A Forward Policy
Frontier medical missions--Their value as outposts--Ancient
Christianity in Central Asia--Kafiristan: a lost opportunity of the
Christian Church--Forcible conversion to Islam--Fields for missionary
enterprise beyond the North-West Frontier--The first missionaries
should be medical men--An example of the power of a medical mission
to overcome opposition--The need for branch dispensaries--Scheme of
advance--Needs 305-312
Glossary 314-318
Index 319-324
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Dr. Pennell Travelling as a Sadhu Frontispiece
A Khattak Sword-Dancer 28
A Zyarat or Shrine on the Takht-i-Suliman 34
A Group of Lepers at a Zyarat or Shrine in Hazara 36
The Khaiber Pass. A Village in the Pass 46
A Cavalry Shutur-sowar, or Camel-rider 46
Types of Frontier Tribesmen 50
Bannu Villagers 56
The Khaiber Pass. Khaiber Rifle Sepoy on the Watch 62
The Result of a Blood-Feud 82
A Transborder Afghan bringing his Family to the Hospital 82
Bannu Mission. A Group of Patients 94
A Group of Out-patients at the Mission Hospital 94
Travelling by Riding Camel 100
Itineration by Means of Ekkas and Mules 100
Ferrying across the River Indus 112
Travelling down the Indus on a "Kik" 112
Mahsud Labourers at Work in Bannu Cantonment 148
Bannu Mission. A Group of Students 148
A Football Match at Bannu 154
The Bannu Football Team 154
The Chief Bazaar, Peshawur City 156
The Bazaar in Peshawur City 156
The Indus in Flood-time 158
A Ferryboat for the Mail on the Indus River 158
A Modern "Black Hole" 164
Boy and Girl grazing Buffaloes 170
Women carrying Waterpots 196
Women going for water at Shimvah 198
Water-carrying at Shimvah 198
Near Shinkiari, Hazara District 208
A Muhammadan Faqir 212
Dr. Pennell 244
Flour Mills near Shinkiari 278
Map of the North-West Frontier Province 313
Map of the North-West Frontier of India 318
TABLE OF THE CHIEF SOUNDS REPRESENTED IN THE
GOVERNMENT SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION
a = short u, as in "bun."
á = broad a, as in "mast."
i = short i, as in "bin."
í = ee, as in "oblique."
e = a, as in "male."
o = long o, as in "note."
u = short oo, as in "foot."
ú = long oo, as in "boot."
q = guttural k.
kh = ch, as in "loch."
gh = guttural r, not used in English.
' = the Arabic letter 'ain, a guttural not used in English.
PRONUNCIATION OF THE PRINCIPAL ORIENTAL WORDS USED IN THIS BOOK
Afghán Jahán Nizám
Afghánistán Jamála Panjáb
Afrídi Jelálábad Panjábi
Alláhu Akbar Kabír Pathán
Amír Kábul Patwár
Badakshán Káfir Pesháwur
Baltistán Kálabágh Qurán
Bengáli Kalám Rám
Bezwáda Karáchi Ramazán
Bhágalpur Karím Risáldár
Bukhára Khalífa Ríshíkes
Chenáb Khorasán Sádhu
Chilás Kohát Sanyási
Chinárak Laghmáni Saragári
Chitrál Loháni Sardár
Deraját Majíd Sarkár
Dharmsála Málik Subadár
Ghulám Mirzáda Sulíman
Hákim (ruler) Mughál Tálib
Hakím (doctor) Multán Tamána
Hardwár Nának Tiráh
Hazára Nárowál Waziristán
Islám Nezabázi
AMONG THE WILD TRIBES OF THE AFGHAN FRONTIER
CHAPTER I
THE AFGHAN CHARACTER
Paradoxical--Ideas of honour--Blood-feuds--A sister's revenge--The
story of an outlaw--Taken by assault--A jirgah and its unexpected
termination--Bluff--An attempt at kidnapping--Hospitality--A
midnight meal--An ungrateful patient--A robber's death--An Afghan
dance--A village warfare--An officer's escape--Cousins.
The East is the country of contradictions, and the Afghan character is
a strange medley of contradictory qualities, in which courage blends
with stealth, the basest treachery with the most touching fidelity,
intense religious fanaticism with an avarice which will even induce
him to play false to his faith, and a lavish hospitality with an
irresistible propensity for thieving.
There are two words which are always on an Afghan's tongue--izzat
and sharm. They denote the idea of honour viewed in its positive and
negative aspects, but what that honour consists in even an Afghan
would be puzzled to tell you. Sometimes he will consider that he
has vindicated his honour by a murder perpetrated with the foulest
treachery; at other times it receives an indelible stain if at some
public function he is given a seat below some rival chief.
The vendetta, or blood-feud, has eaten into the very core of Afghan
life, and the nation can never become healthily progressive till public
opinion on the question of revenge alters. At present some of the best
and noblest families in Afghanistan are on the verge of extermination
through this wretched system. Even the women are not exempt. In 1905,
at Bannu, there was a case where a man had been foully murdered over
some disputed land. It was generally known who the murderer was, but
as he and his relations were powerful and likely to stick at nothing,
and the murdered man had no near relation except one sister, no one
was willing to risk his own skin in giving evidence, so when the case
came up in court the Judge was powerless to convict.
"Am I to have no justice at the hands of the Sarkar?" passionately
cried the sister in her despair. "Bring me witnesses, and I will
convict," was all the Judge could reply. "Very well; I must find my own
way;" and the girl left the court to take no rest till her brother's
blood, which was crying to her from the ground, should be avenged.
Shortly after this I was sitting in a classroom of the mission
school teaching the boys. It was a Friday morning, when thousands
of the hillmen come in to the weekly fair, and the bazaars are
full of a shouting, jostling throng, the murmur of which reaches
even the schoolroom. Suddenly a shot was heard, and then a confused
shouting. Running out on to the street hard by, I found a Wazir, quite
dead, shot through the heart. It was the murderer who had escaped the
justice of the law, but not the hand of the avenger, for the sister
had concealed a revolver on her person, and coming up to her enemy in
the crowded bazaar, had shot him point-blank. She was arrested there
and then, and the court condemned her to penal servitude for life. I
met her some weeks later as she was on the march with some other
prisoners to their destination in the Andaman Islands. Resignation and
satisfaction were her dominant feelings. "I have avenged my brother;
for the rest, it is God's will: I am content." Those were the words
in which she answered my inquiries.
The officer who has most power with the Pathans is the one who,
while transparently just, yet deals with them with a strong hand,
whose courage is beyond question, and who, when once his mind is made
up, does not hesitate in the performance of his plans. To such a one
they are loyal to the backbone, and will go through fire and water
in his train.
"Tender-handed grasp a nettle,
It will sting you for your pains;
Grasp it like a man of mettle,
Soft as silk it then remains."
This has its counterpart in a Pashtu proverb, and is no doubt a true
delineation of the Afghan character.
Some years ago some outlaws had fortified a village a few miles across
the border, and had there bidden defiance to the authorities while
carrying on their depredations among the frontier villages, where
they raided many a wealthy Hindu, and even carried off the rifles
from the police posts. The leader of the gang was Sailgai. His father
was Mian Khan, a Wazir of the Sparkai clan. When still a boy Sailgai
showed great aptitude and skill in archery, and when about fifteen
he commenced rifle-shooting, and soon became a noted marksman. This,
however, led him to associate with the desperadoes of the clan, and
before long he became the leader of a gang which used to go out at
night-time to break into shops and into the houses of rich Hindus. When
this occupation began to pall on him he became a highway robber, and
lay in wait with his confederates in various parts of the Kohat-Bannu
road to waylay and rob travellers both by day and night. The next
step onward--or downwards, we should say--was to become the leader
of a gang of dacoits. These men would enter a village, usually in
the late evening, and hold up the inhabitants while they looted the
houses of the rich Hindus at leisure. On these occasions they often
cut off the ears of the women as the simplest way of getting their
earrings; and fingers, too, suffered in the same way if the owner did
not remove his rings quickly enough. At the same time Sailgai became
a professional murderer, and used to take two hundred to four hundred
rupees for disposing of anyone obnoxious to the payer.
Still, up to this time he had contrived to keep clear of the police,
and had never been caught. If anyone informed against him he soon
discovered who the informant was, and paid him a night visit, only
leaving after he had either killed him or taken a rich ransom. Some
eight years ago he took two hundred rupees for killing a Bizun
Khel Wazir, and went to his house one evening with fifteen of his
followers. The Wazir, however, got a warning, and made a bold stand,
and Sailgai had to fire seven times before he despatched him, and
by that time the brother of the deceased had fetched some police and
followed up in chase of Sailgai. When, however, the police saw that
they had a well-armed band to contend with, although about equal in
number to the Wazirs, they beat a hasty retreat, with the exception
of one man, who opened fire on the murderers at two hundred paces,
but was hit and disabled, so that Sailgai and his party got away in
safety. Government gave a reward to this, the one brave man, and put
a price on Sailgai's head, so that he could no longer enter British
territory except by stealth, and he retired to his fort at Gumatti,
which he strengthened and made the base for marauding expeditions on
Government territory.
These subsequently became so frequent and so successful that the
Indian Government was finally constrained to send up a column under
Colonel Tonnochy, who was in command of the 53rd Sikhs at Bannu,
to destroy his fort once for all. Before the guns opened fire the
Political Officer, Mr. Donald, walked up alone to the loopholes of
his fort to offer Sailgai and his fellow-defenders terms. Knowing well
the long list of crimes that would be proved against him, he replied
that he had determined to sell his life as dearly as possible in the
fort where he had been born and bred; and we must say, to his credit,
that they restrained their fire till Mr. Donald got back to his own
lines. Colonel Tonnochy brought the guns up to within sixty yards
of the fort, and while directing their operations he was mortally
wounded. When the tower was finally taken by storm, all Sailgai's
companions were dead, and he himself wounded in four places. He,
however, with a last effort took aim at the British officer, Captain
White, who was bravely leading the assault, and shot him dead, and was
almost at the same moment despatched by that officer's orderly. Wazirs
from Gumatti, as well as from all the rest of the neighbourhood,
are constantly coming to the mission dispensary, and some of them
have been in-patients. The police munshi who made the bold stand
above mentioned was himself treated for his wound in our hospital.
The Afghan has in some respects such inordinate vanity in connection
with his peculiar ideas of sharm, and is so hot-headed in resenting
some fancied insult, that he sometimes places himself in a ridiculous
position, from which he finds it difficult to extricate himself
without still further sacrificing his honour.
An instance of this occurred in December, 1898. The mission school
athletic sports were in progress in the mission compound, and the
political officers of the Tochi and Wano were engaged not far off
in a jirgah of the representatives of the Mahsud and Darwesh Khel
sections of the Wazirs. Suddenly the cry was raised, "The Wazirs have
attacked us!" and for a short time all was confusion. Wazirs were seen
rushing pell-mell into school, bungalow, and other buildings, and a
great part of the spectators who had gathered to see the sports fled
in confusion. It transpired, however, that, so far from the Wazirs
desiring to do us any injury, they were the Mahsuds in flight from
the Darwesh Khels, who were hot in pursuit, chasing them even into the
mission buildings where they had sought refuge. The council had been
proceeding satisfactorily, and with apparently amicable relations on
both sides, when a Darwesh Khel malik, in the excitement of debate,
gesticulated too close to the seat of the Political Officer. A Mahsud
orderly, thinking he was disrespectful to the officer, pushed him back
with needless force, so that the malik slipped and fell. The Darwesh
Khels round him at once set on the orderly, saying he had done it of
malice prepense, and began to beat him. In another moment the whole
assembly were frantically attacking each other; but the Mahsuds,
being very decidedly in the minority, found safety in flight, and,
our mission compound being the nearest rallying-place, had come down
upon us in this unceremonious manner, with the Darwesh Khels in hot
pursuit. Fortunately, no serious injury resulted, and both parties
were soon laughing at their own foolish hot-headedness.
