CHAPTER XIV

THE OLD AND THE NEW

In the restless eyes of Cecil Stark there seemed reflected the

hunger, ignorance and hope of a new-born nation, together

with the spirit of its genius and the solemn magnitude of its

destiny. He stood for young America; he typified that majestic

land over which the first silver of day had broken, whose

transcendent future, sung by the Sons of the Morning, already filled

with music a thrilling dawn. Dayspring had touched her eastern

shores and now, sweeping over her virgin bosom, warmed the

heart that beat there. It advanced with the speed of light, and

promised soon to illuminate her spirit, even as the sun himself

diurnally swept her being from ocean to ocean; then passed

beyond her Golden Gate, that he might dip in the Pacific and

behold the horizons of the East.

Against this lad's single heart and sanguine ardour now stood

the stern figure of Maurice Malherb; and he was not the best

type of Englishman to discuss with youthful America the questions

of that hour. Yet the master stood for more than British

conservatism and prejudice. He represented glorious traditions

and a significant past. Wise and tolerant exposition of their

differences had made Stark the man's friend; rational argument

and some allowance for the point of view had impressed this

young heir of the future and warmed a heart already full of

personal gratitude; but Malherb adopted an unwise position.

Calm discussion never distinguished his methods; to find in the

welfare and advancement of humanity at large a common ground

for nations, was no ambition of his. He did not point backward

to history and invite Cecil Stark to claim his glorious birthright

in the story of the Anglo-Saxon race--a course reasonable enough

one hundred years ago, before the American family became

hybrid. He did not indicate his guest's just right, title and

share in British story and glory; he did not remind Stark that

he was the fellow in blood of Drake and Raleigh, of Shakespeare

and Milton; but he denounced all Americans as traitors to their

fatherland, spoke of the Revolution, not of the Wars of

Independence, and blamed the New World with a rabid bitterness

that indicated his class-attitude and justified America more

thoroughly than any power of rhetoric or oratory could have

done.

Sometimes they agreed to differ, and dropped the subject

without heat; more often Malherb broke off with an oath and cursed

the weather for still keeping an enemy of England beneath his

roof. And yet, despite his flagrant passions and narrow sympathy,

he won Cecil Stark, as he won many others, by some magic of

character that rose superior to his temper and persistent pride.

Once the American summed the situation in a biting phrase,

that stuck with his country's foe long after the speaker had

forgotten it. They sat over their wine after dinner, and the lad

spoke with pride of the part that a kinsman had played in the

capture of the British General Burgoyne.

"Small credit to him," declared Malherb. "Burgoyne? The

man was better at making rubbishy pieces for the playhouse than

leading an army."

"But those matters that fell out after--they sum the difference--the

fundamental differences of ideas between the respective

countries, Mr. Malherb," said the sailor. "Simplicity--childish

simplicity, if you like--is our keynote, and we shall never depart

from it back into old-world pomp. When Burgoyne, clad in a

magnificent uniform covered with gold lace, surrendered up his

sword, he found the conqueror wearing an old blanket for a cloak

and a cotton cap stuck over one ear. There was the type of

monarchy triumphed over by a despised but an inspired race.

Afterwards Congress, in a sudden fit of reckless generosity,

presented General Stark with two ells of blue and one of yellow

cloth to make him a conqueror's coat, and six shirts of Dutch

linen to wear under it withal! But my father well remembered

the general complaining when he received his nation's gift that

the cambric for his cuffs was not provided!"

"What argument do you reap from beggarly poverty, sir?"

"Why, sir, who are you to flout it? The beggars won!

The beggars had the genius on their side. Your country calls

for millions on millions to grease the old, creaking wheels of

its social and constitutional machinery before they will turn at

all; America's unique simplicity only places a single sentinel at

the President's door."

"Our failure was an accident of men, not of system," declared

Malherb. "Fortune favoured a wicked cause as not seldom

happens. You had Washington--a man as great as a fallen

angel; we--well, it is idle to name names to-day. But it may

be permitted to allude to the Howes, who sacrificed to fraternal

affection the vital trust imposed upon them. It is granted that

we fought ill and taught you what to avoid; it is even allowed

that the scholar became as skilled as the master. Your

experience, courage and discipline are British; your treachery and

red-skin morality are your own. However, the last word is not

yet spoken. There are yet a great many Tories in America."

"Of whom I am one," declared Cecil Stark. "Those who

pretend to read the future," he continued, "see two great

tendencies amongst us--one towards democracy, t'other towards

aristocracy. The nation may become vulgar, or it may become

noble; but it must become great. None can say more of our

future than that by all laws of revealed religion and human

history, it should be glorious so long as our aims are pure. To

foretell that calls for no prophet."

"What religion sanctions the revolt of a child from its parent?

You were not of age. You had no right to think for yourselves."

"The old British fallacy," answered Stark. "Freedom of

thought can be denied to none. Deny all other freedom, if you

will. But freedom of thought is an immortal fact."

