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~The History and Poetical Form of the Xenions~ 1

The History of the Xenions 3

The Elegiac Distich 13

~Introductory~ 23

Our Purpose 25

Our Method 26

The Distich 27

Boisterous 28

Our Common Fate 29

The Last Martyr 30

~Soul and World~ 31

Our Own 33

Harmony 34

The Key 35

Worth and Value 36

Nature and Reason 37

Oneness 38

Various Destinies 39

The Immutable 40

The Law of Nature 41

Zeus to Heracles 42

Folly and Insanity 43

Motives and Action 44

Baal Priests 45

Salvation 46

Human Life 47

Immortality 48

Indestructible 49

God, World, and Man 50

~Critical and Literary~ 51

The Poet Addresses his Muse 53

To Incompetent Reviewers 54

Wolf’s Homer 55

Intellectual Aristocracy 56

Bad Times 57

Mutual Admiration Society 58

Dilettante 59

To One Author 60

To Another Author 61

Wanted 62

Artifice 63

A Discussion 64

~Satirical and Personal~ 65

The Great Moment 67

To Some Critics 68

The Vinculum 69

Present Generation 70

To Those in Authority 71

Questionable Investigation 72

The Spirit and the Letter 73

The Sense of a Committee 74

Taste in a Watering Place 75

Sample of Modern Criticism 76

Nicolai’s Book on the Source of the Danube 77

The Collector 78

Crudity 79

Nicolai’s Motto 80

A Publisher 81

In Comparison with Socrates 82

To Certain Moralists 83

Martyrs 84

The Brothers Stolberg 85

The Connoisseur 86

Sentimentalists 87

The Prophet 88

The Half-Bird 89

Partisan Spirit 90

~The Philosophers in Hades~ 91

The Poet Speaks 93

Aristotle 94

Urgent 95

Descartes 96

My Answer 97

Spinoza 98

Berkeley 99

Leibniz 100

Kant 101

David Hume 102

Fichte 103

Reinhold 104

My Answer 105

K. C. F. Schmidt, the Moral Philosopher 106

My Answer 107

Philosophy 108

~Philosophical Problems~ 109

For Sale 111

A Flaw 112

Empiricists 113

Theoreticians 114

Last Refuge 115

Natural Science and Transcendental Philosophy 116

The Same 117

Kant and his Interpreters 118

Teleology 119

The Problem of Natural Law 120

Puffendorf’s Reply 121

A Moral Problem 122

The Kantian’s Decision 123

Human Knowledge 124

Systems 126

~Science and Art~ 127

Genius a Gift 129

Truth and Form 130

Creation 131

Different Applications 132

The Sublime 133

Fiction and Truth 134

The Poet and the Naturalist 135

Trust in Scientific Truth 136

Wisdom and Prudence 138

~Wisdom, Morality and Religion~ 139

The Highest 141

Piety and Natural Science 142

Misrepresented 143

Philosopher and Bigot 144

Theological Hedonists 145

Friend and Enemy 146

Distinction 147

Perfection 148

Goodness and Greatness 149

The One Thing Needed 150

Our Duty 151

Difference in Oneness 152

Repetition 153

Utility 154

Harm 155

Discipline 156

Comfort 157

Analytical Truth-Seekers 158

Depreciated Coin 159

Ritual 160

Mystics 161

Light and Color 162

Not Irreligious 163

Our Father 164

~Notes~ 165

THE HISTORY AND POETICAL

FORM OF THE XENIONS.

The History of the Xenions.

The appearance of the Xenions, a collection of satirical epigrams

in the _Musen-Almanach_ of 1797, is a memorable event in the

literature of Germany. With the end of the eighteenth century a new

era had commenced. The idea of evolution, first clearly pronounced by

Caspar Friedrich Wolff in his theory of epigenesis,[A] pointed out

new aims of investigation in the realm of natural sciences; Kant’s

_Critique of Pure Reason_ propounded new problems in philosophy;

and Beethoven conceived his grand sonatas, which reflected the spirit

of an all-comprehensive aspiration in the soul-stirring notes of music.

New ideals, religious, moral, and social, had dawned upon mankind, and

the two great apostles of this movement in the domain of poetry were

Goethe and Schiller.