Bluff is a very prominent characteristic of the Afghan, and this makes
him appear more formidable than he really is to those who are not
acquainted with his character. He is also a great bully and exults in
cruelty, so that he becomes a veritable tyrant to those who have fallen
into his power or are overawed by his bluff. At the same time, he has
a profound reverence for the personification of power or brute force,
and becomes a loyal and devoted follower of those whom he believes to
be his superiors. It is often asked of me whether I carry a revolver
or other arms when travelling about among these wild tribes. For a
missionary to do so would not only be fatal to his chance of success,
but would be a serious and constant danger. It would be impossible
for him to be always on his guard; there must be times when, through
fatigue or other reasons, he is at the mercy of those among whom he is
dwelling. Besides this, there is nothing which an Afghan covets more,
or to steal which he is more ready to risk his life, than firearms;
and though he might not otherwise wish harm to the missionary, the
possibility of securing a good revolver or gun would be too great a
temptation, even though he had to shed blood to secure it. My plan was,
therefore, to put myself entirely in their hands, and let them see
that I was trusting to their sense of honour and to their traditional
treatment of a guest for my safety.
At the same time, I was rather at pains than otherwise to let them
see that the bluff to which they sometimes resorted had no effect
upon me, and that I was indifferent to their threats and warnings,
which, as often as not, were just a ruse on their part to see how far
they could impose on me. Once, when I was in a trans-border village,
resting a few hours in the heat of the day, some young bloods arrived
who had just come in from a raid, and were still in the excitement
of bloodshed. Some of them thought it would be a good opportunity to
bait the Daktar Sahib, and one of them, holding his loaded revolver
to my chest, said: "Now we are going to shoot you." I replied:
"You will be very great fools if you do, because I am of more use to
you than to myself, and you would as likely as not poison yourselves
with my drugs if I were not there to tell you how to use them." At
this the senior man of the party rebuked them, and offered me a kind
of apology for their rudeness, saying: "They are only young fellows,
and they are excited. Do not mind what they say. We will see that no
harm comes to you." On another occasion I came to a village across
the border rather late at night. There were numerous outlaws in the
village, but the chief under whose protection I placed myself took the
precaution of putting my bed in the centre of six of his retainers,
fully armed, in a circle round me, one or two of whom were to keep
watch in turns. I had had a hard day's work, and was soon sound asleep,
and this was my safety, because I was told in the morning that some
of the more fanatical spirits had wanted to kill me in the night,
but the others said: "See, he has trusted himself entirely to our
protection, and because he trusts us he is sleeping so soundly;
therefore, no harm must be done to him in our village."
Not long ago there was a notorious outlaw on the frontier called
Rangin, who had been making a practice of kidnapping rich Hindus,
and then holding them to ransom. I was in the habit of visiting our
out-station at Kharrak about once a month, and usually went alone
and by night. Information was brought that Rangin, knowing of this,
intended one day to kidnap me, and hold me to a high ransom. The next
time I visited Kharrak, I purposely slept by the roadside all night
in a lonely part, that the people might see that I was not afraid of
Rangin's threats. Needless to say, no harm came of it; but the people
there in the countryside spread the idea that, as there was an angel
protecting the Daktar Sahib, it would be a useless act of folly to
try to do him an injury.
Although the honour which an Afghan thinks is due to his guest has
often stood me in good stead, yet sometimes the observance of the
correct etiquette has become irksome. A rich chief will be satisfied
with nothing less than the slaying of a sheep when he receives
a guest of distinction; a poorer man will be satisfied with the
slaying of a fowl, and the preparation therefrom of the native dish
called pulao. On one occasion I came to a village with my companions
rather late in the evening. The chief himself was away, but his son
received me with every mark of respect, and killed a fowl and cooked
us a savoury pulao, after which, wearied with the labours of the day,
we were soon fast asleep. Later on, it appeared, the chief himself
arrived, and learnt from his son of our arrival. "Have you killed for
him the dumba?" he at once asked; and, on learning from his son that
he had only prepared a fowl, he professed great annoyance, saying:
"This will be a lasting shame (sharm) for me, if it is known that,
when the Bannu Daktar Sahib came to my village, I cooked for him
nothing more than a fowl. Go at once to the flock, and take a dumba,
and slay and dress it, and, when all is ready, call me." Thus it
came about that about 1 a.m. we were waked up to be told that the
chief had come to salaam us, and that dinner was ready. It would not
only have been useless to protest that we were more in a mood for
sleep than for dinner, but it would also have been an insult to his
hospitality; so we got up with alacrity and the best grace possible,
and after a performance of the usual salutations on both sides, we
buckled to that we might show our appreciation of the luscious feast
of roast mutton and pulao that had been prepared for us.
On one occasion, in turning back to Bannu from a journey across
the frontier, I had an escort of two villainous-looking Afghans,
who appeared as though they would not hesitate at any crime,
however atrocious. They, however, looked after us with the greatest
attention, and brought us safely into Bannu. On arrival there, I
offered them some money as a reward for their good conduct; they,
however, refused it with some show of indignation, saying that to
take money from one who had been their guest would be contrary to
their best traditions. Consequently, I sent them over to rest for the
night at the house of one of my native assistants, with a note to give
them a good dinner, and send them away early in the morning. He gave
them the dinner, but when he got up in the morning to see them off,
he found that they had already decamped with all his best clothes.
Among the Afghans theft is more or less praiseworthy, according to
the skill and daring shown in its perpetration, and to the success in
the subsequent evasion of pursuit. Two years ago an Afghan brought
his little daughter for an operation on her eye. The operation was
successfully performed, and the day of discharge came. Meanwhile
the eyes of the Afghan had lighted on my mare, and he thought how
useful it would be to him on his travels, and the night following
his discharge we found that he had come with a friend and taken the
horse away. Unfortunately for the success of the undertaking, he had
an enemy, who, when a reward was offered for the discovery of the
thief, thought he might enrich himself and pay off an old grudge
at the same time. The culprit had, however, by this time arrived
with his capture safely across the Afghan frontier into Khost,
and no laws of extradition apply there. Other members of the tribe,
however, reside in British India, and would be going up with their
families into the hills as the heat of summer increased. The Deputy
Commissioner called for the chiefs of the tribe, and informed them
that until they arranged for the return of the mare, he would be
reluctantly compelled to issue orders that they were not to go up
to the hills with their families. At first they protested that they
had no control over the thief, whom they had themselves turned out
of their tribe because he was a rascal; but when they found that
the officer knew them too well to be hoodwinked by their bluff,
they found it convenient to send up into Khost and bring back the
mare. The man through whose instrumentality it was brought back has
posed to me ever since as my benefactor, and expected a variety of
favours in return. The theft was universally reprobated by the tribe,
but chiefly because circumstances had doomed it to failure.
Notorious thieves and outlaws have frequently availed themselves of
the wards of the mission hospital when suffering from some fever
or other disease which has temporarily incapacitated them; but,
of course, they come under assumed names, and otherwise conceal
their identity. It is to be hoped, however, that they benefit
all the same from the addresses and good counsel which they daily
hear while under treatment. Sometimes, as in the case I am about
to relate, their identity becomes known. A few years ago, in Bed
26--the "Southsea" bed--there was Zaman, a noted thief, who came in
suffering from chronic dysentery, and continued under treatment for
over two months. He lingered on, with many ups and downs, but was
evidently past recovery when he came in. He paid much attention to
the Gospel that was read to him, and sometimes professed belief in
it, but showed no signs of repenting of his past career. But when
told eventually that there was no hope of his recovery, he at once
had a police officer summoned, so as to give him the names of some
of his former "pals," hoping thereby not only to get them caught and
punished in revenge for their having thrown him off when too weak and
ill to join in their nefarious practices, but also to gain a reward
for the information given. He gradually sank and died, professing
a belief in Christ; but He alone, who readeth the heart, knoweth. I
do not think he would have turned informer had not his confederates
apparently deserted him in his distress.
No description of Afghan life would be complete which did not give
an account of their public dances. These take place on the 'Id days,
or to celebrate some tribal compact, or the cessation of hostilities
between two tribes or sections. It can only be seen in its perfection
across the border, for in British India the more peaceful habits
of the people and the want of the requisite firearms have caused
it to fall into desuetude. Across the frontier some level piece of
ground is chosen, and a post is fixed in the centre. The men arrange
themselves in ever-widening circles round this centre and gyrate round
it, ever keeping the centre on the left, so as to give greater play
to their sword-arms. The older and less nimble of the warriors form
the inner circles; outside them come the young men, who dance round
with surprising agility, often with a gun in one hand and a sword in
the other, or, it may be, with a sword in each hand, which they wave
alternately in circles round their heads. Outside them, again, circle
the horsemen, showing their agility in the saddle and their skill
with the sword or gun at the same time. On one side are the village
minstrels, who give the tune on drums and pipes. They begin with a slow
beat, and one sees all the circles going round with a measured tread;
then the music becomes more and more rapid, and the dancers become
more and more carried away with excitement, and to the onlooker it
appears a surging mass of waving swords and rifles. The rifles are
as often as not loaded and discharged from time to time, at which the
gyrations of the horsemen on the outside become more and more excited,
and one wonders that heads and arms are not gashed by the swords which
are seen waving everywhere. Suddenly the music ceases, and all stop to
regain their breath, to start again after a few minutes, until they
are tired out. The excitement and the intricate revolutions often
bring the scene to the brink of a real warfare, and not infrequently
it ends in bloodshed. In one instance, where a man fell, and in
falling discharged his rifle with fatal effect into another dancer,
the unintentional murderer would have had his throat cut there and
then had not his friends hurriedly dragged him out and carried him
off to his home, fighting as they went. In this way blood-feuds are
sometimes started, which will divide a village into two factions,
and not end till some of the bravest have fallen victims to it.
