that I was not marked up for duty as usual.

I asked the commanding officer, a major, what the reason for that was,

and he replied that he thought I had done enough for one day. However,

I knew that if I did not go, some one else from another "flight" would

have to take my place, and I insisted upon going up with my patrol as

usual, and the major reluctantly consented. Had he known what was in

store for me I am sure he wouldn't have changed his mind so readily.

As it was, we had only five machines for this patrol, anyway, because

as we crossed the lines one of them had to drop out on account of motor

trouble. Our patrol was up at 8 P.M., and up to within ten minutes of

that hour it had been entirely uneventful.

At 7.50 P.M., however, while we were flying at a height of sixteen

thousand feet, we observed three other English machines which were about

three thousand feet below us pick a fight with nine Hun machines.

I knew right then that we were in for it, because I could see over

toward the ocean a whole flock of Hun machines which evidently had

escaped the attention of our scrappy comrades below us.

So we dove down on those nine Huns.

At first the fight was fairly even. There were eight of us to nine of

them. But soon the other machines which I had seen in the distance, and

which were flying even higher than we were, arrived on the scene, and

when they, in turn, dove down on us, there was just twenty of them to

our eight!

[Illustration: THE AEROPLANE WHICH LIEUTENANT O'BRIEN USED IN HIS LAST

BATTLE WITH THE HUNS WHEN HE WAS BROUGHT DOWN AND MADE PRISONER]

Four of them singled me out. I was diving and they dove right down

after me, shooting as they came. Their tracer-bullets were coming closer

to me every moment. These tracer-bullets are balls of fire which enable

the shooter to follow the course his bullets are taking and to correct

his aim accordingly. They do no more harm to a pilot if he is hit than

an ordinary bullet, but if they hit the petrol-tank, good night! When

a machine catches fire in flight there is no way of putting it out. It

takes less than a minute for the fabric to burn off the wings, and then

the machine drops like an arrow, leaving a trail of smoke like a comet.

As their tracer-bullets came closer and closer to me I realized that my

chances of escape were nil. Their very next shot, I felt, must hit me.

Once, some days before, when I was flying over the line I had watched a

fight above me. A German machine was set on fire and dove down through

our formation in flame on its way to the ground. The Hun was diving at

such a sharp angle that both his wings came off, and as he passed within

a few hundred feet of me I saw the look of horror upon his face.

Now, when I expected any moment to suffer a similar fate, I could not

help thinking of that poor Hun's last look of agony.

I realized that my only chance lay in making an Immermann turn. This

maneuver was invented by a German--one of the greatest who ever flew

and who was killed in action some time ago. This turn, which I made

successfully, brought one of their machines right in front of me, and as

he sailed along barely ten yards away I had "the drop" on him, and he

knew it.

His white face and startled eyes I can still see. He knew beyond

question that his last moment had come, because his position prevented

his taking aim at me, while my gun pointed straight at him. My first

tracer-bullet passed within a yard of his head, the second looked as if

it hit his shoulder, the third struck him in the neck, and then I let

him have the whole works and he went down in a spinning nose dive.

All this time the three other Hun machines were shooting away at me. I

could hear the bullets striking my machine one after another. I hadn't

the slightest idea that I could ever beat off those three Huns, but

there was nothing for me to do but fight, and my hands were full.

In fighting, your machine is dropping, dropping all the time. I glanced

at my instruments and my altitude was between eight and nine thousand

feet. While I was still looking at the instruments the whole blamed

works disappeared. A burst of bullets went into the instrument board and

blew it to smithereens, another bullet went through my upper lip, came

out of the roof of my mouth and lodged in my throat, and the next thing

I knew was when I came to in a German hospital the following morning at

five o'clock, German time.

I was a prisoner of war!

IV

CLIPPED WINGS

The hospital in which I found myself on the morning after my capture

was a private house made of brick, very low and dirty, and not at all

adapted for use as a hospital. It had evidently been used but a few

days, on account of the big push that was taking place at that time of

the year, and in all probability would be abandoned as soon as they had

found a better place.

In all, the house contained four rooms and a stable, which was by far

the largest of all. Although I never looked into this "wing" of the

hospital, I was told that it, too, was filled with patients, lying on

beds of straw around on the ground. I do not know whether they, too,

were officers or privates.

