CHAPTER IV

THE CONQUEST OF THE CARDINAL

I

Of the difficulties that perpetually beset the biographer of

Cagliostro, those caused by his frequent disappearances from sight

are the most perplexing. It is possible to combat prejudice--to

materialize, so to speak, rumour, to manipulate conflicting evidence,

and even to throw light on that which is mysterious in his character.

But when it is a question of filling up the gaps, of bridging the

chasms in his career, one can only proceed by assumption.

Such a chasm, and one of the deepest, occurs between June 26, 1780,

when Cagliostro suddenly fled from Warsaw, and September 19, when

he arrived in Strasburg. Even rumour lost track of him during this

interval. The Inquisition-biographer pretends to discover him for a

moment at Frankfort-on-the-Main as a secret agent of the Illuminés,

and, as an assumption, the statement is at once plausible and probable.

Cagliostro, as stated in a previous chapter, has always been supposed,

on grounds that all but amount to proof, to have been at some period in

his mysterious career connected with one of the revolutionary secret

societies of Germany. This society has always been _assumed_ to be the

Illuminés.[18] If this assumption be true--and without it his mode of

life in Strasburg is utterly inexplicable--his initiation could only

have taken place at this period and, probably, at Frankfort, where

Knigge, one of the leaders of the Illuminés, had his head-quarters.

As Knigge was a member of the Order of Strict Observance, in the lodges

of which throughout Germany Cagliostro’s reputation as a wonder-worker

stood high, he had undoubtedly heard of him, if he was not personally

acquainted with him. Knigge, moreover, was just the man to appreciate

the possibilities of such a reputation in obtaining recruits for

Illuminism. Nothing is more reasonable, then, than to assume that

certain members of the Illuminés made overtures at Frankfort to

Cagliostro, who, one can imagine, would have readily accepted them

as the means of recovering the influence and prestige he had lost in

Poland.

His initiation, according to the Inquisition-biographer, took place in

a grotto a short distance from the city. In the centre, on a table, was

an iron chest, from which Knigge or his deputy took a manuscript. On

the first page Cagliostro perceived the words “_We, the Grand Masters

of the Templars_.” Then followed the formula of an oath written in

blood, to which eleven signatures were appended, and which signified

that Illuminism was a conspiracy against thrones. The first blow was

to be struck in France, and, after the fall of the monarchy, Rome

was to be attacked. Cagliostro, moreover, learnt that the society

had ramifications everywhere, and possessed immense sums in banks

in Amsterdam, Rotterdam, London, Genoa, and Venice. This money was

furnished by an annual subscription of twenty-five livres paid by each

member.

On taking the oath, which included a vow of secrecy, Cagliostro is

presumed to have received a large sum, destined to defray the expenses

of propaganda, and to have proceeded immediately, in accordance with

instructions, to Strasburg, where he arrived on September 19, 1780.

II

From the nature of his entry into the capital of Alsace, it is certain

that great pains had been taken in advance to excite public interest in

him. The fabulous Palladium could not have been welcomed with greater

demonstrations of joy. From early morning crowds of people waited on

the Pont de Kœhl and on both banks of the Rhine for the arrival of a

mysterious personage who was reported to go from city to city healing

the sick, working miracles, and distributing alms. In the crowd

speculations were rife as to his mysterious origin, his mysterious

travels in strange and remote countries, and of the mysterious source

of his immense wealth. Some regarded him as one inspired, a saint or

a prophet possessed of the gift of miracles. To others, the cures

attributed to him were the natural result of his great learning

and occult powers. Yet another group saw in him an evil genius, a

devil sent into the world on some diabolic mission. Among these,

however--and they were not the least numerous--there were some more

favourable to Cagliostro, and who, considering that after all he only

did good, inferred logically that, if supernatural, he must be a good,

rather than an evil, genius.