[A] His _Theoria Generationis_ appeared in 1759.

It is well known what good friends Goethe and Schiller were. After

the two great poets had become personally acquainted they inspired,

criticised, and corrected each other. Their common ideal became the

firm basis of their mutual friendship, and the chief monument of their

alliance is the collection of satirical distichs known as the Xenions.

Great though Schiller and Goethe were, they did not find sufficient

support among those who should have been their first followers and

disciples. The men of literary callings, who should be the priests of

the holiest interests of humanity, were too envious fully to recognize

and acknowledge the merit of these two great poet-thinkers. Moreover,

the men of letters were chiefly enamoured of their own traditional

methods of literary production and could not appreciate the purity, the

grandeur, and the holiness of the new taste. They misunderstood the

progressive spirit of the time, and to their puny minds the rise of the

new era appeared as a mere disturbance of their traditional habits.

They looked upon the twin giants of the world of thought as usurpers,

who from personal vanity and ambition tyrannized over all others, and

whose impositions had either to be resisted, or silenced by shrugs.

On the one side, the orthodox and narrow-minded pietists considered

Goethe and Schiller irreligious and un-Christian, and accused them

of paganism. On the other side we find the two great poets opposed

by such men as the shallow Nicolai, a man of good common sense but

without any genius, a man who preached that stale kind of rationalism

which consisted in both the suppression of all higher aspiration and

the denial of spirituality in any sense. He railed at Goethe and

Schiller as well as at Kant, Fichte, and other great minds of his time

who went beyond his depth and were incomprehensible to him. The pious

are characterized in the Xenions as enthusiasts and sentimentalists

(_Schwärmer_) while the prosaic rationalists are called by the

German student term “philistines” which denotes common-place people,

and the pedantic Nicolai figures as the “arch-philistine.”

Nicolai was a rich and influential publisher in Berlin; he was an

author himself, and a very prolific one too, but his writings are

superficial and barren. On several occasions he criticised Goethe

severely, and our great poets asserted that in fighting superstition

he attacked poetry, and in attempting to suppress the belief in

_spirits_ he also tried to abolish _spirit_. So Goethe makes

him say in the _Walpurgisnacht_:

“Ich sag’s Euch _Geistern_ in’s Gesicht,

Den _Geistes_-Despotismus leid ich nicht;

Mein Geist kann ihn nicht exerciren.”

[I tell you, spirits, to your face,

I give to spirit-despotism no place;

My spirit cannot practise it at all.]

_Tr. by Bayard Taylor._

The irritation of the literary dwarfs showed itself in malevolent

reviews of Schiller’s literary enterprise, _Die Horen_.

Schiller wrote to Goethe June 15, 1795:

“I have thought for some time that it would be well to open a

critical arena in _Die Horen_. Yet we should not give away our

rights by formally inviting the public and the authors. The public

would certainly be represented by the most miserable voices, and the

authors, as we know from experience, would become very importunate. My

proposition is that we make the attack ourselves. In case the authors

wish to defend themselves in _Die Horen_, they must submit to our

conditions. And my advice is, not to begin with propositions, but to

begin with deeds. There is no harm if we are denounced as ill-bred.”

Several letters were exchanged on this subject, and Goethe wrote in a

letter of December 23, 1795, to Schiller:

“We must cultivate the idea of making epigrams upon all journals; one

distich for each magazine, in the manner of Martial’s _Xenia_; and

we must publish a collection of them in the _Musen-Almanach_ of

next year. Enclosed are some Xenions as a specimen.”

Schiller answered at once, December 23, 1795:

“The idea of the Xenions is splendid and must be carried out.... What a

wealth of material is offered by the Stolbergs, by Racknitz, Ramdohr,

the metaphysical world with its _Me’s_ and _Not-Me’s_, friend

Nicolai, our sworn enemy, the Leipsic taste-mongers, Thümmel, with

Göschen as his horsegroom, and others.”

Thus the two poets decided to wage a destructive war against their

common enemies, and to come down upon them in a literary thunderstorm.

The poets planned a “poetical deviltry,” as they called it, and named

their satirical poetry “Xenions.”