On one occasion I was seated with some Afghans in a house in the
village of Peiwar in the Kurram Valley. Most of the houses were on
either side of one long street running the length of the village,
and I noticed that some little doors had been made from house to house
all down the street, and on inquiring the object of this, I was told
that some time before a great faction fight had been carried on in the
village. One side of the street was in one faction and the other side
in the other faction, and they were always in ambush to fire at each
other across the street. The only way to get to the village supply of
water was to go from house to house down to the bottom of the street,
and in order to do this without exposure, doors had been made, while
by common consent they had agreed not to shoot while getting their
supplies from the stream at the bottom. My host went on to show me
sundry holes in his door and in the wooden panels of the windows,
which the bullets of his neighbours across the street had penetrated,
and said: "It was behind that hole in the door there that my uncle
was shot; that hole in the window was made by the bullet which killed
my brother." Pointing to another Afghan who had come into the room
and seated himself on the bed, he said: "That is the man who shot my
brother." On my remarking upon the peace and goodwill in which they
appeared to be living at the present time, he said: "Yes, we are good
friends now, because the debt is even on both sides. I have killed
the same number in his family." After a faction fight of this kind,
the fatalities on both sides are added up, and if they can be found to
be equal, both sides feel that they can make peace without sacrificing
their izzat (honour), and amicable relations are resumed, it being
thought unnecessary to investigate who were the real instigators or
murderers. If, however, one side or the other believes itself to
be still aggrieved, or not to have exacted the full tale of lives
required by the law of revenge, then the feud may go on indefinitely,
until whole families may become nearly exterminated. The avenger will
go on waiting his opportunity for months or years, but he will never
forget; and one will always remember the hunted look and the furtive
expression and nervous handling of the revolver and cartridges which
mark the man who knows that one or more such avenger is on his track.
A Political Officer in the Kurram Valley was once visiting a chief
of the village of Shlozan, who, like all chiefs, had a high tower,
in which he would seek security from his enemies at night. His host
took him up into the tower, after carefully seeing that a window
in the upper story was shut. The officer, thinking he would like
a view of the country round, went to open it, but was hurriedly
and unceremoniously pulled back by the chief, who told him that
his cousin had been watching that window for months in the hope of
having an opportunity of shooting him there. The officer made no
further attempt to look out of the window, but some months later he
heard that his friend the chief, having inadvertently gone to the
open window, had been shot there by his cousin. So universal is the
enmity existing between cousins in Afghanistan that it has become a
proverb that a man is "as great an enemy as a cousin," the causes of
such feuds being such as are more likely to arise between those who
have some relationship. The causes of 90 per cent. of such feuds are
described by the Afghans as belonging to one of three heads--zan, zar,
and zamin, these being the three Persian words meaning women, money,
and land; and disputes are more likely to arise between cousins than
between strangers on such matters as these.
CHAPTER II
AFGHAN TRADITIONS
Israelitish origin of the Afghans--Jewish practices--Shepherd
tradition of the Wazirs--Afridis and their saint--The zyarat
or shrine--Graveyards--Custom of burial--Graves of holy
men--Charms and amulets--The medical practice of a faqir--Native
remedies--First aid to the wounded--Purges and blood-letting--Tooth
extraction--Smallpox.
A controversy as to the origin of the Afghans centres round the
question as to whether they are the children of Israel or not;
and there are two opposing camps, one regarding it as an accepted
historical fact that they are descended from the lost ten tribes of
Israel, and the other repudiating all Israelitish affinities except
such as may have come to them through the Muhammadan religion. The
Afghans themselves--at least, the more intelligent part of the
community--will tell you that they are descended from the tribe of
Benjamin, and will give you their genealogy through King Saul up to
Abraham, and they almost universally apply the term "Bani-Israil,"
or children of Israel, to themselves. Wolff, the traveller, relates
that an Afghan, Mulla Khodadad, gave him the following history:
Saul had a grandson called Afghána, the nephew of Asaph, the son of
Berachiah, who built the Temple of Solomon. One year and a half after
Solomon's death he was banished from Jerusalem to Damascus on account
of misconduct. In the time of Nebuchadnezzar the Jews were driven
out of Palestine and taken to Babylon. The descendants of Afghána
residing at Damascus, being Jews, were also carried to Babylon,
from whence they removed, or were removed, to the mountain of Ghor,
in Afghanistan, their present place of residence, and in the time of
Muhammad they accepted his religion.
To most observers the Afghan has a most remarkably Jewish cast of
features, and often in looking round the visitors of our out-patient
department one sees some old greybeard of pure Afghan descent, and
involuntarily exclaims: "That man might for all the world be one of
the old Jewish patriarchs returned to us from Bible history!" All
Muhammadan nations must, from the origin of their religion, have
many customs and observances which appear Jewish because they were
adopted by Muhammad himself from the Jews around him; but there
are two, at least, met with among Afghans which are not found among
neighbouring Muhammadan peoples, and which strongly suggest a Jewish
origin. The first, which is very common, is that of sacrificing an
animal, usually a sheep or a goat, in case of illness, after which
the blood of the animal is sprinkled over the doorposts of the house
of the sick person, by means of which the angel of death is warded
off. The other, which is much less common, and appears to be dying out,
is that of taking a heifer and placing upon it the sins of the people,
whereby it becomes qurban, or sacrifice, and then it is driven out into
the wilderness. The Afghan, more than most Muhammadans, delights in
Biblical names, and David, Solomon, Abraham, Job, Jacob, and many other
patriarchs, are constant inmates of our hospital wards. New Testament
names, such as King Jesus (Mihtar Esa) and Simon are occasionally met
with. The ceremonies enacted at the Muhammadan "'Id-i-bakr," or Feast
of Sacrifice, have a most extraordinary similarity to the Jewish
Passover; but as these have a religious, and not a racial, origin
and signification, and can be read in any book on Muhammadanism,
it is unnecessary to describe them here. The strongest argument
against their Jewish origin is the almost entire disappearance of
any Hebrew words from their vocabulary; but this may be partly,
at least, explained by their admixture at first with Chaldaic, and
subsequently with Arab, races. The Wazirs have a tradition as to their
origin, which, although its Biblical resemblance may be accidental,
is yet certainly remarkable when found among so wild and barbarous
a race. The tradition is that a certain ancestor had two sons, Issa
and Missa (probably Jesus and Moses). The latter was a shepherd, and
one day while tending his flocks on the hills a lamb strayed away and
could not be found. Missa, leaving his other sheep, went in search of
the lost one. For three days and nights he wandered about the jungle
without being able to find it. On the morning of the fourth day he
found it in some distant valley, and, instead of being wroth with it,
he took it up in his arms, kissed it, and brought it safely back to
the flock. For this humane act God greatly blessed him, and made him
the progenitor of the Wazir tribe. Though it would seem to us more
appropriate had this action been attributed to Issa instead of to
Missa, yet this tradition has often given me a text for explaining
the Gospel story to a crowd of these wild tribesmen.
Though all Afghans are fanatically zealous in the pursuit of their
religion, yet some are so ignorant of its teachings that more
civilized Muhammadans are hardly willing to admit their right to a
place in the congregation of the faithful. The Wazirs, for instance,
who would always be ready to take their share in a religious war, are
not only ignorant of all but the elementary truths of Muhammadanism,
but the worship of saints and graves is the chief form that their
religion takes. The Afridis are not far removed from them in this
respect, and it is related of a certain section of the Afridis that,
having been taunted by another tribe for not possessing a shrine of
any holy man, they enticed a certain renowned Seyyed to visit their
country, and at once despatched and buried him, and boast to this
day of their assiduity in worshipping at his sepulchre.
The frontier hills are often bare enough of fields or habitations, but
one cannot go far without coming across some zyarat, or holy shrine,
where the faithful worship and make their vows. It is very frequently
situated on some mountain-top or inaccessible cliff, reminding one
of the "high places" of the Israelites. Round the grave are some
stunted trees of tamarisk or ber (Zisyphus jujuba). On the branches of
these are hung innumerable bits of rag and pieces of coloured cloth,
because every votary who makes a petition at the shrine is bound
to tie a piece of cloth on as the outward symbol of his vow. In
the accompanying photograph is seen a famous shrine on the Suliman
Range. Despite its inaccessibility, hundreds of pilgrims visit this
yearly, and sick people are carried up in their beds, with the hope
that the blessing of the saint may cure them. Sick people are often
carried on beds, either strapped on camels or on the shoulders of
their friends, for considerably more than a hundred miles to one or
other of these zyarats. In some cases it may reasonably be supposed
that the change from a stuffy, unventilated dark room to the open air,
and the stimulus of change of climate and scenery, has its share in
the cure which often undoubtedly results.
Another feature of these shrines is that their sanctity is so
universally acknowledged that articles of personal property may
be safely left by the owners for long periods of time in perfect
confidence of finding them untouched on their return. This is the more
remarkable, remembering that these tribes are thieves by profession,
and scarcely look upon brigandage as a reprehensible act. The
inhabitants of a mountain village may be migrating to the plains for
the winter months, and they will leave their beds, pots and pans,
and other household furniture, under the trees of some neighbouring
shrine, and they will almost invariably find them on their return,
some months later, exactly as they left them. One distinct advantage
of these shrines is that it is a sin to cut wood from any of the trees
surrounding them. Thus it comes about that the shrines are the only
green spots among the hills which the improvident vandalism of the
tribes has denuded of all their trees and shrubs.
Graves have a special sanctity in the eyes of the Afghans, more
even than in the case of other Muhammadans, and you will generally
see an Afghan, when passing by a graveyard, dismount from his horse
and, turning towards some more prominent tomb, which denotes the
burial-place of some holy man, hold up his hands in the attitude
of Muhammadan prayer, and invoke the blessing of the holy man
on his journey, and then stroke his beard, as is usually done by
the Muhammadans at the conclusion of their prayers. There are few
graveyards which do not boast some such holy man or faqir in their
midst; in fact, as often as not, the chance burial of some such
holy man in an out-of-the-way part determines the site of a cemetery,
because all those in the country round desire to have their graves near
his, in the belief that at the Resurrection Day his sanctity will atone
for any of their shortcomings, and insure for them an unquestionable
entry into bliss. The graves always lie north and south, and after
digging down to a depth determined by the character of the soil,
a niche is hollowed out at one side, usually the western, and the
corpse is laid in the niche, with its face turned towards Mecca. Some
bricks or stones are then laid along the edge of the niche, so that
when the earth is thrown in none of it may fall on the corpse, which
is enveloped in a winding-sheet only, coffins being never used. The
origin of the word "coffin" is possibly from the Arabic word kafn,
which denotes the winding-sheet usually used by Muhammadans. [1]
Great marvels are related about the graves of these holy men, among
the commonest being the belief that they go on increasing in length of
their own accord, the increase of length being a sign of the acceptance
of the prayers of the deceased by the Almighty. Near the mission house
in Peshawur was one such grave, which went on lengthening at the rate
of one foot a year. When it had reached the length of twenty-seven
feet it was seriously encroaching on the public highway, and it was
only after the promulgation of an official order from the district
authorities that the further growth of the holy man should cease that
the grave ceased to expand. This shrine is still famous in the country
round as "the Nine-Yard Shrine," which numbers of devotees visit
every year, in the expectation of obtaining some material benefit.
The use of charms or amulets is practically universal. The children
of the rich may be seen with strings of charms fastened up in little
ornamented silver caskets hung round their neck, while even the
poorest labourer will not be without a charm sewn up in a bit of
leather, which he fastens round his arm or his neck. These charms are
most usually verses out of the Quran, transcribed by some Mullah of
repute and blessed by him; others are cabalistic sentences or words,
while some are mere bits of paper or rag which have been blessed by
a holy man. On more than one occasion I have found my prescriptions
made up into charms, the patient believing that this would be
more efficacious than drinking the hospital medicines; in fact,
one patient assured me that he had never suffered from rheumatism,
to which he had previously been subject, after he had tied round his
arm a prescription in which I had ordered him some salicylate of soda,
although he had never touched the drug. In one instance I found that
a man who had been given some grey powders, with directions how to
use them, had instead fastened them up, paper and all, into a little
packet, which he had sewn up in leather and fastened round his neck,
with, he told me, very beneficial result. From this it can be readily
understood that Mullahs and faqirs who pretend to have the power of
making charms for all known diseases, and sell them to the people at
large, are often able to enrich themselves far more rapidly than a
doctor who confines himself to the ordinary methods of treatment.