Suddenly, speculation was silenced by the approach of the being who

had excited it. The rumbling of wheels, the clatter of hoofs, the

cracking of whips was heard, and out of a cloud of dust appeared a

carriage drawn by six horses, and accompanied by lacqueys and outriders

in magnificent liveries. Within rode the Grand Cophta, the High

Priest of Mystery, with his “hair in a net,” and wearing a blue coat

covered with gold braid and precious stones. Bizarre though he was

with his circus-rider’s splendour, the manner in which he acknowledged

the vivats of the crowd[19] through which he passed was not without

dignity. His wife, who sat beside him, sparkling with youth, beauty,

and diamonds, shared the curiosity he excited. It was a veritable

triumphal progress.

The advantage to which such an ovation could be turned was not to be

neglected. Fond of luxury and aristocratic society though he was,

Cagliostro was not the man to despise popularity in any form that it

presented itself. Having lost the influence of the great, by means of

whom he had counted to establish Egyptian Masonry, he was anxious to

secure that of the masses. So great was the importance he attached to

the interest he had aroused, he even took up his abode among them,

“living first over a retail tobacconist’s named Quère, whose shop was

in one of the most squalid quarters of the town, and later lodging with

the caretaker of the canon of St. Pierre-le-Vieux.”

According to all reports, from the very day of his arrival in Strasburg

he seemed to busy himself solely in doing good, regardless of cost or

personal inconvenience. No one, providing he was poor and unfortunate,

appealed to him in vain. Hearing that an Italian was in prison for

a debt of two hundred livres, Cagliostro obtained his release by

paying the money for him, and clothed him into the bargain. Baron von

Gleichen, who knew him well, states that he saw him, on being summoned

to the bed-side of a sick person, “run through a downpour in a very

fine coat without stopping to take an umbrella.”

Every day he sought out the poor and infirm, whose distress he

endeavoured to relieve not only with money and medicine, but “with

manifestations of sympathy that went to the hearts of the sufferers,

and doubled the value of the action.” Though his enemies did not

hesitate to charge him with the most mercenary motives in administering

his charities, they were obliged to admit the fact of them. Meiners,

who thoroughly disliked him and considered him both a quack and a

charlatan, was honest enough to acknowledge that he gave his services

gratis, and even refused to make a profit on the sale of his remedies.

“For some time,” says this hostile witness, “it was believed that he

shared with his apothecary the profits on the remedies he prescribed

to his patients. But as soon as Cagliostro learnt that such suspicions

were entertained, he not only changed his apothecary, but obliged the

one he chose in his place, as I have been informed by several people,

to sell his remedies at so low a price that the fellow made scarcely

anything by the sale of them.

“He would take, moreover, neither payment nor present for his labour.

If a present was offered him of a sort impossible to refuse without

offence, he immediately made a counter present of equal or even of

higher value. Indeed, he not only took nothing from his patients, but

if they were very poor he supported them for months; at times even

lodging them in his own house and feeding them from his own table.”

III

At first, only the poor received attention from Cagliostro. If a rich

invalid desired his attendance he referred him to the regular doctors.

Though such an attitude was well calculated to attract attention, it

was not, as his enemies have declared, altogether prompted by selfish

considerations. In the disdain he affected for the rich there was

much real resentment. Through the rich and powerful, he had gained

nothing but mortification and disgrace. The circumstances under which

he was forced to flee from Warsaw must have wounded to the quick a

nature in which inordinate vanity and generosity were so curiously

blended. Of a certainty it was not alone the hope of turning Illuminism

to the advantage of Egyptian Masonry that prompted him to join the

Illuminés in his hour of humiliation. In Illuminism, whose aim,

revolutionary though it was, like that of Egyptian Masonry, was also

inspired with the love of humanity, Cagliostro had seen both a means

of rehabilitation and revenge. Of studied vengeance, however, he was

incapable; the disdain with which he treated the rich was the extent of

his revenge. Indeed, susceptible as he was to flattery, it was not long

before his resentment was altogether appeased. But though, in spite

of his bitter experience, he was even once more tempted to court the

favour of the great, he did so in quite a different manner. Henceforth,

in pandering to their love of sensation, he took care to give them what

_he_ saw fit, and not, as before, what _they_ demanded.