The word Xenion originally meant a gift presented by a host to a

stranger who enjoys his hospitality. The Roman poet Martial called his

book of satirical epigrams _Xenia_; and, as Goethe and Schiller

intended to make similar epigrammatical thrusts at Nicolai and other

offenders, they adopted Martial’s expression and called their verses

Xenions.[B] They agreed to publish all their Xenions together, and to

regard them as their common property.

[B] We prefer the Saxon form of the plural (_Xenions_) to the Latin

form (_Xenia_), which is appropriate only as a name of Latin poetry.

The first Xenions were very aggressive, but by and by they became more

general and lost their personal character. There are among them many

which are lofty and full of deep thought. It happened now and then

that the authors of the Xenions hit the wrong man; but this, although

to be regretted, was more excusable than the abuse with which their

adversaries retorted.

The Xenions raised a storm of indignation, as was to be expected, and

Anti-Xenions were written by many of those who had been attacked. But

while the tenor of the Xenions is lofty in spite of their personal

character, and while we feel the high aims of Goethe and Schiller in

their attempts to purify literature, the Anti-Xenions are _wholly_

personal. They are rude, malicious and mean. They insinuate that the

Xenions were prompted by vile motives; that Goethe and Schiller wanted

more praise and flattery; that they were envious of the laurels of

others and wanted to be the sole usurpers of Mount Parnassus. Schiller

was called Kant’s ape, and Goethe was reproached with his family

relations.

The history of the Xenions is their justification. The Anti-Xenions

are, in themselves alone, a wholesale condemnation of the opposition

made to Goethe and Schiller.

Goethe wrote to Schiller concerning the reception which the Xenions

found, on December 5, 1796:

“It is real fun to observe what has been offensive to this kind of

people, and also what they think has been offensive to us. How trivial,

empty, and mean they consider the life of others, and how they direct

their arrows against the outside of the works! How little do they know

that a man who takes life seriously lives in an impregnable castle!”

Goethe and Schiller had wielded a vigorous and two-edged weapon

in the Xenions. They had severely chastised their antagonists for

incompetency; but now it devolved upon themselves to prove the right of

their censorship, and they were conscious of this duty. Goethe wrote,

November 15, 1806:

“After the bold venture of the Xenions, we must confine our labors

strictly to great and worthy works of art. We must shame our

adversaries by transmuting our Protean nature henceforth into noble and

good forms.”

Events proved that both Goethe and Schiller were not only willing but

able to fulfil these intentions. Their antagonists have disappeared.

Some of them would now be entirely forgotten had not the two poets

immortalized them in the Xenions.

Some Xenions are of mere transitory importance, especially such as

contain allusions and criticisms that are lost to those who are not

thoroughly versed in the history of the times, while others are gems

of permanent value, reflecting in a few words flashes of the deepest

wisdom, and they ought to be better known among English-speaking

people. We have therefore extracted and translated those which we deem

worthy of preservation for all time.

Goethe and Schiller’s distichs, we are sorry to add, are not always

very elegant, and sometimes lack in smoothness and correctness. The

first half of their pentameters is often very weak, and many of the

second parts are extremely awkward, as for instance in the distich on

page 163, where we read:

....“Und warum

kei′ne?” Aus Re′ligion′.

This excited the anger of Voss, the translator of Homer in the original

meter of dactylic hexameters. Voss ridiculed Goethe and Schiller for

their bad versification in a distich, which he intentionally made

even worse than the worst of theirs, using the words with a wrong

accentuation:

“In′ Weimar und′ in Jena′

macht man′ Hexa′meter wie′ der;

A′ber die Pen′tameter′

sind′ doch noch ex′cellenter′!”

[In′ Weimar and′ in Jena′

they make′ hexame′ters such as′ this;

But′ the Pen′tameters′

are′ even more′ excellent′.]

In spite of some awkwardness and lack of elegance in diction, the

Xenions became very popular in Germany on account of the profound ideas

embodied in many of them. The shortcomings of their form have been

forgotten on account of their intrinsic value, and there is perhaps no

poetry quoted more frequently than these pithy aphorisms. They have

become household words in Germany and deserve a place of honor in the

literature of the world.

The Elegiac Distich.