The room in which I found myself contained eight beds, three of which

were occupied by wounded German officers. The other rooms, I imagined,

had about the same number of beds as mine. There were no Red Cross

nurses in attendance, just orderlies, for this was only an emergency

hospital and too near the firing-line for nurses. The orderlies were not

old men nor very young boys, as I expected to find, but young men in the

prime of life, who evidently had been medical students. One or two of

them, I discovered, were able to speak English, but for some reason they

would not talk. Perhaps they were forbidden by the officer in charge to

do so.

In addition to the bullet wound in my mouth, I had a swelling from my

forehead to the back of my head almost as big as my shoe--and that is

saying considerable. I couldn't move an inch without suffering intense

pain, and when the doctor told me that I had no bones broken I wondered

how a fellow would feel who had.

German officers visited me that morning and told me that my machine

went down in a spinning nose dive from a height of between eight and

nine thousand feet, and they had the surprise of their lives when they

discovered that I had not been dashed to pieces. They had to cut me out

of my machine, which was riddled with shots and shattered to bits.

A German doctor removed the bullet from my throat, and the first thing

he said to me when I came to was, "You are an American!"

There was no use denying it, because the metal identification disk on my

wrist bore the inscription, "Pat O'Brien, U. S. A. Royal Flying Corps."

Although I was suffering intense agony, the doctor, who spoke perfect

English, insisted upon conversing with me.

"You may be all right as a sportsman," he declared, "but you are a

damned murderer just the same for being here. You Americans who got into

this thing before America came into the war are no better than common

murderers and you ought to be treated the same way!"

The wound in my mouth made it impossible for me to answer him, and I was

suffering too much pain to be hurt very much by anything he could say.

[Illustration: THE IDENTIFICATION DISK WORN BY LIEUTENANT O'BRIEN

WHEN HE WAS CAPTURED BY THE HUNS. IT REVEALED TO THEM THAT HE WAS

AN AMERICAN]

He asked me if I would like an apple! I could just as easily have eaten

a brick.

When he got no answers out of me he walked away disgustedly.

"You don't have to worry any more," he declared, as a parting shot; "for

you the war is over!"

I was given a little broth later in the day, and as I began to collect

my thoughts I wondered what had happened to my comrades in the battle

which had resulted so disastrously to me. As I began to realize my

plight I worried less about my physical condition than the fact that,

as the doctor had pointed out, for me the war was practically over. I

had been in it but a short time, and now I would be a prisoner for the

duration of the war!

The next day some German flying officers visited me, and I must say

they treated me with great consideration. They told me of the man I had

brought down. They said he was a Bavarian and a fairly good pilot. They

gave me his hat as a souvenir and complimented me on the fight I had put

up.

My helmet, which was of soft leather, was split from front to back by

a bullet from a machine-gun and they examined it with great interest.

When they brought me my uniform I found that the star of my rank which

had been on my right shoulder-strap had been shot off clean. The one on

my left shoulder-strap they asked me for as a souvenir, as also my R.

F. C. badges, which I gave them. They allowed me to keep my "wings,"

which I wore on my left breast, because they were aware that that is the

proudest possession of a British flying officer.

I think I am right in saying that the only chivalry in this war on the

German side of the trenches has been displayed by the officers of the

German Flying Corps, which comprises the pick of Germany. They pointed

out to me that I and my comrades were fighting purely for the love of

it, whereas they were fighting in defense of their country, but still,

they said, they admired us for our sportsmanship. I had a notion to ask

them if dropping bombs on London and killing so many innocent people was

in defense of their country, but I was in no position or condition to

pick a quarrel at that time.

That same day a German officer was brought into the hospital and put in

the bunk next to mine. Of course, I casually looked at him, but did not

pay any particular attention to him at that time. He lay there for three

or four hours before I did take a real good look at him. I was positive

that he could not speak English, and naturally I did not say anything to

him.

Once when I looked over in his direction his eyes were on me and to my

surprise he said, very sarcastically, "What the hell are you looking

at?" and then smiled. At this time I was just beginning to say a few

words, my wound having made talking difficult, but I said enough to

let him know what I was doing there and how I happened to be there.

Evidently he had heard my story from some of the others, though, because

he said it was too bad I had not broken my neck; that he did not have

much sympathy with the Flying Corps, anyway. He asked me what part of

America I came from, and I told him "California."