Particularly was this the case in the exhibitions he gave of his occult

powers. If, as on previous occasions, he had recourse to artifice to

obtain the effect he desired, it was not detected. It is evident that

his unfortunate experiences in Warsaw had taught him the wisdom of

confining himself solely to phenomena within his scope. No longer does

one hear of séances arranged beforehand with the medium; of failures,

exposures, and humiliations.

If from some of his prodigies the alchemists of the period saw in him

a successor of the clever ventriloquist and prestidigitator Lascaris,

from many others the mediums of the present day in Europe and America

might have recognized in him their predecessor and even their master in

table-turning, spirit-rapping, clairvoyance, and evocations. In a word,

he was no longer an apprentice in magic, but an expert.

As the manifestations of the occult of which Cagliostro, so to speak,

made a speciality were of a clairvoyant character, some idea of the

manner in which he had developed his powers may be gathered from the

following account by a contemporary of a séance he held in Strasburg

with the customary _colombe_ and carafe.

“Cagliostro,” says this witness, “having announced that he was ready

to answer any question put to him, a lady wished to know the age of

her husband. To this the _colombe_ made no reply, which elicited great

applause when the lady confessed she had no husband. Another lady

demanded an answer to a question written in a sealed letter she held in

her hand. The medium at once read in the carafe these words: ‘You shall

not obtain it.’ The letter was opened, the purport of the question

being whether the commission in the army which the lady solicited for

her son would be accorded her. As the reply was at least indicative of

the question, it was received with applause.

“A judge, however, who suspected that Cagliostro’s answers were the

result of some trick, secretly sent his son to his house to find out

what his wife was doing at the time. When he had departed the father

put this question to the Grand Cophta. The medium read nothing in the

carafe, but a voice announced that the lady was playing cards with two

of her neighbours. This mysterious voice, which was produced by no

visible organ, terrified the company; and when the son of the judge

returned and confirmed the response of the oracle, several ladies were

so frightened that they withdrew.”

At Strasburg he also told fortunes, and read the future as well as

the past with an accuracy that astonished even the sceptical Madame

d’Oberkirch. One of the most extraordinary instances he gave of his

psychic power was in predicting the death of the Empress Maria Theresa.

“He even foretold the hour at which she would expire,” relates Madame

d’Oberkirch. “M. de Rohan told it to me in the evening, and it was five

days after that the news arrived.”

IV

It was, however, as a healer of the sick that Cagliostro was chiefly

known in Strasburg. Sudden cures of illnesses, thought to be mortal

or incurable, carried his name from mouth to mouth. The number of his

patients increased daily. On certain days it was estimated that upwards

of five hundred persons besieged the house in which he lodged, pressing

one another to get in. From the collection of sticks and crutches left

as a mark of gratitude by those who, thanks to his skill, no longer had

need of them, it seemed as if all the cripples in Strasburg had flocked

to consult him.

The Farmer-General Laborde declares that Cagliostro attended over

fifteen thousand[20] sick people during the three years he stayed in

Strasburg, of whom only three died.

One of his most remarkable cures was that of the secretary of the

Marquis de Lasalle, the Commandant of Strasburg. “He was dying,”

says Gleichen, “of gangrene of the leg, and had been given up by the

doctors, but Cagliostro saved him.”

On another occasion he procured a belated paternity for Sarazin,

the banker of Bâle, who afterwards became one of his most devoted

adherents. No illness appeared to baffle him. The graver the malady

the more resourceful he became. A woman about to be confined, having

been given up by the midwives, who doubted even their ability to save

her child, sent for him in her extremity. He answered the summons

immediately, as was his custom, and after a slight examination

guaranteed her a successful _accouchement_. What is more to the point,

he kept his word.

This case is worthy of note as being the only one on record concerning

which Cagliostro gave an explanation of his success.

“He afterwards confessed to me,” says Gleichen, “that his promise was

rash. But convinced that the child was in perfect health by the pulse

of the umbilical cord, and perceiving that the mother only lacked the

strength requisite to bring her babe into the world, he had relied

on the virtue of a singularly soothing remedy with which he was

acquainted. The result, he considered, had been due to luck rather than

skill.”