"And duty to your betters is also an immortal fact. Your

nation--so to call it--has disgraced itself at the opening of its

history. It has begun its separate existence in its father's blood.

For what prosperity and blessing shall the country seek that blots

the first page of its history with such a crime?"

"A revolt against ignorance, oppression, greed and dishonesty

is no crime. Your Parliament had become a hell of narrow-minded,

cold-hearted, cynical devils, and to spurn them was a

glorious achievement in itself, and the first step upon our path.

Slaves do not lift their eyes to the stars and play a worthy part in

the history of the world."

"Yet those of us who visited and reported upon you before

this war, told no great tale of progress."

"No; they told lies. They were dishonest rascals and did

more harm than enough by their falsehoods. You'll regret their

deliberate mendacity in the time to come; you'll lament the

bitterness of many broad-sheets when the weeds sown in your

heads bear fruit in your children's hearts. Pull them out while

you can, if you are wise, sir. 'Tis a mad policy to leave them

there. Our destiny is sure as the daylight; dark clouds hang

over yours. You are old, we are young, yet, when an American

is on your lips, your error is that of youth, for you are always

hasty and intolerant when you speak of us. It was no unnatural

revolt of child against parent, but the noble self-assertion of a

growing man, whose liberty, dignity and honour were threatened

by a tyrant. We were of your heart's blood; us you might have

buckled to you with bonds impossible save between those of one

race and one mother. But you spurned us; our welfare was of

no account; our power to fill your coffers was everything. You

treated us damnably by the hands of base politicians, who

lacked common intelligence and foresight. And you have your

reward."

"This is the parrot talk of your people, and your trashy

scribblers. Public opinion governs America as it must every

republic; and what is the public opinion of a nation of rebels

worth? You are poisoned by the circumstances of your birth.

You have built your stronghold on lawlessness; you spread false

reports into your backwoods and mountain fastnesses, your

pioneers will never know the thing their leaders did. There is

no purity in your public mind; every prejudice against England

is fostered until it festers. You are rotten at the roots, and time

must prove it."

"I do not think so," answered Stark calmly. "We are a very

dispassionate people, Mr. Malherb, and of most unbiassed

judgments. We would have listened to Burke; his sublime voice

was unheeded amidst the chorus of your ignoble leaders. It

pleases you, and those who think as you do, to impute to us a

hot-headed and fanatic attitude in our dealings with this nation;

but you have driven us into a corner and made us fight for our

lives and liberties. Were we to be to England what our black

people are to us? God forbid! We are unprejudiced. Prejudice

is a wasting disease of old countries; you shall not find it among

the infantile ailments of a young state."

"And will you crow as loudly of the justice of this present

shameful war, Mr. Stark? Will you dare hold America innocent

of a sinister object at this moment? This quarrel scraped on

false pretences, while we have France upon our hands--what

casuistry can justify that?"

"I deem it unfortunate, not unnatural. You have taught us

to hate you, not to love you. There's no hatred worse than that

of kin."

"Or of madmen, for what in sober sanity they should most

love and cherish. You're a mad people, and America at this

day is sunk to be the sink and lunatic asylum of the earth."

Stark flushed, then sighed.

"I hope you'll live to mourn the folly of such an utterance,

dear sir. And for your estimate of us, take mine of you: Great

Britain is becoming America's volume of reference--no more;

and soon enough at the gait she is ganging, she will be altogether

behind the van of progress."

"Not yet. We're writing history somewhat quickly. You at

Prince Town should know that!"

"The war's not over."

"Why, I think it is--all but the terms of peace. I wish I had

the making of 'em."

"Our turn will come. No country can conquer Time. A wise

man has said that nations crumble by the process of their own

up-massing, like sand in an hour-glass. The fall of every great

power is a natural corollary of its rise--as death must follow life.

It is not of vital importance to America whether England does

her justice now; but it is of vital and eternal importance to

England whether she does. We are separated, but the gulf in

space matters nothing; it is the gulf in thought that counts.

There will come a day when your country will curse those who

might have bridged that gulf and helped united England and

America to rule the round world. Now it is too late--successive

generations will drift further apart, until the bonds that unite us

are base and of utility alone. And God, Who judges Nations,

as He judges souls, will know how to measure blame when the

day of reckoning comes and the awful charge of setting back the

world's welfare is read at Doom."

It was this boyish utterance that made Malherb reflect and

shadowed his dogmatic certainties. But for a moment only was

he silent. Then he rated Stark's ardour and mourned his

hopeless ignorance.

They drank their wine and joined the ladies. Before Mrs. Malherb

and Grace, politics were not spoken, and intercourse

between Stark, his hostess and her daughter was of the friendliest

description. The women dispelled his mournful horror of life,

brightened existence, and made it a good, desirable, hopeful

thing again. They much softened the bitterness of his outlook

and appealed to the generosity and gentleness of his nature. To

them he spoke of his circumstances, since they showed a lively

and ingenuous interest concerning them. He told how that he

was an orphan, that he had an uncle of great wealth and

importance in his native state of Vermont, and that he was heir to

Allen Stark's lands and moneys. He described his youth beside

Lake Champlain; he explained his pleasures and ambitions, the

customs of his country and the social life of his order.