Once, when I was in camp, I came across a mountebank who was making
quite a large fortune in this way. He had travelled over a large
part of South-Western Asia, but did not stop long in any one place,
as no doubt his takings would soon begin to wear off after the first
days of novelty. One of his performances was to walk through fire,
professedly by the power of the Muhammadan Kalimah. A trench was
dug in the ground, and filled with charcoal and wood, which was set
alight. After the fire had somewhat died down, the still glowing
embers were beaten down with sticks, and then the faqir, reciting
the Kalimah with great zest, proceeded to deliberately walk across,
after which he invited the more daring among the faithful to follow
his example, assuring them that if they recited the creed in the
same way and with sincerity, they would suffer no harm. Some went
through the ordeal and showed no signs of having suffered from it;
others came out with blistered and sore feet. These unfortunates were
jeered at by the others as being no true Muhammadans, owing to which
they had forfeited the immunity conferred upon them by the recitation
of the creed. One young Sikh student, calling out the Sikh battle-cry,
ventured on the ordeal, and came out apparently none the worse. The
Muhammadans looked upon this as an insult to their religion, because
Muhammadans oftener than not heard that cry when the Sikhs had been
engaged in mortal combat with them, and this action of the young
Sikh appeared to them to be a challenge as to whether the Muhammadan
or the Sikh cry had the greater magic power. However, some of the
more responsible persons present checked the more hot-headed ones,
and the affair passed off with a little scoffing. Every morning and
afternoon the faqir prepared for the reception of the patients,
who were collected in great numbers on hearing of his fame. Each
applicant had to give 5 pice to the assistant as his fee. He was
then sent before the faqir, who remained seated on a mat. The faqir
asked him one or two questions as to the nature of the illness,
wrote out the necessary charm, and passed on to the next. Three or
four hundred people were often seen at one sitting. This would give
about 50 rupees (£3. 6s. 8d.) as a day's takings. Some days would,
no doubt, be occupied in travelling, and others less fruitful;
but his equipment and his method of travelling showed that it was
a very profitable business. He was stopping in the rest-house,
and invited me to dinner, which was served in English fashion. He
entertained me with stories of his travels, and made no secret of the
fact that he took advantage of the credulity of the people to run a
good business. When dinner was nearly over an assistant came in to
say that there were many people outside clamouring for charms. With
an apology to me for the interruption, he took a piece of paper,
tore it up into squares, quickly wrote off the required number, and
gave them to the assistant to go on with. In some cases, especially
those suffering from rheumatism or old injuries or sprains, he used
rubbings and manipulations, much as a so-called bone-setter does,
and these, no doubt, helped the charm to do its work.
The medical and surgical treatment of the faqirs is extremely
crude. Sometimes Jogis and herbalists from India travel about the
country and practise a certain amount of yunani, or Hippocratic
medicine; but the native doctors of Afghanistan have extremely little
knowledge of medicine. The two stock treatments of Afghanistan are
those known as dzan and dam. Dzan is a treatment habitually used in
cases of fever, whether acute or chronic, and in a variety of chronic
complaints, which they do not attempt to diagnose. It consists in
stripping the patient to the skin and placing him on a bed. A sheep or
a goat is then killed and rapidly skinned. The patient is then wrapped
up in the skin, with the raw surface next him and the wool outside. He
is then covered up with a number of quilts. When successful, this
treatment acts by producing a profuse perspiration, and when it
is removed--on the second day in the summer and the third day in
the winter--the patient is sometimes found to be free from fever,
though very worn and weak from the profuse sweating. If the first
application is not successful, it may be repeated several times. In
a case of severe injury to one of the limbs, the same treatment is
often applied locally. In the case of a fractured thigh, for instance,
the sheepskin is tied on, a rough splint applied externally, and
often left for a week or more. Where there has been an open wound,
and the patient has been brought several days' journey through the
heat down to our hospital in Bannu, you can usually anticipate the
character of the case by seeing the men who have carried the bed in
carefully winding their pagaris round their noses and mouths before
proceeding to unbandage it for your inspection, and when it is at
last opened all except the doctor and his assistant try to get as far
away as possible. A surgeon can scarcely be confronted with a more
complete antithesis to his modern ideas of aseptic surgery than a
case like this, and many and prolonged applications of antiseptics
and deodorants are required before the wound begins to assume a
healthy aspect, even if inflammation and gangrene have not rendered
amputation a necessity. In the case of a small wound, the whole or
a part of the skin of a fowl is used in the same way, the flesh of
the slaughtered animal being always a part of the fee of the doctor.
The other remedy, or that known as the dam, is akin to what is known
in Western surgery as a "moxa." A piece of cloth is rolled up in a
pledget of the size of a shilling, steeped in oil, placed on the
part selected by the doctor, and set alight. It burns down into
the flesh, and a hard slough is formed; this gradually separates,
and leaves an ulcer, which heals by degrees. This remedy is used
for every conceivable illness, a particular part of the body being
selected according to the disease or the diagnostic ability of the
doctor who applies the remedy. Thus, in people who have suffered from
indigestion you will often see a line of scars down each side of the
abdomen. For neuralgia, it is applied to the temples; for headache,
to the scalp; for rheumatism, to the shoulders; for lumbago, to the
loins; for paralysis, to the back; for sciatica, to the thighs; and so
on indefinitely. I have counted as many as fifty scars, each the size
of a shilling, on one patient as the result of repeated applications
of this remedy. The Afghans have extraordinary faith in both these
treatments, and I have sometimes sat in a village listening to an
argument in which some young fellow, lately returned from a visit
to a mission hospital, recounted the wonderful things he had seen
there, to which some old conservative greybeard retorted: "What do
we want with all these new-fangled things? The dzan and the dam are
sufficient for us." As formerly in the West, so still in Afghanistan,
the village barber performs the ordinary surgical operations, such
as opening an abscess or lancing a gum.
The women all claim a greater or less knowledge of such surgery and
medicine as they think necessary for them. After one of the village
frays, when the warriors come back to their homes more or less cut
and wounded, the women of the household at once set about their
treatment. If there is severe hæmorrhage some oil is quickly raised
to boiling-point in a saucepan, and either poured into the wound,
or if, for instance, a limb has been cut off, the bloody stump is
plunged into the oil. This, no doubt, acts as an effective, though
somewhat barbarous, hæmostatic. If the bleeding is only slight,
a certain plant gathered from the jungle is reduced to ashes, and
these ashes rubbed on the wound. In the case of a clean cut the
women draw out hairs from their own head, and sew it up with their
ordinary sewing-needles, and I have sometimes seen flesh wounds which
have been quite skilfully sewn up in this way. They are less skilful
in the application of splints. In most neighbourhoods there is some
village carpenter who prides himself on his skill in the application
of splints to broken bones; but in most cases he bandages them too
tightly, or with too little knowledge of the circulation of the limb,
so that not a year passes in which we do not get one or more cases
of limbs which have become gangrenous after quite simple fractures
through this kind of treatment.
Almost the only drugs which are used to any extent in Afghanistan
are purgatives, and especially those of a more violent and drastic
nature. Nearly every Afghan thinks it necessary to be purged or bled,
or both, every spring, and not unfrequently at the fall of the year
too. Scarcely any illness is allowed to go to a week's duration without
the trial of some violent purge. Sometimes the purge is given with so
little regard to its quantity and the vitality of the patient that it
results in rapid collapse and death. In other cases a latent dysentery
is excited, which may result in an illness lasting many months,
and leaving the patient permanently weakened thereby. The seasonal
blood-lettings are performed, as in the West, from the bend of the arm,
this position having, no doubt, come down to the practitioners of both
East and West from the ancient Greeks; but in the case of illness,
while the physicians of the West have had their practice revolutionized
by modern ideas of anatomy and physiology, those of the East still
follow the humoral and hypothetical pathologies of Hippocrates and
his predecessors. These practitioners know the particular vein in
the particular limb or part of the body which has to be selected for
venesection in any particular illness. I have known a young doctor from
England lose at once the confidence which the people might up to that
time have had in his medical knowledge, because in a case of illness
to which he was called he recommended venesection, and the patient's
medical attendant who was to carry out the treatment made the, to him,
very natural inquiry, "From what vein?" The English doctor said: "It
does not matter." Both patient and medical attendant not unnaturally
assumed that he was either a very careless doctor or an ignoramus,
and, in either case, that they had better call in a fresh opinion.
Cataract is a very common complaint in Afghanistan, and from time
immemorial there have been certain hakims, or native practitioners,
who operate on this by means of the old process of couching. These
men usually itinerate about the country from village to village, as
in most cases the old men and the old women who are suffering from
cataract are unable to undertake the journey to a town where one
of these practitioners lives; or it may be that their relations are
not willing to take the trouble for someone whose working days are
apparently over. In some cases no doubt the operation results in good
sight, but in the majority other changes which take place in the eye
as a result of the operation lead before long to total blindness. As,
however, the hakim seldom goes over the same ground again till after
the lapse of several years, his reputation does not lose by these
failures, as it would have done if he were always resident in one
place. The tooth extracting of the village is usually entrusted to the
village blacksmith, who has a ponderous pair of forceps, a foot and
a half to two feet long, hung up in his shop for the purpose. Where
the crown of the tooth is fairly strong and prominent the operation
generally results in a short struggle, and then the removal of the
aching tooth; but if the tooth is very carious, or not prominent enough
for a good grip, the results are often disastrous, even to fracture of
the jaw, and these ultimately come to the mission hospital for repair,
several often turning up in one day.
At one time smallpox was terribly rife in Afghanistan, and even now
no village can be visited without seeing many who are permanently
disfigured by it. When an Afghan comes to negotiate about the price of
an eligible girl for marrying to his son, one of the first questions
asked is, "Has she had the smallpox?" and if not, either the settlement
may be postponed until she is older, or else some deduction is made
for her possible disfigurement if attacked by the disease. Many times
fathers have brought their daughters to the hospital with the scars
left by smallpox in their eyes, begging me to remove them, not so much
for the sake of the patient as because the market value of the daughter
will be so much enhanced thereby. The custom of inoculation was at
one time almost universal in Afghanistan. A little of the crust of the
sore of a smallpox patient was taken and rubbed into an incision made
in the wrist of the person to be inoculated. The smallpox resulting,
though usually mild, was sometimes so severe as to cause the death
of the patient, and the people have not been slow to recognize the
great advantages which vaccination has over inoculation. Only two
circumstances deter the people from universally profiting by the
facilities offered by the British Government. The first reason is that
very often the vaccinators are underpaid officials, who use their
opportunities for taking bribes from the people, and make the whole
business odious to them. The other is, that they have a widespread
superstition that the Government are really seeking for a girl, who
is to be recognized by the fact that when the vaccinator scarifies
her arm, instead of blood, milk will flow from the wound; she is then
to be taken over to England for sacrifice, and the parents are afraid
lest their girl should be the unlucky one.