The most famous of all his cures was that of the Prince de Soubise, a

cousin of Cardinal de Rohan. In this case, however, it was the rank of

the patient, even more than the illness of which he was cured, that set

the seal to Cagliostro’s reputation. The prince, it seems, had been ill

for some weeks, and the doctors, after differing widely as to the cause

of his malady, had finally pronounced his condition to be desperate.

Thereupon the Cardinal, who had boundless confidence in Cagliostro’s

medical skill, immediately carried him off in his carriage to Paris

to attend his cousin, simply stating, on arriving at the Hôtel de

Soubise, that he had brought “a doctor,” without mentioning his name,

lest the family, influenced by the regular physicians, who regarded

him as a quack, should refuse his services. It was, perhaps, a useless

precaution, for, as the patient had just been given up by the doctors,

the family were willing enough to suffer even a quack to do what he

could.

Cagliostro at once requested all who were in the sick-room to leave

it. What he did when he found himself alone with the prince was never

known, but, after an hour, he called the Cardinal and said to him--

“If my prescription is followed, in two days Monseigneur will leave his

bed and walk about the room. Within a week he will be able to take a

drive, and within three to go to Court.”

When one has consulted an oracle, one can do no better than obey it.

The family accordingly confided the prince completely to the care of

the unknown doctor, who on the same day paid his patient a second

visit. On this occasion he took with him a small vial containing a

liquid, ten drops of which he administered to the sick man.

On leaving, he said to the Cardinal: “To-morrow I will give the prince

five drops, the day after two, and you will see that he will sit up the

same evening.”

The result more than fulfilled the prediction. The second day after

this visit the Prince de Soubise was in a condition to receive some

friends. In the evening he got up and walked about the room. He was in

good spirits, and even had sufficient appetite to ask for the wing of

a chicken. But, in spite of his insistence, it was necessary to refuse

him what he so much desired, since an absolute abstention from solid

food was one of the prescriptions of the “doctor.”

On the fourth day the patient was convalescent, but it was not till

the evening of the fifth that he was permitted to have his wing of

a chicken. “No one,” says Figuier, “in the Hôtel de Soubise had the

least idea that Cagliostro was the doctor who attended the prince. His

identity was only disclosed _after_ the cure, when his name, already

famous, ceased to be regarded any longer as that of a charlatan.”

V

The secret of these astonishing cures, by far the most wonderful of

Cagliostro’s prodigies, has given rise to a great deal of futile

discussion. For he never cured in public, like Mesmer; nor would he

consent to give any explanation of his method to the doctors and

learned academicians, who treated him with contempt born of envy--as

the pioneers of science, with rare exceptions, have always been treated.

From the fact that he became celebrated at about the same time as

Mesmer, many have regarded them as rivals, and declared that the

prestige of both is to be traced to the same source. According to this

point of view, Cagliostro, being more encyclopedic than Mesmer, though

less scientific in manipulating the agent common to both, had in some

way generalized magnetism, so to speak. His cures, however, were far

more astonishing than Mesmer’s, for they were performed without passes

or the use of magnets and magnetic wands. Neither did he heal merely by

_touching_, like Gassner, nor by prayers, exorcisms, and the religious

machinery by which faith is made active; though very probably the

greater part of his success was due, like Mrs. Eddy’s, to the confident

tone in which he assured his patients of the certainty of their

recovery.

Cagliostro’s contemporaries, on the other hand, to whom the mechanism

of Christian Science and the attributes of hypnotism--since so well

tested by Dr. Charcot--were unknown, sought a material explanation

of his cures in the quack medicines he concocted. The old popular

belief in medicinal stones and magical herbs was still prevalent.

One writer of the period pretended to know that Cagliostro’s “Elixir

Vitæ” was composed of “magical herbs and gold in solution.” Another

declared it to be the same as the elixir of Arnauld de Villeneuve, a

famous alchemist of the Middle Ages, whose prescription consisted of

“a mixture of pearls, sapphires, hyacinths, emeralds, rubies, topazes

and diamonds, to which was added the scraping of the bones of a stag’s

heart.”

Equally fantastic were the properties attributed to these panaceas by

those who owed their restoration to health to Cagliostro. The following

story, repeated everywhere--and believed, too, by many--gave the

notoriety of a popular modern advertisement to the “Wine of Egypt.”

