In the evening we took some of the forbidden blankets, hundreds of which

we had captured that day. Ten of us were lying in a shelter, all

provided with blankets. Everybody wanted to get the "itch," however

strange that may sound. We undressed and rolled ourselves in those

blankets. Twenty-four hours later little red pimples showed themselves

all over the body, and twelve men reported sick. The blankets were used

in the whole company, but all of them had not the desired effect. The

doctor sent nine of us to the hospital at Montmédy, and that very

evening we left the camp in high glee. The railroad depot at Apremont

had been badly shelled; the next station was Chatel. Both places are a

little more than three miles behind the front. At Apremont the prisoners

were divided into sections. Some of the prisoners had their homes at

Apremont. Their families were still occupying their houses, and the

prisoners asked to be allowed to pay them a visit. I chanced to observe

one of those meetings at Apremont. Two men of the landstrum led one of

the prisoners to the house which he pointed out to them as his own. The

young wife of the prisoner was sitting in the kitchen with her three

children. We followed the men into the house. The woman became as white

as a sheet when she beheld her husband suddenly. They rushed to meet

each other and fell into each other's arms. We went out, for we felt

that we were not wanted. The wife had not been able to get the slightest

signs from her husband for the last five months, for the German forces

had been between her and him. He, on the other hand, had been in the

trench for months knowing that his wife and children must be there, on

the other side, very near, yet not to be reached. He did not know

whether they were alive or dead. He heard the French shells scream above

his head. Would they hit Apremont? He wondered whether it was his own

house that had been set alight by a shell and was reddening the sky at

night. He did not know. The uncertainty tortured him, and life became

hell. Now he was at home, though only for a few hours. He had to leave

again a prisoner; but now he could send a letter to his wife by the

field post. He had to take leave. She had nothing she could give him--no

underwear, no food, absolutely nothing. She had lost all and had to rely

on the charity of the soldiers. She handed him her last money, but he

returned it. We could not understand what they told each other. She took

the money back; it was German money, five and ten pfennig pieces and

some coppers--her whole belongings. We could no longer contain

ourselves and made a collection among ourselves. We got more than ten

marks together which we gave to the young woman. At first she refused to

take it and looked at her husband. Then she took it and wanted to kiss

our hands. We warded her off, and she ran to the nearest canteen and

bought things. Returning with cigars, tobacco, matches, and sausage, she

handed all over to her husband with a radiant face. She laughed, once

again perhaps in a long time, and sent us grateful looks. The children

clung round their father and kissed him again and again. She accompanied

her husband, who carried two of the kiddies, one on each arm, while his

wife carried the third child. Beaming with happiness the family marched

along between the two landsturm men who had their bayonets fixed. When

they had to take leave, all of them, parents and children began to weep.

She knew that her husband was no longer in constant danger, and she was

happy, for though she had lost much, she still had her most precious

possessions.

Thousands of poor men and women have met such a fate near their homes.

Regular trains left Chatel. We quitted the place at 11 o'clock at night,

heartily glad to leave the Argonnes behind us. We had to change trains

at Vouzières, and took the train to Diedenhofen. There we saw twelve

soldiers with fixed bayonets take along three Frenchmen. They were

elderly men in civilian dress. We had no idea what it signified, so we

entered into a conversation with one of our fellow travelers. He was a

merchant, a Frenchman living at Vouzières, and spoke German fluently.

The merchant was on a business trip to Sédan, and told us that the three

civilian prisoners were citizens of his town. He said: "We obtain our

means of life from the German military authorities, but mostly we do not

receive enough to live, and the people have nothing left of their own;

all the cattle and food have been commandeered. Those three men refused

to keep on working for the military authorities, because they could not

live on the things they were given. They were arrested and are now being

transported to Germany. Of course, we don't know what will happen to

them."

The man also told us that all the young men had been taken away by the

Germans; all of them had been interned in Germany.

At Sédan we had to wait for five hours; for hospital trains were

constantly arriving. It was 2 o'clock in the afternoon of the following

day when we reached Montmédy, where we went to the hospital. There all

our clothes were disinfected in the "unlousing establishment," and we

could take a proper bath. We were lodged in the large barracks. There

one met people from all parts of the front, and all of them had only

known the same misery; there was not one among them who did not curse

this war. All of them were glad to be in safety, and all of them tried

their best to be "sick" as long as possible. Each day we were twice

treated with ointment; otherwise we were at liberty to walk about the

place.

One day we paid a visit to the fortress of Montmédy high up on a hill.

Several hundreds of prisoners were just being fed there. They were

standing about in the yard of the fortress and were eating their soup.