CHAPTER III
BORDER WARRIORS
Peiwar Kotal--The Kurram Valley--The Bannu Oasis--Independent
tribes--The Durand line--The indispensable Hindu--A lawsuit and its
sequel--A Hindu outwits a Muhammadan--The scope of the missionary.
I was standing on a pine-clad spur of the Sufed Koh Range, which
runs westwards towards Kabul, between the Khaiber Pass on the north
and the Kurram Pass on the south. The snow-clad peaks of Sika Ram,
which rise to a height of fifteen thousand feet, tipped by fleecy
white clouds, were just behind me, while in front was the green valley
of the Kurram River, spread out like a panorama before me, widening
out into a large plain in its upper part, where numerous villages,
partly hidden in groves of mulberry and walnuts, nestled among the
lower spurs of the mountains, while farther down the hills on either
side of it closed in and became more rugged and bare, and the river
wound its circuitous path through defile and gorge, till it debouched
on the plains of India. Immediately before me was the pine-covered
Pass of Peiwar, which will always be memorable as the scene of the
great battle fought between the forces of the Amir, Sher Ali, and
the advancing column of Sir Frederick Roberts. There were the pines
covering the crest where the Afghan batteries were ensconced, and one
could trace without difficulty the circuitous path up the stony bed
of the mountain torrent, through a deep ravine, and then winding up
among the pine-woods, by which the gallant regiments of the advancing
army stormed and finally captured the Afghan position. Westward of the
pass was a fertile valley, dotted over with villages here and there,
forming part of the territory of the Amir of Afghanistan. A few miles
below the top of the pass could be seen the fort where the soldiers
of the Amir guarded his frontier. Turning eastward, some dozen miles
off, could be seen the cantonments of Parachinar, the westernmost
cantonments of British occupation, and the seat of administration of
this trans-border valley. There was a fort garrisoned by the local
levies of the Kurram Militia--Afghans from the villages round, who,
under the training and influence of three or four British officers,
have become part of the "far-flung battle line" of the defences of
the Empire.
I had been spending some weeks among the people of this district,
and the time had come for reluctantly leaving the shady groves and
cool breezes of the Upper Kurram for the sweltering plains of Bannu,
which even now I could see in the eastern distance covered by heat
haze, recalling the punkahs and restless nights which were soon to
be my lot instead of the bracing air of the Sufed Koh. Our tents and
baggage had been loaded up on some mules, which we could see winding
along the white road below us, while we were lingering behind to take
a last leave of the hearty Afghans, who had been both our hosts and
our patients. Three times had we to pitch our nightly camp before we
crossed the border of British India and entered the border town of
Thal, which is the first town in British India which a traveller from
Afghanistan enters. From the time of crossing the Afghan frontier till
now, he has been going through what is known as an "administrative
area." Here was a fort, occupied by troops of the Indian Army, under
command of a British officer.
Thirty-four miles still remained in a direct line between us and
our destination in Bannu, and before accomplishing this special
arrangements had to be made with the tribes occupying it for our
escort; for this tongue of country running up between Thal and
Bannu was not British India, nor even an administrative area,
but independent, and owned by the marauding Wazir tribe, who owed
allegiance to neither Amir nor Viceroy. A couple of ruffianly-looking
Wazirs arrived to escort us down. Their rifles were slung over their
shoulders, and well-filled cartridge belts strapped round their waists;
a couple of Afghan daggers were ensconced in the folds of the dirty
red pagaris which they had bound round their bodies, and they carried
their curved Afghan swords in their hands. We had now left the fertile
valley of Upper Kurram behind us, and wandered through a succession of
rocky mountain defiles, over precipitous spurs, and along the stony
bed of the river for more than thirty miles. The lower mountain
ranges separating Afghanistan from India form by their intricacy
and precipitate nature a succession of veritable chevaux de frise,
which by their natural difficulties maintain the parda or privacy of
the wild tribes inhabiting them, who value the independence of their
mountain fastnesses more than life itself. Here and there is a patch of
arable land in a bend of the Kurram River, overlooked by the walled and
towered village of its possessors, who have won it by force of arms,
and only keep it by their armed vigils, even the men who are ploughing
behind their oxen having their rifles hung over their shoulders,
and keeping their eyes open for a possible enemy. In some places a
channel from the river has been carried with infinite labour on to a
flat piece of ground among the mountains, where a scanty harvest is
reaped. For the rest the hill seems to be almost devoid of animal or
vegetable life. A few partridges starting up with a shrill cry from a
tuft of dry grass in front of one are occasionally seen, and stunted
trees of ber and acacia supply a certain amount of firewood, which
some of the Wazirs gather and take down to the Friday Fair in Bannu.
The Afghans will tell you that when God created the world there were
a lot of stones and rocks and other lumber left over, which were
all dumped down on this frontier, and that this accounts for its
unattractive appearance. There is one more range of hills to surmount
before we reach the plains of India. We have toiled up a rocky path,
from the bare stones of which the rays of the summer sun are reflected
on all sides, without any relief from tree or shrub, or even a tuft of
green grass, till the ground beneath our feet seems to glow with as
fierce a heat as that of the blazing orb above us. We have reached
the summit, and the vista before us changes as if by magic. Five
hundred feet below us is the broad plain of India, irrigated in this
part by the vivifying waters of the Kurram River, which, liberated
from the rock-bound defile through which they have wandered for the
last thirty miles, now dashing over their stony bed, anon hemmed
in by dark overhanging cliffs, are at last free to break up into
numberless channels, which, guided by the skill of the agriculturist,
form a labyrinth of silver streaks in the plain below us. As far as
the life-giving irrigation cuts of the Kurram River extend are waving
fields of corn, sugar-cane, maize, rice, turmeric, and other crops,
spread in endless succession as far as the eye can reach.
Scattered among the fields are the teeming villages of the Bannuchies,
partly hidden in their groves of mulberries and figs and their
vineyards, as though Cornucopia, wearied by the barren hills above
them in Afghanistan, had showered down all her gifts on the favoured
tribes below. Such is India as it appears to the Pathans inhabiting the
hills on our North-West Frontier, and when we see it thus after some
time spent with them in their barren and rocky hills, we can readily
understand that two thoughts are dominant in their minds. The one is:
"Those rich plains have been put there, in contiguity to our mountains,
because God intended them to be our lawful prey, that when we have
no harvest we may go down and reap theirs; and when we are hard up,
and have a big fine to pay to the British Government, we may lighten
some of the wealthy Hindus of the money that they have accumulated
through usury and other ways which God hates." The other thought is:
"What possible reason has the British Government, the overlord of such
rich lands, for coming and interfering with us in our mountain homes,
which, though nothing but rocks and stones, are still our homes for all
that, where we resent the presence and interference of any stranger?"
The reader will have observed that in the journey above described,
from Peiwar down to Bannu, four different territories have been
passed through. The first and the last--viz., Afghanistan and British
India--are two well-defined, easily comprehensible geographical areas;
but it is seen that betwixt the two are various other tribal areas,
in varying relations with the Indian Government. A few words must
be said to familiarize the reader with the political conditions
obtaining there. The frontier of British India is well defined, but
that of Afghanistan was more or less uncertain until the year 1893,
when Sir Mortimer Durand was deputed by the British Government to
meet the officers delegated by the Amir Abdurrahman, in order that
the frontier might be delimited. This frontier is since known as the
"Durand Line." The intervening area between the Durand Line and the
British frontier is in varying relations to the Indian Government.
Some parts of this, such as Tirah (the country of the Afridis and
Orakzais) and Waziristan (the country of the Wazirs and Mahsuds), are
severely left alone, provided the tribes do not compel attention and
interference by the raids into British territory, which are frequently
perpetrated by their more lawless spirits.
These raids are no doubt disapproved of by the majority of the
tribesmen, who recognize the fact that they must stand to lose in
any conflict with the British Government; but such is the democratic
spirit of the people that every man considers himself as good as his
neighbour, and a step better if he has a more modern rifle. As in the
interregnums of the days of the Israelitish Judges, each man does what
seems good in his own eyes, and bitterly resents any effort of his
neighbour, and even of the tribe, to control his actions or curtail
his liberty. Thus it happens that it is really very difficult for the
tribal elders to prevent their bad characters from perpetrating these
raids. The raiders are usually men with nothing to lose, owning no
landed property within the confines of British India, and guilty of
previous murders or other crimes, which make it impossible for them
to enter the country, except surreptitiously, as they would certainly
be imprisoned, and perhaps hanged, if caught.
A great number in the tribe own lands on both sides of the border, and
find it to their interest to take no overt part against the Government;
while at the same time, unless they give asylum to the desperadoes,
and conceal them on occasion, they are liable to be themselves the
victims. Thus it happens that in nearly every frontier expedition
there are some sections of the tribe which desire to be on good terms
with the British, and are known as "friendlies." It is difficult
for a military commander who has not previously known the people
to appreciate this, and when he finds his camp being sniped from a
supposed "friendly" village, he not unnaturally doubts the sincerity
of the people. As likely as not, however, the recalcitrant sections of
the tribe have been at pains to snipe from such points as to implicate
the friendly sections and force them into joining the standard of
war. On one occasion the exasperated General refused to believe the
representations of the Political Officer that the villages from the
neighbourhood of which the sniping came were friendly until he left
the camp and went over to live in the (supposed) enemies' village
himself! The well-disposed clans would welcome an administration of
the country by which these lawless spirits could be kept in check.
Then, there are certain semi-independent States, such as Chitral and
Dir, where there are rulers of sufficient paramount power to govern
their own country and to render it possible for the British to maintain
that amount of control of their external relations which is considered
desirable, by means of a Political Agent attached to the court of the
chief, while still leaving the latter free to manage his own internal
affairs in accordance with the customs of his tribe and the degree
of his own supremacy over the often conflicting units composing it.
Thirdly, there are what are known as "administered areas," such as the
Upper Kurram Valley, above mentioned. These are inhabited by tribes
over whom no one chief has been able to gain paramount authority for
himself, where, as is so often the case among Afghans, the tribe is
eaten up by a number of rival factions, none of which are willing
to acknowledge the rule of a man from a faction not their own. The
Government official, therefore, is unable to treat with one ruler,
but has to hear all the members of the contending factions. So great
is the democratic spirit that any petty landowner thinks he has as
much right to push his views of public policy as the representative
of an hereditary line of chiefs. This naturally greatly complicates
official relations, and the Political Officer, however much he would
like to refrain from interference in tribal home policy, finds that,
amid a host of conflicting units, he is the only possible court
of appeal. This results in an intermediate form of government: the
Indian Penal Code does not obtain; tribal laws and customs are the
recognized judicial guides, and there is a minimum of interference
with the people; yet the Political Officer is the supreme authority,
and combines in himself the executive and judicial administration of
the area.