A great lady, who was also, unfortunately for her, an old one, and was

unable to resign herself to the fact, was reported to have consulted

Cagliostro, who gave her a vial of the precious liquid with the

strictest injunction to take two drops when the moon entered its last

quarter. Whilst waiting for this period to arrive the lady who desired

to be rejuvenated shut up the vial in her wardrobe, and the better to

insure its preservation informed her maid that it was a remedy for the

colic. Fatal precaution! By some mischance on the following night, the

maid was seized with the very malady of which her mistress had spoken.

Remembering the remedy so fortuitously at hand she got up, opened the

wardrobe, and emptied the vial at a draught.

The next morning she went as usual to wait on her mistress, who looked

at her in surprise and asked her what she wanted. Thinking the old lady

had had a stroke in the night, she said--

“Ah, madame, don’t you know me? I am your maid.”

“My maid is a woman of fifty,” was the reply, “and you----”

But she did not finish the sentence. The woman had caught a glimpse

of her face in a mirror. The Wine of Egypt had rejuvenated her thirty

years!

In an age unfamiliar with the cunning devices of the art of advertising

and the universality of the pretensions of quack remedies, such

encomiums lavished on “an extract of Saturn,” a “Wine of Egypt,”

or an “Elixir Vitæ,” were calculated to damage the reputation of

their inventor in the opinion of serious people even more than the

bitter denunciations to which they were exposed. One of the charges

of imposture on which the case against Cagliostro rests is that of

manufacturing his remedies with the object of defrauding the public

by attributing to them fabulous properties which he knew they did not

possess. If this be admitted, then a similar accusation must be made

against every maker of patent medicines to-day, which, in view of the

law of libel and the fact that many persons have been restored to

health by the concoctions of quacks whom the skilled physician has

been powerless to heal, would be incredibly foolish.

To regard these remedies of Cagliostro with their ridiculous names and

quixotic pretensions with the old prejudice is preposterous. Judged

by the number and variety of his cures--and it is the only reasonable

standard to judge them by--they were, to say the least, remarkable.

In the present day, it is no longer the custom to deride the knowledge

of the old alchemists. The world has come to acknowledge that, in spite

of the fantastic jargon in which they expressed themselves, they fully

understood the uses of the plants and minerals of which they composed

their drugs. Stripped of the atmosphere of magic and mystery in which

they delighted to wrap their knowledge--and which, ridiculous as it

may seem to-day, had just as much effect on the imagination in their

benighted age as the more scientific mode of “suggestion” employed

by the doctors of our own enlightened era--the remedies of a Borri

or a Paracelsus are still deserving of respect, and still employed.

Cagliostro is known to have made a serious study of alchemy, and it is

very probable that his magic balsams and powders were prepared after

receipts he discovered in old books of alchemy. Perhaps too, like all

quacks--it is impossible to accord a more dignified title to one who

had not the diploma of a properly qualified practitioner--he made the

most of old wives’ remedies picked up haphazard in the course of his

travels.

Without doubt the unparalleled credulity and superstition of the age

contributed greatly to his success. Miracles can only succeed in an

atmosphere favourable to the miraculous. In Europe, as the reader has

seen--particularly in France--the soil had been well prepared for seed

of the sort that Cagliostro sowed.

VI

The cure of the Prince de Soubise gave Cagliostro an immense prestige.

“It would be impossible,” says the Baroness d’Oberkirch, “to give an

idea of the passion, the madness with which people pursued him. It

would appear incredible to any one who had not seen it.” On returning

to Strasburg, “he was followed by a dozen ladies of rank and two

actresses” who desired to have the benefit of his treatment. People

came from far and wide to consult him; and many out of sheer curiosity.

To these, whom he regarded as spies sent by his enemies, he was either

inaccessible or positively rude.

Lavater, who came from Zurich, was treated with very scant courtesy.

“If,” said Cagliostro, “your science [that of reading character by the

features, by which he had acquired a European reputation] is greater

than mine, you have no need of my acquaintance; and if mine is the

greater, I have no need of yours.”