The form of the Xenions is, like their Roman prototype, the elegiac

distich.

The elegiac distich has rarely, if ever, been used in English poetry,

although there is much classical beauty in its rhythm. It consists of

alternate dactylic hexameters and pentameters which in ancient Greece

were recited to the accompaniment of the flute, and went by the name

of “elegies,” the etymology of which has nothing to do (as has been

assumed) with lamentations, but probably means flute-songs.

A meter in Greek prosody is comparable to the musical bar, while a

foot is a rhythmic figure. Some meters, such as the iambic (◡–◡–) and

trochaic (–◡–◡), consist of two feet, but the dactylic meters(–◡◡)

consist of one foot only.[C] Accordingly a trochaic trimeter consists

of three meters or six feet; while six dactyls, the last one of which

is always catalectic, are called a dactylic hexameter. Catalectic means

“ending” or “terminating,” signifying that every line is mutilated at

the end. A catalectic meter lacks the last syllable, which, musically

considered, is to be regarded as a pause so as to make a musical halt

between the lines. According to another rule, the last syllable is

always indifferent, i. e., it may be either long or short (̲◡).

[C] The name “dactyl” or “finger” (Greek δάκτυλος) indicates that,

like a finger, it consists of one long and two short members.

The dactylic (or, as it is also called, the heroic) hexameter is too

long to be read in one breathing, so it is divided into two, sometimes

into three parts, and the division is called a _caesura_, i. e., a

cut or incision. This division of the line is irregular and we do not

hesitate to say that to its irregularity the hexameter owes a peculiar

charm, for it breaks the monotony of the dactylic rhythm.

The new start after the caesura will never be dactylic (–◡◡) like the

beginning of the line; it may be anapaestic (◡◡–) or iambic (◡–); but

not dactylic. The break should occur either after an arsis (–) or

after a trochee (–◡) so as to change the character of the latter part

of the hexameter from a descending into an ascending meter. The former,

the descending meter which begins with a long syllable, is halting and

possesses an attitude of holding back, of dignity, of assertion, while

the descending meter rushes forward from a short syllable to a long

one; it is progressive, it rises. The latter indicates struggle while

the former shows strength and the calmness of victory.

Every caesura has its own name in Greek and the most common caesura

cuts the verse in the third meter between the arsis, the long accented

syllable, and the thesis, i. e., the two short syllables or the one

long unaccented syllable. Since in prosody two short syllables are

equivalent to one long syllable, they are regarded as half a meter, and

so this caesura is called penthemimeres πενθημιμερὴς which means the

one after the fifth half-meter. It runs thus:

–◡◡-◡◡–||◡◡–◡◡–◡◡–◡

There is another caesura after the seventh half-meter. It is called in

Greek hephthemimeres (ἑφθημιμερὴς) and runs thus:

–◡◡–◡◡–◡◡–||◡◡–◡◡–◡

Caesuras after the third and after the ninth half-meter are rarely

used; they occur sometimes in Latin but the latter is regarded as

inadmissible in Greek.

Almost as common as the penthemimeres is the caesura between the two

short syllables in the third meter; and because it cuts off from the

meter a trochee (thus –◡||◡) it is called κατὰ τρίτον τροχαῖον, i. e.,

the caesura “after the third trochee.” It runs thus:

–◡◡–◡◡–◡||◡–◡◡–◡◡–◡

Caesuras after the second trochee are rare and after the fourth are

strictly forbidden in Greek metrics.

Finally we must mention the caesura after the end of the fourth

measure, which is not uncommon in bucolic poetry, picturing the

peaceful life of the ancient Greek cowboys, so different from the

cowboys of the American Wild West, and it has therefore received the

name, “bucolic caesura.” It is rare in heroic poems; nevertheless it

occurs sometimes and its occasional appearance is effective, for the

combination of one dactyl with one trochee (–◡◡–◡) gives a euphonious

ring to the verse.