Notwithstanding the exclusiveness of the religion that these
people profess, they find it impossible to do their business or
live comfortably without the help of the ubiquitous and obsequious
Hindu. Just as much as the great Mughal Emperors of old found it
best to have Hindus for the posts of treasurer, accountant, adviser,
etc., so the frontier chief of to-day has his Hindu vassal always with
him, to keep his accounts, write his petitions, and transact most of
his written and judicial business. The majority of the shopkeepers
also are Hindus. Even under the settled administration of British
India the Muhammadan has never become such an adept at bargaining,
petty trade, and shopkeeping as the more thrifty and quick-witted
Hindu. Thus in every village of any pretension there are the Hindus,
with their shops, who make their journeys to the big market-towns
on the frontier--Peshawur, Bannu, and Dera Ismail Khan--and return
with piece-goods, matches, looking-glasses, and a variety of Western
trinkets, as well as the food-stuffs which the Afghan covets, but
cannot produce himself, such as white sugar and tea. These Hindus
are regarded as vassals by the Muhammadan community they supply,
and each Hindu trader or shopkeeper has his own particular overlord
or Muhammadan malik, who in return for these services guarantees his
safety, is ready to protect him--by force of arms, if necessary--from
rival Muhammadan sections, and to revenge any injury done to him as
if it were a personal one to himself.
The Hindu supplies the brains and the Muhammadan the valour. The
Hindu is ever ready to outwit his overbearing but often obtuse
masters, and under British rule avails himself of the protection
the law affords to do things he would not venture on across the
border. Once when travelling across the border my guide was an outlaw,
who had been obliged to fly from British territory after committing
a murder. He told me that he had gone into partnership with a Hindu
for an extensive contract for road-making: the Hindu was to supply
the capital and keep accounts, and he was to recruit the coolies and
do the supervision of the work. "While I," he said, "was broiling
and sweating in the summer sun, that pig of a Hindu was comfortably
seated in his office falsifying the accounts, and I never got an anna
for all my labours. I thought I should get justice from the Sarkar,
so I brought a civil action against him; but I was a plain man, and he
learnt all about the ways of the law from some pleader friend of his,
and I lost the case. Then I paid another pleader a big sum to take
my appeal to the Sessions Judge, but he had manipulated the accounts
and paid the witnesses, so that I lost that too. Allahu Akbar! The
Judge gave his verdict before the shadow had turned [before midday],
and before the time of afternoon prayers had arrived that son of a
pig was as dead as a post. But then I had to come over here, and I
can only pay an occasional night visit to my village now."
A story which he told me to illustrate the mercantile genius of the
Hindu will bear repeating. A Muhammadan and a Hindu resolved to go
into partnership. The Muhammadan, being the predominant partner,
stipulated that he was to have the first half of everything, and the
Hindu the remainder. The Hindu obsequiously consented. The first day
the Hindu brought back a cow from market. He milked it, got the butter
and cream, made the dung into fuel-cakes for his fire, and then went
to call the Muhammadan because the cow was hungry and wanted grass
and grain. The Muhammadan said he was ready to do his share if the
Hindu did his. The Hindu blandly replied that he had already done his,
while the stipulated "first half" of the cow included the animal's
mouth and stomach, and fell clearly to the lot of the Muhammadan.
Now let us see what is the position of the missionary in each of these
areas. In British India he has a free hand so long as he keeps within
the four corners of the law. In Afghanistan there is an absolute veto
against even his entry into the country, and there is no prospect of
this changing under the present régime. A convert from Muhammadanism
to Christianity is regarded within the realms of the Amir as having
committed a capital offence, and both law and popular opinion would
decree his destruction. In the intervening tribal areas there is no
reason why a cautious missionary, well acquainted with the language and
customs of the people, should not work with considerable success. A
medical missionary who did not attack their religion with a mistaken
zeal would undoubtedly be welcomed by the greater number of the people,
though the Mullahs, or priests, would be an uncertain element, and
certainly hostile at the beginning. The local political authorities
have the final say as to how far the missionaries may extend their
operations. I shall revert to this subject in the concluding chapter
(Chapter XXV.), where I shall show that in no part of the country are
medical missions more obviously indicated, not only for Christianizing
the people, but equally so for pacifying them and familiarizing them
with the more peaceful aspects of British rule.
CHAPTER IV
A FRONTIER VALLEY
Description of the Kurram Valley--Shiahs and Sunnis--Favourable
reception of Christianity--Independent areas--A candid
reply--Proverbial disunion of the Afghans--The two policies--Sir
Robert Sandeman--Lord Curzon creates the North-West Frontier
Province--Frontier wars--The vicious circle--Two flaws the
natives see in British rule: the usurer, delayed justice--Personal
influence.
Among the various tracts of border territory that have recently
been opened up and brought under the influence of civilization by
the frontier policy of the Indian Government, none is fairer or
more promising than the Upper Kurram Valley, on the lower waters of
which river Bannu, the headquarters of the Afghan Medical Mission, is
situate. The River Kurram rises on the western slopes of Sikaram, the
highest point of the Sufed Koh Range (15,600 feet), and for twenty-five
miles makes a détour to the south and east through the Aryab Valley,
which is inhabited by the tribe of Zazis, who are still under the
government of the Amir, and form his frontier in this part. The river
then suddenly emerges into a wider basin, the true valley of Upper
Kurram, stretching from the base of the Sufed Koh Range to the base
of a lower range on the right bank, a breadth of fifteen miles, the
river running close to the latter range, and the north-western corner
of this basin being separated from the head-waters of the Kurram by
the ridge of the Peiwar Kotal, where was fought the memorable action
of December 2, 1879, by which the road to Kabul was opened. This wide
valley runs down as far as Sadr, thirty miles lower down towards the
south-east, being narrower, however, below. Here the valley narrows
down to from two to four miles, and runs south-east for thirty-five
miles to Thal, where it ceases to be in British territory, but winds
for thirty miles among the Waziri Hills, until it emerges into the
Bannu Plain, and flows through the Bannu and Marwat districts into
the Indus at Isa Khel. Thus, with the exception of the head-waters and
some thirty miles just above Bannu, the territory is all now subject
to British rule, and is steadily becoming more peaceful and civilized.
Below the Zazis the valley down as far as Waziristan was originally
possessed by the Bangash, a Sunni tribe of Pathans, who came themselves
from the direction of Kohat. The Turis were a Shiah tribe inhabiting
some districts on the eastern bank of the Indus near Kalabagh,
who, being ardent traders and nomads, were accustomed to visit
the cool regions of Upper Kurram every summer for trade, health,
and pasturage. One summer, some two hundred years ago, a quarrel
arose between them and the Bangash of a village called Burkha, and
resulted in a battle, in which the Turis came off victorious, and,
destroying or driving away the inhabitants of Burkha, made it their
first settlement in the valley. Soon after this they attacked and
possessed themselves of two of the most important villages of the
valley, Peiwar and Milana, and to this day every Turi with aspirations
to importance claims land in one of these three villages, though it
may be only the fiftieth part of a field, as proof of his true lineage.
Year by year the Turis gradually strengthened their position, driving
the Bangash farther down the valley, except in some cases, such as
the inhabitants of the large and beautiful village of Shlozan, the
Bangash of which, all becoming Shiahs, amalgamated with the Turis,
and retained their lands.
Finally, having made their position secure, and realizing the charms
of the valley, the Turis ceased to return to the plain, and remained
in the valley all the year round. Hence to-day we find the upper part
of the valley inhabited only by Turis, while below this, as far as
the Alizai, the Turis and Bangash are mingled, their villages being
often side by side; and further down still the Bangash have the land
all to themselves.
Since the people have realized the peace resulting from English rule,
and have begun to beat their swords into ploughshares, many of the hill
tribes bordering the valley have taken every opportunity of settling
in allotments in the valley, and enjoying the larger produce of its
richer soil. These are the Mangals and Makbals above, and the Zaimukhts
below, thus introducing a fresh element into the population. Over and
above these any worker in the valley has to count on dealings with the
neighbouring tribes, who still cling to their mountain fastnesses,
and sometimes still show their old disposition to loot the more
peaceable inhabitants. These are the Ningrahars, Spinwars, and Paris
on the north, and the Zazi-i-Maidan on the south; while the Afghan
country of Khost being in close proximity, its people also would be
easily reached. To make the enumeration of the inhabitants complete,
it only remains to mention the Hindus, who, mostly of the Arora caste,
are in large numbers in the valley, and retain most of the trade,
and do much clerical and business work for the Muhammadans.
In the time of the Hindu Rajahs of Kabul they were probably in the
ascendant here, and the little archæology which the valley presents
is all of Hindu origin. Apart from the variety of tribes who are thus
brought into close proximity in the valley, it has a special interest
and importance from its being one of the two routes from Kabul to India
(the other being the Khaiber). Hence many nomads from Afghanistan
frequently visit and temporarily inhabit the valley. Prominent at
present among these are the Hazaras, numbers of whom have been driven
out from their own lands by the Amir, and have come here to labour
on the roads.
The Khorotis and Ghilzais also frequent the valley. It is owing to
this peculiarly central and cosmopolitan position, and partly to
the character of the people themselves, that this district presents
so many advantages as a centre of mission work and influence. There
is a great opportunity for mission work among the Turis. These, as
above mentioned, are Shiahs, while all the tribes round belong to
the orthodox sect of Sunnis; consequently, previously to the English
occupation in 1891 they were subjected to persistent, relentless
persecution at the hands of the Amir, and to frequent inroads
from their Sunni neighbours. They naturally, therefore, look on the
Christians as deliverers from the throes of Sunni rule and persecution,
and are ipso facto inclined to look on Christianity favourably, since
it has brought them so much peace and freedom from oppression. And
still, as a wordy warfare is carried on by their respective Mullahs,
both sides endeavour to find in Christianity points of resemblance
by which they can magnify their own sect, rather than, like the
Muhammadans of Bannu, to be constantly cavilling at every word from
a Christian tongue or a Christian book.
This has resulted in a wonderful (wonderful, at any rate, to a
missionary from bigoted Bannu) openness to conversation about the
Christian Scriptures, and readiness to receive Christian teaching. For
instance, in Bannu a well-inclined Mullah dare not read a Bible except
in secrecy, while in Kurram I have frequently seen Mullahs publicly
reading and commenting on the Holy Word to large groups of Khans and
other men.
Again, in Bannu mention of such doctrines as the Sonhood, the
Crucifixion, or the Sinlessness of Christ, or the Fatherhood of God,
is as often as not the signal for an uproar; while here the same
doctrines, even if not partially accepted, may yet be freely talked
about, with the certainty of nearly always getting a fair hearing.
The first summer during which I spent some time among these
people I nearly everywhere had a hospitable, not to say cordial,
reception. This, of course, was partly attributable to the
medical benefits they received, but it was markedly different
from the reception often accorded to the bearer of Gospel tidings
in Hindustan. At no place was there any open opposition from the
Mullahs, and most of them came to see me, and had long talks about
the Injil (Gospel), and asked for and gratefully accepted copies of
it, which I have reason to believe they preserved carefully and read
regularly; while the people often besought us to partake longer of
their hospitality or to visit them again next year, or, better still,
to start a dispensary in their midst.
A reference to the map shows how intimate are the relations of this
valley with Afghanistan, and relics of Afghan rule frequently present
themselves to the doctor when going about their villages--men who have
been crippled for life as a punishment for some crime, or it may be
merely because they incurred the displeasure of someone of influence,
who manufactured a case against them. I have seen men who have had
their right hand cut off for robbery, and others whose feet were
completely crippled by long-continued incarceration in the stocks,
or by a torture often inflicted to extract evidence, in which the
foot is tied with cords to a piece of wood like a magnified tent-peg
fixed in the ground. This peg has a cleft in it, and a wedge is then
hammered slowly into this cleft, thus gradually tightening the cords
till they cut into the foot and cause its mortification.