Lavater, however, was not to be repulsed by the inference to be drawn

from such a remark. The following day he wrote Cagliostro a long letter

in which, among other things, he asked him “how he had acquired his

knowledge, and in what it consisted.” In reply Cagliostro limited

himself to these words: _In verbis, in herbis, in lapidibus_, by which,

as M. d’Alméras observes, he probably indicated correctly the nature

and extent of his medical and occult lore. But Lavater, as credulous

as he was inquisitive, impressed by the mystery in which Cagliostro

enveloped his least action, read into his words quite another meaning.

Believing firmly in the Devil--about whom he had written a book--the

Swiss pastor returned home convinced that the Grand Cophta of Egyptian

Masonry was “a supernatural being with a diabolic mission.”

[Illustration: LAVATER

(_After the engraving by William Blake_)]

In nobody were the curiosity and admiration that he inspired greater

than in the notorious Cardinal de Rohan. His Eminence was one of the

darlings of Fortune, whose choicest favours had been showered on him

with a lavish hand. Of the most illustrious birth, exceptionally

handsome, enormously rich, and undeniably fascinating, no younger son

ever started life under more brilliant auspices. The Church seemed to

exist solely for the purpose of providing him with honours. Bishop of

Strasburg, Grand Almoner of France, Cardinal, Prince of the Empire,

Landgrave of Alsace--his titles were as numerous as the beads of a

rosary. Nor were they merely high-sounding and empty dignities. From

the Abbey of St. Waast, the richest in France, of which he was the

Abbot, he drew 300,000 livres a year, and from all these various

sources combined his revenue was estimated at 1,200,000 livres.

Nature had endowed him no less bounteously than Fortune. To the

honours which he owed to the accident of birth, his intellect had won

him another still more coveted. At twenty-seven he had been elected

to the Académie Française, where, as he was particularly brilliant

in conversation, it is not surprising that the Immortals should have

“declared themselves charmed with his company.”

He possessed all the conspicuous qualities and defects which in

the eighteenth century were characteristic of the aristocrat. High

ecclesiastic that he was, he had nothing of the ascetic about him.

Like so many of the great dignitaries of the Church under the _ancien

régime_, he was worldly to the last degree. As he was not a hypocrite,

he did not hesitate to live as he pleased. Appointed Ambassador to

Vienna, he had scandalized the strait-laced Maria Theresa by his

reckless extravagance and dissipation. The Emperor, to her disgust,

“loved conversing with him to enjoy his flippant gossip and wicked

stories.” “Our women,” she wrote to her Ambassador at Versailles,

“young and old, beautiful and ugly, are bewitched by him. He is their

idol.”

His character was a mosaic of vice and virtue. With him manners took

the place of morals. “He possessed,” says Madame d’Oberkirch, “the

gallantry and politeness of a grand seigneur such as I have rarely met

in any one.” Madame de Genlis considered that, “if he was nothing that

he ought to be, he was as amiable as it was possible to be.” In him

vice lost all its grossness and levity acquired dignity. Anxious to

please, he was also susceptible to flattery. “By my lording him,” says

Manuel, who disliked him, “one can get from him whatever one desires.”

At the same time he was obliged to confess that the Cardinal “had a

really good heart.”

It was to his excessive good-nature that he owed most of his

misfortunes. The entire absence of intolerance in his character caused

him to be regarded as an atheist, but his unbelief, like his vices, was

greatly exaggerated. Men in his position never escape detraction, but

in the case of the Cardinal he deliberately invited it. Gracious to

all, he was generous to a fault. He dispensed favour and charity alike

without discernment, giving to the poor as readily and as bountifully

as to his mistresses. Of these he had had many; the memoirs of the

period contain strange, and often untranslatable, stories of his

private life. For some years he was followed wherever he went by the

beautiful Marquise de Marigny dressed as a page.

Besides his weakness for a pretty face, this splendid tare had a

fondness amounting to passion for pomp and alchemy. “On state occasions

at Versailles,” says Madame d’Oberkirch, “he wore an alb of lace _en

point à l’aiguille_ of such beauty that the assistants were almost

afraid to touch it.” It was embroidered with his arms and device--the

famous device of the Rohans, _Roy ne puis, prince ne daigne, Rohan je

suis_. It was said to be worth a million livres.