The heroic hexameter is best known to the English-reading public from

Longfellow’s _Evangeline_. It has not been a favorite with them

mainly because of the awkwardness with which it has been handled and

the boldness with which short syllables are frequently used to serve

as long syllables. We may say that at present the German language

has proved itself most apt in reproducing this classical measure, in

which, however, the long syllable (_arsis_) is to be replaced by

a decidedly accented syllable, while the place of a short syllable

(_thesis_) is taken by an unaccented syllable. This makes it

possible that the same word may, according to position, in one place

serve as a short, in another as a long, syllable, while the prosody of

the classical languages is more severe. There a syllable is either long

or short, and a short syllable can only become long through subsequent

consonants, which is called “length through position.”

We have to recognize the fact that Teutonic languages are qualitative

while the classic languages are quantitative. This means that in the

former the accent of the word is predominant and wrong accents render

a word positively unintelligible, while in the latter the word-accent

is of less account. It is of little consequence in English whether we

pronounce “ĕgg” or “aigg,” but it makes a decided difference whether

we say “in′fidel” or “infi′del.” In modern French however, we may

pronounce with propriety either “_la mai′son_” or “_la maison′_”. And

this character of the Teutonic languages which renders quality of

accent so prominent in speech is the reason why they tend to brevity,

for they contract words more and more until, as is the case in English,

most of their forms are reduced to monosyllables. Thus the Gothic word

_habededian_ is contracted in Middle German into _habete_, (viz.,

_haben_--_tat_ = “I did have”), in modern German into _hatte_, and in

English into “had.” The Teutonic languages neglect the unimportant and

unaccented portions of the word, and wherever they can be disposed of

drop them entirely or fuse them into the main syllable.

Another reason why the hexameter is not liked in English is on account

of the length of the verse. If the reader has first to search for the

caesura, for the place where he can take breath, he feels discouraged

at the long line that stretches before him like a road through the

desert, and for this reason we deem it an improvement to print dactylic

verses so as to begin a new line with the caesura. It renders the

reading of the line easier in the measure, as the break in the verse is

thus most easily taken in by the eye.

* * * * *

Since we have been discussing metrical details at some length, we may

be permitted to add a few comments on the iambic trimeter which in

English is really nothing else but what is commonly known as blank

verse. This verse is very generally misunderstood and we have nowhere

seen it properly explained in English books on prosody.

The blank verse is the most common and best adapted form for dignified

speech in both the dialogue and the monologue of the drama. We quote as

a typical verse the first line of Hamlet’s soliloquy:

“To be or not to be, that is the question.”

The meter is a catalectic iambic trimeter and there is only one rule of

importance, viz., that at the beginning and after caesuras an iambus

◡– can be replaced by a trochee metric: –◡. A scheme of the meter runs

thus:

◡–◡–|◡–◡–|◡–◡||

Or in musical script thus:

[Music]

The last long syllable, sometimes even the whole last foot, is omitted

or, more correctly, is replaced by a pause. We may write it thus:

[Music]

This latter case, originally merely allowable, has become very frequent

in English, because the English language is rich in monosyllables so

as to make it sometimes difficult to end the verse with an unaccented

(i. e., a short) syllable, but this custom has produced the impression

that the verse consists of five iambi, and among people but little

versed in the rules of classical poetry who forget that an iambic meter

consists of two feet, has given rise to the error that blank verse is

an iambic pentameter. Strange to say this mistake is now perpetuated in

almost all our text-books.

* * * * *

After this digression on the iambic trimeter we shall make, in

conclusion, a few comments on the dactylic pentameter.

The pentameter, i. e., “a five-measure,” is so called because it

consists of twice two and a half dactylic meters thus:

–◡◡–◡◡–

In reality the pentameter is a repetition of a penthemimeres.

Two short syllables may always be replaced in elegiac distichs by one

long syllable, with the exception of the fifth meter of the hexameter

and the latter half of the pentameter. The schedule of a distich,

accordingly, is thus:

— — — — — —

–◡◡–◡◡–◡◡–◡◡–◡◡–◡◡–◡

— —

–◡◡–◡◡–||–◡◡–◡◡–

Considering the fact that the measures of Greek prosody are comparable

to musical bars in which time and not accent is the decisive element,

we readily understand that the name “pentameter” is a misnomer, for the

pentameter consists as much as the hexameter of six full dactylic bars,

only that there is a pause of one-half meter after each two and a half

meters. Expressed in musical characters, the distich reads as follows:

[Music]

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