In every village there are one or more matamkhanas, where the Shiahs
hold their annual mournings for the martyrs of Kerbela (Hasan and
Huseïn) at every Muharram. Under Afghan (Sunni) rule these ceremonies
were often interdicted, or at least restricted; but now they are
able to carry them on unhindered, and pray for the continuance of
British rule in consequence. These places form convenient centres
for the men to gather together and talk, and in them many of my
religious discussions have been held. They are all the more ready
to accept the Christian account of the Crucifixion and its meaning
(which is such a stumbling-block to the Sunnis), because they look on
the martyrdom of the two brothers at Kerbela as having a vicarious
efficacy for those who perform the memorial rites, and regard 'Ali,
the fourth Khalifa from Muhammad, as being indeed a saviour.
If we could have visited this valley in the days long before
the Christian era, when the first Aryan immigrants were passing
down from Central Asia into the Panjab, we should have seen it
covered with their settlements, and seen them engaged in the simple
Nature-worship depicted in the Vedas, which record this stage of
Aryan civilization. This region was probably much better watered and
more fertile in those days than it is now. Not only does geological
evidence point to a greater rainfall and vegetation, but as these
early immigrations were mostly of large bands of pastoral people,
moving with their flocks and herds, their families and household
possessions, and as they probably only gradually moved down the valley
into the plains below, they must have found more pasturage than the
desolate frontier ranges would now afford.
The Kurram Valley above described serves as a good example of an
administered area fairly well advanced in the civilizing effects of
a settled and just Government.
The independent tribes, on the other hand, go down the scale till
you find tribes, such as some sections of the Wazirs and Afridis,
who are utter barbarians, entirely devoted to a nomadic life of
systematic highway robbery.
A Political Officer was once seated, with a number of the head men of
some of these independent tribes, on the top of one of their rugged
mountains, from which you look down on Afghanistan to the west and
India to the east. They had been touring with him as his escort for
some days. He had fed them well, and could chat familiarly with them
in their own lingo, so that they had learnt to talk with him without
reserve about even their tribal secrets.
"Now, tell me," said the officer, "if there were to be war--which
God forbid--between Russia and England, what part would you and your
people take? whom would you side with?"
"Do you wish us to tell you what would please you, or to tell you
the real truth?" was their naïve reply.
"I adjure you only tell me what is the 'white word'" (meaning the
true statement).
"Then," said an old greybeard among them, voicing the feelings of all
present, "we would just sit here up on our mountain-tops watching you
both fight, until we saw one or other of you utterly defeated; then
we would come down and loot the vanquished till the last mule! God
is great! What a time that would be for us!"
No doubt he spake truly, but such is the discord of the Afghan tribes
that no doubt the spoil would scarcely be gathered in before they
would begin to fight among themselves over the division of it. These
tribal jealousies and petty wars are inherent among the Afghans,
and greatly diminish their formidableness as foes. If you ask them
about it they will acknowledge this defect in their character, and
tell you how that one of their ancestors displeased the Almighty,
who, to punish him, wove the strands of discord in the web of their
nature from that time onwards. Hence the saying, "The Afghans of the
frontier are never at peace except when they are at war!" For when some
enemy from without threatens their independence, then, for the time
being, are their feuds and jealousies thrown aside, and they fight
shoulder to shoulder, to resume them again when the common danger is
averted. Even when they are all desirous of joining in some jihad,
they remain suspicious of each other, and are apt to fail one another
at critical moments; or else one tribe will wait to see how it fares
with those already in it before unsheathing their own swords. Thus it
was in the frontier rising of 1897 that the difficulty of quelling
the rising would have been immensely greater had it not been that
the tribes rose seriatim instead of simultaneously, and the rising
in one part of the frontier had been put down before another broke out.
Two policies have at various times been advocated with equal warmth by
their respective partisans. The earlier policy, which was supported by
Lord Lawrence in the days of his Viceroyalty, was generally known as
the "policy of masterly inactivity." Later on the "forward policy"
received more general approbation, its chief exponent being Sir
Robert Sandeman. Those who advocate the former point out the great
expenditure involved in all interference with the internal tribes
across our border, and that almost inevitably we become sooner
or later involved in wars with them. They would therefore have the
British Government strictly abstain from all trans-frontier politics,
and leave the tribes severely alone, so long as they give no trouble
to us on our side of the border. The "forward" party, on the other
hand, point out the danger of having this extensive area on the
most vulnerable part of our Indian Empire outside our own control,
and they advocate a system of controlling all the political affairs
of the trans-border tribes, while leaving their internal policy in
the hands of their own chiefs, who, though guided by our political
officers, would be free to maintain the ancient tribal customs.
Sir Robert Sandeman is, perhaps, the most remarkable instance of
the power which a single officer has been able to exercise over
these border tribes, and it was through him that the large tract
on the border between Quetta and the Deras was organized under our
Political Officers, working through the tribal chiefs. Allowances are
made to the tribes, in return for which they guarantee the safety of
the British posts on the highroads, and become responsible for any
misdemeanours on the part of other members of their tribe. Tribal
levies are organized under young officers of the British Army, who
train them in military discipline, drill, and marksmanship. The pay
received by these soldiers becomes a valuable asset to the tribe,
and a strong inducement to give up their more predatory habits, in
favour of the pax Britannica. Still, it was found necessary to place
regular troops of the Indian Army in some of the more important and
critical situations. The frontier is, for the most part, composed of
intricate, and in many parts inaccessible, mountain ranges, which form
an absolute barrier to the passage of troops; but piercing through
these are the passes, of which the best known are the Khaiber and the
Bolan, which from time immemorial have formed the highways through
which hostile armies have invaded India, and it would be through them
that any enemy of the future would endeavour to bring its forces. It
is therefore a paramount necessity to the British Government that
these passes should be securely guarded, and therefore each one of
them forms part of one of the areas administered by British officers,
and guarded either by native troops or tribal levies.
It is through these passes, too, that the great merchant caravans pass
down from Afghanistan and Central Asia into British India. In former
times the merchants had to subsidize the tribes through which they
passed, who would otherwise have blocked the passes and stolen their
goods; and it is partly to make up to the tribes for the loss of this
income that the tribal subsidies were arranged. Near where each of
these passes debouches on to the trans-Indus plain is a city, which
forms an emporium for the merchandise brought down, and a military
station for the protection of the pass. While Peshawur serves this
purpose for the Khaiber, Kohat commands the Kurram, Bannu the Tochi,
and Dera Ismail Khan the Gumal.
When Lord Curzon assumed the Viceroyalty, the frontier districts
formed part of the Panjab, and the Lieutenant-Governor of that
province was in administrative control of them. Lord Curzon wished
to bring them more directly under his own control, so in 1901 a new
province, composed of five frontier districts of the Panjab, was
constituted, and called the North-West Frontier Province. The five
districts composing this province are Hazara, Peshawur, Kohat, Bannu,
and Dera Ismail Khan. These are all beyond the Indus, except Hazara,
which is to the east of that river.
A Chief Commissioner was appointed over the whole province, directly
responsible to the Viceroy, and he had his headquarters and the centre
of government at Peshawur.
Lord Curzon's next move was to advance the railway systems of the
Panjab along the frontier, bringing their termini to the mouths of
the Khaiber and Kurram Passes. As this enabled a rapid concentration
of troops at any point along the frontier, he was able to withdraw
the regiments of the Indian Army which garrisoned the more outlying
districts, and to replace them by tribal levies.
No doubt it is the desire of the Government not to make any further
annexations of this barren, mountainous, and uninviting border
region; but it is not always equally easy to avoid doing so, and it
is a universal experience of history that when there are a number of
disorganized and ill-governed units on the borders of a great power,
they become inevitably, though it may be gradually and piece by piece,
absorbed into the latter. There are, however, financial considerations
which induce the Government to refrain from annexing a country which
has few natural resources, can pay little in taxes, and must cost a
great deal to administer.
But these frontier tribes form some of the finest fighting material
from which the Indian Army is recruited, and it may be that years
of regular and peaceful administration will destroy the military
qualities of these people, as has been the case in South India. The
many opportunities afforded by the frontier to the Indian Army for
active service, and the training that they get in the little frontier
expeditions, may also be looked upon by some as a valuable asset.
The usual sequence of events is as follows: First, the more
unruly sections of the tribes carry on a series of raids on the
frontier villages of India, as has been their custom from time
immemorial. Sometimes the miscreants are captured and meet their fate;
more often they escape, and, in accordance with the system of tribal
responsibility, a fine is put on the tribe from which they come. These
fines go on accumulating, the tribe running up an account with the
Government for its misdeeds.
Thus we come to the second stage, when the patience of the Government
is exhausted. The tribal heads are called in, and an ultimatum offered
to them. They must pay so much in fines and deliver the criminals
demanded, or an expedition will be organized. Much time--it may be
many months--is occupied in councils, while the tribe is endeavouring
to gain time or to make the terms more favourable.
The third stage is when the tribe fail to meet the Government's
conditions, and a punitive expedition is organized against them. This
expedition enters their hills, raises their parda, burns their
villages, fights a few actions--usually of the nature of ambuscades
or rearguard actions--realizes more or less of the fine, confiscates
a number of rifles, and comes back again.
The tribe is now free to commence its depredations afresh with a
clean sheet, and to begin to run up a new account, and, in order more
effectually to prevent this and keep a greater control over them,
the Government find themselves compelled to enter on the fourth stage,
which is that of annexing some points of vantage where military posts
can be erected, which will overawe and control them.
It is thus that a gradual, though it may be reluctant, annexation of
territory becomes inevitable.
Then, it must be remembered that there is always a section of the
tribe, and often a majority, who are favourable to annexation, for the
more settled and peaceful rule of the British brings many advantages
in its train. While before they were not able to cultivate their crops
at any distance from the village, and even then only when fully armed,
now they are able to till the ground in peace even miles away from
their habitations, and land which was before unculturable becomes
of great value. They are able to trade and carry on the ordinary
avocations of life with a security to which they have been hitherto
strangers. They learn the value of money, and begin to amass wealth.
There are always, however, two parties in the tribe who are opposed
tooth and nail to British rule, and as they have got power far
in excess of their more peacefully disposed brethren, they are
usually able to terrorize the more peace-loving majority into a
false acquiescence in their own opposition. These two parties are
the outlaws and the Mullahs.
The outlaws have made their living by raiding and robbery for
generations, and have no inclination to give up their profession for
more peaceable but less exciting and less profitable employment.
Not only have the Mullahs an antipathy to those whom they consider
kafirs, or infidels, but they know that under the changed conditions of
life, their influence, their power, and their wealth must all suffer.
Besides this, there are two elements in our rule which are
equally repugnant to all. One is the protection which we give to
the money-lender, and the other is the dilatory nature of our
justice. Usury is unlawful to the Muhammadans, but as they are
spendthrift and improvident, the Hindus are able to make a living
among them by lending them money in times of necessity. The Hindu
was formerly prevented from charging too high a rate of interest
or running up too long an account, by the fact that if he did so,
his Muhammadan masters, who held the sword, would come one night and
burn his house over his head, and let him start afresh. Under British
régime, however, the usurer is protected. He is able to recover his
debts from the impecunious Muhammadan by a civil action, and may
get the latter thrown into prison if he does not pay; while if the
Muhammadan tries to burn his account-books, he will find himself an
inmate of His Majesty's gaol.