Cecil Stark's home interested Grace; the people in it attracted

her mother. He told them of the Green Mountains and declared

that his native land had something in common with their own

wild Dartmoor.

"Our great hills gather the water in their moss beds even as do

yours," he said. "Problems like these of the Moor on a larger

scale occupy the Vermont settlers. The intervales are a boon to

us--low, fertile lands about the rivers. Great floods overrun

them in spring and make them rich. But there is a wide

difference in other ways. We fight with forests, you with naked

wastes. We fell trees that the earth may receive the sun again

and grow warm and sweet; you plant them to shelter your lands

and homesteads. We hope in time to better our climate, make it

more equal and moderate and lessen the awful snows of winter."

"Then your hills are clothed, not naked as ours?" inquired

Mrs. Malherb.

"The Green Mountains are covered with aged forests of dwarf

evergreens; pine, spruce and hemlock, that spring above stone

and moss and winter grass," replied the sailor. "They rise green

into the blue sky; their great gorges and valleys are full of blue,

mysterious shadows; falling waters glimmer upon their sides and

make music there in summer and thunder in winter time."

"We have our Wistman's Wood," said Grace; "but no forests

now; and no lakes such as the glorious sheets of water that you

tell us of."

"The rivers leap down to them. My earliest childhood's

memory is a little boat on Champlain. Even then my small soul

longed for the greater sea. Other children would not believe in

it. I always did."

Stark told Grace of the natural things her soul loved.

"The brown beaver of North Vermont is a wonder of wonders,"

he declared. "'Tis the most social of living things. It regulates

and governs its ideal republic in a manner so marvellous, that I

think a beaver had been the best image for our banner and

emblem of our hopes. A pure and perfect constitution obtains

amongst 'em. Such harmony men will never know, but must

always covet."

He told of their dams and lodges, their arts of safety, their

home life. He added many startling facts believed a hundred

years ago concerning the beaver, but discredited to-day.

Malherb shook his head.

"You are too eager to flaunt the superiority of even your brute

beasts," he said. "You will praise the Red Indians next."

"They have their virtues, sir. Perhaps the man of America

has learned from them something of that passionate love of

freedom that inspires him. At least Vermont's history is glorious

in that respect. We played a notable part before an evasive and

temporising Congress. We preserved our independence. We

declined to sacrifice our rights, either to the intrigues of our

neighbours, or the threats of our supreme tribunal. We challenged

the impartial world in 1779, and refused once and for all to

submit our sacred liberties to the arbitrament of man. Vermont

existed independently of the thirteen United States, and was not

accountable to them for the Creator's gift of freedom. We spent

our best blood and treasure fighting for it. Were we to give up

all at our neighbour's bidding? Were we to hold a great frontier

for the States and be rewarded with slavery? We had rather

have cast in our lot with Canada--we had even rather have

made terms with England than bend under the yoke of New

York."

"A lifelong misfortune for you that you did not," answered

the farmer.

"No, no. The sequel justified all. To turn to England to

settle the rights of man in the Colonies would have been an

insane act in those days. Your Government was not then

competent to approach such a question as the rights of man."

"No politics, gentlemen," said Annabel; whereupon Cecil

Stark begged for pardon, and with sufficient tact turned to matters

of more personal interest. He told of sheep and the success

attending their breeding in Vermont.

"A wether of three years will weigh one hundred and twenty

pounds with us, and yield you three or four pounds of wool,"

he said. Then he discussed flax--a crop at that time grown

also upon Dartmoor--and he fascinated Grace with a description

of the maple sugar manufacture, of the precious juice flowing

from ancient trees, and of the gorgeous pageant of the maples

when Autumn's breath touched their foliage and lighted their

aboriginal forests with scarlet and purple and flaming gold.

At other times the lad awakened sorrow in sympathetic hearts

by his descriptions of the War Prison and the pitiful life there.

But he did not guess the secret pain he thus occasioned; he did

not know that Annabel Malherb often sighed when she looked

into the wintry Moor. Soon a journey to Prince Town would be

again possible, and Maurice Malherb much desired it. Neither

did the American imagine that Grace suffered dire unrest at

this period; nor dream that her maiden happiness slowly

foundered in a sea of new sensations, mostly miserable. Yet such

was the simple case. Sometimes she shook herself out of these

amazing and unprecedented trances with a blushing face and

beating heart. Then to the night she would cry softly, "I

love John Lee--I love dear John!" But why the fact needed

this nocturnal declaration oft repeated, and what antithesis of

ideas called it forth under the darkness, Grace Malherb as yet

imperfectly perceived.

The American Prisoner · 第 14 / 19 章