In gratifying his taste for luxury, the cost was the last thing he

considered. On going to Vienna as Ambassador he took with him two gala

coaches worth 40,000 livres each; fifty horses, two equerries, two

piqueurs, seven pages drawn from the nobility of Brittany and Alsace

with their governors and tutors, two gentlemen-in-waiting, six footmen,

whose scarlet and gold liveries cost him 4000 livres apiece, etc.

In France his style of living was still more extravagant. He spent

vast sums on pictures, sculptures, and artistic treasures generally.

Collecting illuminated missals was his speciality. At his episcopal

palace at Saverne, near Strasburg, which he rebuilt after it was

destroyed by fire in 1779 at a cost of between two and three million

livres, he had a magnificent library. As printed books, according to

Madame d’Oberkirch, were beneath his notice, his library was noted for

its beautiful bindings, and above all for the missals ornamented with

miniatures worth their weight in gold.

His principal pastime, however, was alchemy. At Saverne, besides his

library, he had one of the finest laboratories in Europe. He was almost

mad on the subject of the philosopher’s stone. The mention of the

occult sciences at once arrested his attention; then, and only then,

did the brilliant, frivolous Cardinal become serious.

Naturally, such a man could not fail to be impressed by the mysterious

physician whose cures were the talk of Strasburg.

Shortly after Cagliostro’s arrival, Baron de Millinens, the Cardinal’s

master of the hounds, called to inform him that his Eminence desired

to make his acquaintance. But Cagliostro knowing, as he stated at his

trial in the Necklace Affair, that the prince “only desired to see him

from curiosity, refused to gratify him.” The answer he returned is

famous, and thoroughly characteristic of him.

“If the Cardinal is ill,” he is reported to have said, “let him come to

me and I will cure him; but if he is well, he has no need of me nor I

of him.”

This message, far from affronting the Cardinal, only increased his

curiosity. After having attempted in vain to gain admittance to the

sanctuary of the new Esculapius, his Eminence had, or feigned, an

attack of asthma, “of which,” says Cagliostro, “he sent to inform me,

whereupon I went at once to attend him.”

The visit, though short, was long enough to inspire the Cardinal with a

desire for a closer acquaintance. But Cagliostro’s disdainful reserve

was not easily broken down. The advances of the Cardinal, however, were

none the less flattering. At last, captivated by the persistency of

the fascinating prelate, he declared in his grandiose way, to Rohan’s

immense joy, that “the prince’s soul was worthy of his, and that he

would confide to him all his secrets.”

The relation thus formed, whatever the motives that prompted it, soon

ripened into intimacy. Needless to say, they had long, frequent, and

secret confabulations in the Cardinal’s well-equipped laboratory.

Cagliostro, with his wife, eventually even went to live at Saverne at

the Cardinal’s request. He was bidden to consider the palace as his

own, and the servants were ordered to announce him when he entered a

room as “His Excellency M. le Comte de Cagliostro.”

The Baroness d’Oberkirch, on visiting Saverne while he was there, “was

stunned by the pomp with which he was treated.” She was one of the few

great ladies of Strasburg who refused to believe in him. To her he was

merely an adventurer. On the occasions of her visit to Saverne the

Cardinal, who had great respect for her, endeavoured to bring her round

to his opinion. “As I resisted,” she said, “he became impatient.”

“Really, madame,” said he, “you are hard to convince. Do you see this?”

He showed me a large diamond that he wore on his little finger, and on

which the Rohan arms were engraved. This ring was worth at least twenty

thousand francs.

“It is a beautiful gem, monseigneur,” I said, “I have been admiring

it.”

“Well,” he exclaimed, “it is Cagliostro who made it: he made it out of

nothing. I was present during the whole operation with my eyes fixed

on the crucible. Is not that science, Baroness? People should not say

that he is duping me, or taking advantage of me. I have had this ring

valued by a jeweller and an engraver, and they have estimated it at

twenty-five thousand livres. You must admit that he would be a strange

kind of cheat who would make such presents.”