The justice which the Muhammadan of the frontier appreciates is a rapid
and appropriate justice, such as used to be meted out by officers in
the days of Nicholson, when the offender might find himself accused,
arrested, judged, and visited with some punishment appropriate to
the crime all within the course of a few days. At the present time he
can, if rich enough, call in a pleader, and get any number of false
witnesses, and his case is inevitably dragged out by the magistrate
by successive postponements for getting the attendance of these
witnesses, or through some technicality of the law; and even when
he does--it may be after the lapse of some months--get a judgment,
the losing party in the suit is at liberty to bring an appeal to the
Sessions Judge, and from him another appeal can be lodged at the High
Court of Lahore, which has so many cases on its lists that it may be
his case will not be taken till after the lapse of two or three years.
The real strength of our administration on the frontier is the
personnel of our officers, for it has always been the man, and not
the system, that governs the country; and there are names of officers
now dead and gone which are still a living power along that frontier,
because they were men who thoroughly knew the people with whom they
had to deal, and whose dauntless and strong characters moulded the
tribes to their will, and exerted such a mesmeric influence over
those wild Afghans that they were ready to follow their feringi
masters through fire and sword with the most unswerving loyalty,
even though they were of an alien faith.
As an example of this, it is related that on a certain frontier
expedition the regiments were passing up a defile on a height, above
which some of the enemy had ensconced themselves in ambush behind
their sangars. The Afghans had been soldiers in the Indian Army,
who had now completed their service and retired to their hills, and
were, as is often the case, using the skill which they had learnt
in their regiments against us. They were about to fire, when one
of them recognized the officer riding at the head of the regiment
as his own Colonel. He stopped the others, and said: "That is our
own Karnal Sahib. We must not fire on him or his regiment." That
regiment was allowed to pass in safety, but they opened fire on the
one which succeeded.
CHAPTER V
THE CHRISTIAN'S REVENGE
Police posts versus dispensaries--The poisoning scare--A
native doctor's influence--Wazir marauders spare the mission
hospital--A terrible revenge--The Conolly bed--A political
mission--A treacherous King--Imprisonment in Bukhara--The
Prayer-Book--Martyrdom--The sequel--Influence of the mission
hospital--The medical missionary's passport.
I was once urging on a certain official the need of a Government
dispensary in a certain frontier district. "There is no need there,"
he replied; "the people are quiet and law-abiding. Now A---, that is a
disturbed area: there we ought to have medical work"--an unintentional
testimony to one result of the doctor's work, though rather hard on
the law-abiding section of the populace that they should have no
hope of a hospital unless they can organize a few raids, or get a
reputation for truculence.
Which will be better--a punitive police post or a civil
dispensary? This seems a not very logical conundrum, yet it is based
on sound reasoning, and a well-managed establishment of the latter
kind will often remove the necessity of setting up the former. The
doctor is a confidant in more matters than one, and the right man
will often smooth down little frictions and mollify sorenesses which
bid fair to cause widespread conflagrations.
A medical mission is a pacific, as well as an essentially pioneer,
agency.
There was a little missionary dispensary on the frontier, in charge
of a native doctor, a convert from Muhammadanism, who had gone in
and out among the people till he was a household friend all down
the country-side.
One day he was sitting in his dispensary seeing out-patients, when
he heard the following conversation:
Abdultalib. "The Sarkar has sent out agents to kill the Mussulmans
by poisoning their drinking-water."
Balyamin. "Mauzbillah! how do you know that?"
A. "Mullah D. arrived last night, and, sitting in the chauk, he told
how he had seen a man throwing pills into the well at Dabb village. He
went after him, but as soon as the man saw him he ran away."
B. "What is to be done?"
A. "First we must tell the women not to draw water from the wells--they
have certainly been poisoned in the night--but they can take their
pitchers to the tank in the big mosque; no one would interfere
with that."
B. "If we can catch the miscreant, we will show him plainly enough
who is the Mussulman and who the infidel."
As the news spread through the village, the excitement grew; women who
had already filled their pitchers from the wells hurriedly emptied
them and started off afresh to the mosque tank. Guards were placed
at the well, both to warn the faithful and to give short shrift to
any hapless stranger on whom suspicion might fall. The men about the
bazaar had procured thick sticks, and seemed only waiting for the
opportunity of using them, and things looked black all round. News was
brought to the police-station, and, without waiting to don his uniform,
the inspector buckled on a revolver, and, taking a constable with him,
hurried off to the most disturbed portion of the village.
The men there were sullen, and would give no information, and
two or three of the more truculent seemed inclined to hustle the
police-officer. Just then the native doctor appeared on the scene,
and recognized the gravity of the situation at once. One rash act,
and the police might have to use their firearms in self-defence. The
people, however, trusted the doctor. Had he not often championed them
when subjected to little police tyrannies, and had they not often
sought counsel from him in their village quarrels, and always found
his advice had helped them to come to an amicable settlement? So now,
when he quietly slipped his arm into that of the inspector, and led
him out of the dangerous quarter, chatting the while, till he got
him safely into a house without loss of official dignity, not even
the most truculent tried to resist his passage. Then he returned and
reasoned with them on the groundlessness of their suspicions. Had any
of them ever seen anyone throw anything into the wells? Had anyone
even got a stomach-ache from drinking the water? Did any King ever
want to kill off all his own subjects? If so, whom would he rule,
and where would be his kingdom? Finally, he bantered them out of
their warlike intentions: the sticks were returned home, business
resumed, the inspector came back as though his authority had never
been questioned, and a very ugly situation was successfully negotiated.
In the year 1879 the tribe of the Wazirs had been incited by their
Mullahs to rise, and they came down suddenly with their lashkar on
the little frontier town of Tank. There was a mission hospital there,
in charge of an Indian doctor, the Rev. John Williams. Before the
authorities could summon the troops the Wazir warriors had overrun
town and bazaar, and were burning and looting. Some young bloods went
for the mission hospital, but they were at once restrained by the
tribal elders, who forbade them to meddle with the property of "our
own Daktar Sahib," as they called him. Had they not often been inmates
of his hospital and partakers of his hospitality? Not a hair of his
head was to be injured. They at once set a guard of their own men on
the mission hospital, who warned off any excited tribesmen who might
have done it injury, and that was the only place in the bazaar that
escaped fire and sword and pillage. Some of his surgical instruments
had been carried off before the posting of the guard; but upon this
being made known, search was made through Waziristan, and the friends
of the doctor were not satisfied until all were returned to him.
Revenge is a word sweet to the Afghan ear, and even a revenge satisfied
by the culminating murder is the sweeter if the fatal blow, preferably
on some dark night, is so managed that the murdered man has a few
minutes of life in which to realize that he has been outwitted,
and to hear the words of exultation with which his enemy gluts his
hatred. In one case that came to my knowledge, after strangling his
victim, but before he was quite gone, the murderer dealt his victim a
terrific blow on his jaw, shattering the bone, with the taunt: "Do you
remember the day when I told you I would knock out your teeth for you?"
In the autumn of 1907 a fine stalwart Wazir was brought to the Bannu
Mission Hospital in a pitiable state: both of his eyes had been slashed
about and utterly blinded with a knife. His story was that his enemies
came on him unexpectedly in his cottage one day, beat his wife into
insensibility, tied him to a bed, and then deliberately destroyed his
eyes with a knife. His wife came to hospital with him, suffering from
severe contusions and some broken ribs, and we put them both into one
of our small "family wards"--so called because father, mother, and
children, if there be any, can all stop together for treatment. It was
painful to have to tell him that he would never see again, and still
more painful to hear him as he piteously said: "Oh, Sahib, if you can
give me some sight only just long enough to go and shoot my enemy,
then I shall be satisfied to be blind all the rest of my life." It
could not be. His lot would probably become that of the numerous
blind beggars that throng Eastern bazaars; for who would plough his
land now or speak for him in the village council? Yet of pure pity we
kept him a few weeks, that he might hear the story of the Gospel of
goodwill and forgiveness; but he would shake his head and sigh. "No,
that teaching is not for us. What I want is revenge--revenge!" Then,
because a concrete case will sometimes accomplish what a mere statement
cannot effect, I told him the story of the Conolly bed. Over each bed
is a little framed card denoting the benefactor or supporter of that
bed and the person commemorated thereby, and over this particular
bed is written:
Conolly Bed.
In Memory of Captain Conolly, beheaded at Bukhara.
As long ago as 1841 this brave English officer was sent on a
political mission to Bukhara, which was then an independent State,
and not under the rule of Russia, as now. The Muhammadan ruler,
Bahadur Khan, affected to be suspicious of his intentions, and threw
him into prison, where another English officer, Colonel Stoddart,
had already been incarcerated. It was in vain for them to protest
and to claim the consideration due to a representative of the British
Government; they were met by the answer that no letter had come from
the Queen in reply to one sent by the Amir, and that therefore they
had certainly come to stir up Khiva and Khokand to war against the
Amir of Bukhara. Their effects were confiscated; even their very
clothes were taken from them, till they only had their shirts and
drawers left, when a filthy sheepskin was given to Captain Conolly
as some protection against the winter cold of Bukhara. Their servants
were thrown into a horrible dungeon called the Black Well, into which
each man had to be lowered by a rope from the aperture at the top,
and was then left to rot in the filth below.
Captain Conolly managed to secrete a small English Prayer-Book about
his person, and this was a daily source of comfort to him and his
companion in prison, and he marked verses in the Psalms and passages in
the prayers from which they derived comfort. On the fly-leaves and the
margins he wrote a diary of their sufferings; month succeeded month,
and their hearts grew sick with hope deferred, and their bodies worn
with fever, wasting and wounds. On February 10, 1842, he writes:
"We have now been fifty-three days and nights without means of
changing or washing our linen. This book will probably not leave me,
so I now will, as opportunity serves, write in it the last blessing of
my best affection to all my friends." Again, on March 11, he writes:
"At first we had viewed the Amir's conduct as perhaps dictated by mad
caprice, but now, looking back upon the whole, we saw indeed that it
had been the deliberate malice of a demon, questioning and raising
our hopes and ascertaining our condition, only to see how our hearts
were going on in the process of breaking.
"I did not think to shed one more tear among such cold-blooded men,
but yesterday evening, as I looked upon Stoddart's half-naked and
much lacerated body, conceiving that I was the especial object of
the King's hatred, because of my having come to him after visiting
Khiva and Khok, and told him that the British Government was too
great to stir up secret enmity against any of its enemies, I wept on,
entreating one of our keepers to have conveyed to the chief my humble
request that he would direct his anger upon me, and not further destroy
by it my poor broken Stoddart, who had suffered so much and so meekly
here for three years. My earnest words were answered by a 'Don't cry
and distress yourself.' He, alas! would do nothing, so we turned and
kissed each other and prayed together, and we have risen again from our
knees with hearts comforted, as if an angel had spoken to us, resolved,
please God, to wear our English honesty and dignity to the last, within
all the misery and filth that this monster may try to degrade us with."
Again, on March 28: "We have been ninety-nine days and nights without
a change of clothes."
One of the native agents of the mission, Salih Muhammad by name,
subsequently escaped to India, and thus relates the closing scene of
the tragedy.