One of the prisoners came straight up to me. I had not noticed him

particularly, and recognized him only when he stood before me. He was

the man I had struggled with on January 5th, and we greeted each other

cordially. He had brought along a prisoner who spoke German well and who

interpreted for us all we had to say to each other. He had seen me

standing about and had recognized me at once. Again and again he told me

how glad he was to be a prisoner. Like myself he was a soldier because

he had to be, and not from choice. At that time we had fought with each

other in blind rage; for a moment we had been deadly enemies. I felt

happy at having stayed my fury at that time, and again I became aware of

the utter idiocy of that barbarous slaughter. We separated with a firm

handshake.

A fortnight I remained at the hospital; then I had to return to the

front. We had been treated well at the hospital, so we started on our

return journey with mixed feelings. As soon as we arrived at Chatel, the

terminus, we heard the incessant gun fire. It was no use kicking, we had

to go into the forest again. When we reached our old camp, we found that

different troops were occupying it. Our company had left, nobody knew

for what destination. Wherever we asked, nobody could give us any

information. So we had to go back to the command of our corps, the

headquarters of which were at Corney at that time. We left Chatel again

by a hospital train, and reached Corney after half an hour's journey.

Corney harbored the General Staff of the 16th Army Corps, and we thought

they surely ought to know where our company was. General von Mudra and

his officers had taken up their quarters in a large villa. The house was

guarded by three double sentries. We showed our pay books and hospital

certificates, and an orderly led us to a spacious room. It was the

telephone room. There the wires from all the divisional fronts ran

together, and the apparatus were in constant use. A sergeant-major

looked into the lists and upon the maps. In two minutes he had found our

company. He showed us on the map where it was fighting and where its

camp was. "The camp is at the northern end of Verennes," he said, "and

the company belongs to the 34th division; formerly it was part of the

33rd. The position it is in is in the villages of Vauquois and

Boureuilles." Then he explained to us on the map the direction we were

to take, and we could trot off. We returned by rail to Chatel, and went

on foot from there to Apremont. We spent the night in the half destroyed

depot of Apremont. In order to get to Varennes we had to march to the

south. On our way we saw French prisoners mending the roads. Most of

them were black colonial troops in picturesque uniforms. On that road

Austrian motor batteries were posted. Three of those 30.5-cm. howitzers

were standing behind a rocky slope, but did not fire. When at noon we

reached the height of Varennes we saw the whole wide plan in front of

us. Varennes itself was immediately in front of us in the valley. A

little farther up on the heights was Vauquois. No houses were to be

seen; one could only notice a heap of rubbish through the field glasses.

Shells kept exploding in that rubbish heap continually, and we felt a

cold sweat run down our backs at the thought that the place up there was

our destination. We had scarcely passed the ridge when some shells

exploded behind us. At that place the French were shooting with

artillery at individuals. As long as Vauquois had been in their power

they had been able to survey the whole country, and we comprehended why

that heap of rubbish was so bitterly fought for. We ran down the slope

and found ourselves in Varennes. The southern portion of the village had

been shelled to pieces and gutted. Only most of the chimneys which were

built apart from the bottom upward, had remained standing, thin

blackened forms rising out of the ruins into the air. Everywhere we saw

groups of soldiers collecting the remaining more expensive metals which

were sent to Germany. Among other things church-bells melted into

shapeless lumps were also loaded on wagons and taken away. All the

copper, brass, tin, and lead that could be got was collected.

XXI

IN THE HELL OF VAUQUOIS

We soon found our company, and our comrades told us what hell they had

gotten into. The next morning our turn came, too. We had to reach the

position before day-break, for as soon as it got light the French kept

all approaches under constant fire. There was no trace of trenches at

Vauquois. All that could be seen were pieces of stones. Not a stone had

literally remained on the other at Vauquois. That heap of ruins, once a

village, had changed hands no less than fifteen times. When we arrived

half of the place was in the possession of the Germans. But the French

dominated the highest point, whence they could survey the whole country

for many miles around. In the absence of a trench we sought cover behind

stones, for it was absolutely impossible to construct trenches; the

artillery was shooting everything to pieces.