After a few more questions he learned that I hailed from San Francisco,

and then added to my distress by saying, "How would you like to have a

good juicy steak right out of the Hofbräu?" Naturally, I told him it

would "hit the spot," but I hardly thought my mouth was in shape just

then to eat it. I immediately asked, of course, what he knew about the

Hofbräu, and he replied, "I was connected with the place a good many

years, and I ought to know all about it."

After that this German officer and I became rather chummy--that is, as

far as I could be chummy with an enemy, and we whiled away a good many

long hours talking about the days we had spent in San Francisco, and

frequently in the conversation one of us would mention some prominent

Californian, or some little incident occurring there, with which we were

both familiar.

He told me when war was declared he was, of course, intensely patriotic

and thought the only thing for him to do was to go back and aid in the

defense of his country. He found that he could not go directly from San

Francisco because the water was too well guarded by the English, so he

boarded a boat for South America. There he obtained a forged passport

and in the guise of a Montevidean took passage for New York and from

there to England.

He passed through England without any difficulty on his forged passport,

but concluded not to risk going to Holland, for fear of exciting too

much suspicion, so went down through the Strait of Gibraltar to Italy,

which was neutral at that time, up to Austria, and thence to Germany.

He said when they put in at Gibraltar, after leaving England, there

were two suspects taken off the ship, men that he was sure were neutral

subjects, but much to his relief his own passport and credentials were

examined and passed O. K.

The Hun spoke of his voyage from America to England as being

exceptionally pleasant, and said he had had a fine time because he

associated with the English passengers on board, his fluent English

readily admitting him to several spirited arguments on the subject of

the war which he keenly enjoyed.

One little incident he related revealed the remarkable tact which our

enemy displayed in his associations at sea, which no doubt resulted

advantageously for him. As he expressed it, he "made a hit" one evening

when the crowd had assembled for a little music by suggesting that they

sing "God Save the King." Thereafter his popularity was assured and the

desired effect accomplished, for very soon a French officer came up to

him and said, "It's too bad that England and ourselves haven't men in

our army like you." It was too bad, he agreed, in telling me about it,

because he was confident he could have done a whole lot more for Germany

if he had been in the English army.

In spite of his apparent loyalty, however, the man didn't seem very

enthusiastic over the war and frankly admitted one day that the old

political battles waged in California were much more to his liking than

the battles he had gone through over here. On second thought he laughed

as though it were a good joke, but he evidently intended me to infer

that he had taken a keen interest in politics in San Francisco.

When my "chummy enemy" first started his conversation with me the German

doctor in charge reprimanded him for talking to me, but he paid no

attention to the doctor, showing that some real Americanism had soaked

into his system while he had been in the U. S. A.

I asked him one day what he thought the German people would do after

the war; if he thought they would make Germany a republic, and, much to

my surprise, he said, very bitterly, "If I had my way about it, I would

make her a republic to-day and hang the damned Kaiser in the bargain."

And yet he was considered an excellent soldier. I concluded, however,

that he must have been a German Socialist, though he never told me so.

On one occasion I asked him for his name, but he said that I would

probably never see him again and it didn't matter what his name was. I

did not know whether he meant that the Germans would starve me out or

just what was on his mind, for at that time I am sure he did not figure

on dying. The first two or three days I was in the hospital I thought

surely he would be up and gone long before I was, but blood poisoning

set in about that time and just a few hours before I left for Courtrai

he died.

One of those days, while my wound was still very troublesome, I was

given an apple; whether it was just to torment me, knowing that I could

not eat it, or whether for some other reason, I do not know. But,

anyway, a German flying officer there had several in his pockets and

gave me a nice one. Of course, there was no chance of my eating it, so

when the officer had gone and I discovered this San Francisco fellow

looking at it rather longingly I picked it up, intending to toss it over

to him. But he shook his head and said, "If this was San Francisco, I

would take it, but I cannot take it from you here." I was never able to

understand just why he refused the apple, for he was usually sociable

and a good fellow to talk to, but apparently he could not forget that

I was his enemy. However, that did not stop one of the orderlies from

eating the apple.

One practice about the hospital which impressed me particularly was that

if a German soldier did not stand much chance of recovering sufficiently

to take his place again in the war, the doctors did not exert themselves

to see that he got well. But if a man had a fairly good chance of

recovering and they thought he might be of some further use, everything

that medical skill could possibly do was done for him. I don't know

whether this was done under orders or whether the doctors just followed

their own inclinations in such cases.

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