I acknowledge I was stunned. M. de Rohan perceived it, and continued--

“This is not all--he can make gold! He has made in this very palace, in

my presence, five or six thousand livres. He will make me the richest

prince in Europe! These are no mere vagaries of the imagination,

madame, but positive facts. Think of all his predictions that have been

realized, of all the miraculous cures that he has effected! I repeat he

is a most extraordinary, a most sublime man, whose knowledge is only

equalled by his goodness. What alms he gives! What good he does! It

exceeds all power of imagination. _I can assure you he has never asked

or received anything from me._”

But Cagliostro did not confine himself solely to seeking the

philosopher’s stone for the Cardinal. For the benefit of his splendid

host he displayed the whole series of his magical phenomena.

One day, according to Roberson--who professed to have obtained his

information from “an eye-witness very worthy of credence”--he promised

to evoke for the Cardinal the shade of a woman he had loved. He had

made the attempt two or three times before without success. Death

seemed to hesitate to come to the rendez-vous. The moon, perhaps, had

not been propitious, or some great crime committed at the moment of

evocation may have had an unfavourable effect. But on this occasion all

the conditions on which success depended were united.

“The performance,” says Roberson, “took place in a small darkened room

in the presence of four or five spectators who were seated far enough

apart to prevent them from secretly communicating with one another.

Wand in hand, Cagliostro stood in the middle of the room. The silence

which he had commanded was so profound that even the hearts of those

present seemed to stop beating. All at once the wand, as if drawn by

a magnet, pointed to a spot on the wall where a vague, indefinite

form was visible for a moment. The Cardinal uttered a cry. He had

recognized--or believed he had, which amounted to the same thing--the

woman he had loved.”

* * * * *

So great was the confidence that Rohan placed in Cagliostro that he

treated him as an oracle. He constantly consulted him, and suffered

himself to be guided entirely by his advice. As the consequences of

this infatuation were in the end disastrous, it is customary to regard

the Cardinal as the dupe of Cagliostro. Many, blinded by prejudice,

have supposed that Cagliostro, having previously informed himself of

the tastes, character, and vast wealth of the prince, came to Strasburg

for the express purpose of victimizing him. It is even asserted that

the Countess had her share in the subjugation of the Cardinal, and

that while Cagliostro attacked his understanding, she laid siege to

his heart.

The disdainful, almost hostile, attitude that Cagliostro adopted

towards his patron at the beginning of their acquaintance was so well

calculated to inflame Rohan’s curiosity that it is a matter of course

to attribute it to design. The Abbé Georgel, who as a Jesuit thoroughly

disliked the Grand Cophta of Egyptian Masonry, asserts that “he sought,

without having the air of seeking it, the most intimate confidence of

his Eminence and the greatest ascendency over his will.”

But this very plausible statement is not only unsupported by any fact,

but is actually contrary to fact. The Cardinal was _not_ Cagliostro’s

banker, as has so often been stated. At his trial in the Necklace

Affair Rohan denied this most emphatically. Moreover, it would have

been utterly impossible for him, had he wished, to have supplied

Cagliostro with the sums he spent so lavishly. In spite of his vast

income, he had for years been head over ears in debt. If there were any

benefits conferred, it was the Cardinal who received them.

“Cagliostro,” says Madame d’Oberkirch, “treated him, as well as the

rest of his aristocratic admirers, as if they were under infinite

obligation to him and he under none to them.”

This statement is the secret of the real nature of Cagliostro’s

so-called conquest. It was not cupidity, but colossal vanity, that

lured him into the glittering friendship that ruined him. The Cardinal,

with his great name and position, his influence, and his undeniable

charm, dazzled Cagliostro quite as much as he, with his miracles, his

magic, and his mystery, appealed to the imagination of the Cardinal.

Each had for the other the fascination of a flame for a moth. Each

fluttered round the other like a moth; and each met with the proverbial

moth’s fate. But the Cagliostro-flame only scorched the wings of his

Eminence. It was in the flame of the Cardinal that Cagliostro perished.

Cagliostro · 第 4 / 8 章