Thus the soldiers squatted behind piles of stones and fired as fast as

their rifles would allow. Guns of all sizes were bombarding the village

incessantly. There was an army of corpses, Frenchmen and Germans, all

lying about pell-mell. At first we thought that that terrible state of

things was only temporary, but after a few days we recognized that a

slaughter worse than madness was a continuous state of things at that

place. Day and night, ever the same. With Verdun as a base of operations

the French continually brought up fresh masses of troops. They had

carried along a field railroad the heavy pieces of the neighboring forts

of Verdun, and in the spring of 1915 an offensive of a local, but

murderous kind was begun. The artillery of both sides bombarded the

place to such an extent that not a foot of ground could be found that

was not torn up by shells. Thousands upon thousands of shells of all

sizes were employed. The bombardment from both sides lasted three days

and three nights, until at last not a soldier, neither French nor

German, was left in the village. Both sides had been obliged to retreat

before the infernal fire of the opponent, for not a man would have

escaped alive out of that inferno. The whole slope and height were

veiled in an impenetrable smoke. In the evening of the third day the

enemy's bombardment died down a little, and we were ordered to go

forward again into the shell torn ruins. It was not yet quite dark when

the French advanced in close order.

We were in possession of almost the whole of the village, and had placed

one machine-gun next to the other. We could see the projectiles of the

artillery burst in great numbers among the reserves of the attackers.

Our machine-guns literally mowed down the first ranks. Five times the

French renewed their attack during that night, their artillery meanwhile

making great gaps in our ranks. We soldiers calculated that the two

sides had together some three or four thousand men killed in that one

night. Next morning the French eased their attacks, and their guns

treated us again to the accustomed drum fire. We stood it until 10

o'clock in the morning; then we retreated again without awaiting orders,

leaving innumerable dead men behind. Again the French advanced in the

face of a violent German artillery fire, and effected a lodgment at the

northern edge of the village of Vauquois that used to be. A few piles of

stones was all that still belonged to us. We managed to put a few stones

before us as a protection. The guns of neither side could hurt us or

them, for they, the enemy, were but ten paces away. But the country

behind us was plowed by projectiles. In face of the machine gun fire it

was found impossible to bring up ammunition.

The sappers undid the coils of rope worn round their bodies, and three

men or more crept back with them. One of them was killed; the others

arrived safely and attached the packets of cartridges to the rope. Thus

we brought up the ammunition by means of a rope running in a circle,

until we had enough or till the rope was shot through. At three o'clock

in the afternoon we attacked again, but found it impossible to rise from

the ground on account of the hail of bullets. Everybody was shouting,

"Sappers to the front with hand grenades!" Not a sapper stirred. We are

only human, after all.

A sergeant-major of the infantry came creeping up. He looked as if

demented, his eyes were bloodshot. "You're a sapper?" "Yes," "Advance!"

"Alone?" "We're coming along!" We had to roar at each other in order to

make ourselves understood in the deafening, confounded row. Another

sapper lay beside me. When the sergeant-major saw that he could do

nothing with me he turned to the other fellow. That man motioned to him

to desist, but the sergeant-major got ever more insistent, until the

sapper showed him his dagger, and then our superior slung his hook. Some

twenty hand grenades were lying in front of us. Ten of them I had

attached to my belt for all emergencies. I said to myself that if all

of them exploded there would not be much left of me. I had a lighted

cigar in my mouth. I lit one bomb after the other and threw them over to

some Frenchmen who were working a machine-gun in front of me, behind a

heap of stones. All around me the bullets of the machine-guns were

splitting the stones. I had already thrown four grenades, but all of

them had overshot the mark. I took some stones and threw them to find

out how far I would have to throw in order to hit the fire spitting

machine in front. My aim got more accurate each time until I hit the

barrel of the gun. "If it had only been a hand grenade," I thought. An

infantryman close to me was shot through the shell of one ear, half of

which was cut in pieces; the blood was streaming down his neck. I had no

more material for bandaging except some wadding, which I attached to his

wound. In my pocket I had a roll of insulating ribbon, rubber used to

insulate wires; with that I bandaged him. He pointed to the machine-gun.

Thereupon I gave him my cigar, telling him to keep it well alight so as

to make the fuse which I desired to light by it burn well. In quick

succession I threw six hand grenades. I don't know how many of them took

effect, but the rags of uniforms flying about and a demolished

machine-gun said enough. When we advanced later on I observed three dead

men lying round the machine-gun.

That was only one example of the usual, daily occurrences that happen

day and night, again and again and everywhere, and the immense number of

such actions of individual soldiers makes the enormous loss of human

life comprehensible.

We were still lying there without proceeding to the attack. Again

ammunition was brought up by ropes from the rear. A hand grenade duel

ensued; hundreds of hand grenades were thrown by both sides. Things

could not go on long like that; we felt that something was bound to

happen. Without receiving an order and yet as if by command we all

jumped up and advanced with the dagger in our hands right through the

murderous fire, and engaged in the maddest hand to hand fighting. The

daggers, sharp as razors, were plunged into head after head, chest after

chest. One stood on corpses in order to make other men corpses. New

enemies came running up. One had scarcely finished with one when three

more appeared on the scene.

We, too, got reinforcements. One continued to murder and expected to be

struck down oneself the next moment. One did not care a cent for one's

life, but fought like an animal. I stumbled and fell on the stones. At

that very moment I caught sight of a gigantic Frenchman before me who

was on the point of bringing his sapper's spade down on me. I moved

aside with lightning speed, and the blow fell upon the stone. In a

moment my dagger was in his stomach more than up to the hilt. He went

down with a horrible cry, rolling in his blood in maddening pain. I put

the bloody dagger back in my boot and took hold of the spade. All around

me I beheld new enemies. The spade I found to be a handy weapon. I hit

one opponent between head and shoulder. The sharp spade half went

through the body; I heard the cracking of the bones that were struck.

Another enemy was close to me. I dropped the spade and took hold of my

dagger again. All happened as in a flash. My opponent struck me in the

face, and the blood came pouring out of my mouth and nose. We began to

wrestle with each other. I had the dagger in my right hand. We had

taken hold of each other round the chest. He was no stronger than

myself, but he held me as firmly as I held him. We tried to fight each

other with our teeth. I had the dagger in my hand, but could not strike.

Who was it to be? He or I? One of us two was sure to go down. I got the

dagger in such a position that its point rested on his back. Then I

pressed his trembling body still more firmly to myself. He fastened his

teeth in my shaggy beard, and I felt a terrible pain. I pressed him

still more firmly so that his ribs almost began to crack and, summoning

all my strength, I pushed the dagger into the right side of his back,

just below the shoulderblade. In frightful pain he turned himself round

several times, fell on his face, and lay groaning on the ground. I

withdrew my dagger; he bled to death like many thousands.

We had pushed back the French for some yards when we received strong

assistance. After a short fight the enemy turned and fled, and we

followed him as far as the southern edge of the village. There the

French made a counterattack with fresh bodies of men and threw us back

again for some 50 yards. Then the attack was halted, and we found

ourselves again where we had been at the beginning of that four days'

slaughter. Thousands of corpses were covering the ruins of Vauquois, all

sacrificed in vain.

XXII

SENT ON FURLOUGH

For four days and nights, without food and sleep, we had been raging

like barbarians, and had spent all our strength. We were soon relieved.

To our astonishment we were relieved by cavalry. They were Saxon

chasseurs on horseback who were to do duty as infantrymen. It had been

found impossible to make good the enormous losses of the preceding days

by sending up men of the depot. So they had called upon the cavalry who,

by the way, were frequently employed during that time. The soldiers who

had been in a life and death struggle for four days were demoralized to

such an extent that they had no longer any fighting value. We were

relieved very quietly, and could then return to our camp. We did not

hear before the next day that during the period described our company

had suffered a total loss of 49 men. The fate of most of them was

unknown; one did not know whether they were dead or prisoners or whether

they lay wounded in some ambulance station.

The village of Varennes was continually bombarded by French guns of

large size. Several French families were still living in a part of the

village that had not been so badly damaged. Every day several of the

enemy's 28-cm. shells came down in that quarter. Though many inhabitants

had been wounded by the shells the people could not be induced to leave

their houses.

Our quarters were situated near a very steep slope and were thus

protected against artillery fire. They consisted of wooden shanties

built by ourselves. We had brought up furniture from everywhere and had

made ourselves at home; for Varennes was, after all, nearly two miles

behind the front. But all the shanties were not occupied, for the number

of our men diminished from day to day. At last the longed-for men from

the depot arrived. Many new sapper formations had to be got together for

all parts of the front, and it was therefore impossible to supply the

existing sapper detachments with their regular reserves. Joyfully we

greeted the new arrivals. They were, as was always the case, men of very

different ages; a young boyish volunteer of 17 years would march next to

an old man of the landsturm who had likewise volunteered. All of them,

without any exception, have bitterly repented of their "free choice" and

made no secret of it. "It's a shame," a comrade told me, "that those

seventeen-year-old children should be led to the slaughter, and that

their young life is being poisoned, as it needs must be in these

surroundings; scarcely out of boyhood, they are being shot down like mad

dogs."

It took but a few days for the volunteers--all of them without an

exception--to repent bitterly of their resolve, and every soldier who

had been in the war for any length of time would reproach them when they

gave expression to their great disappointment. "But you have come

voluntarily," they were told; "we had to go, else we should have been

off long ago." Yet we knew that all those young people had been under

some influence and had been given a wrong picture of the war.

Those soldiers who had been in the war from the start who had not been

wounded, but had gone through all the fighting, were gradually all sent

home on furlough for ten days. Though our company contained but 14

unwounded soldiers it was very hard to obtain the furlough. We had lost

several times the number of men on our muster-roll, but all our officers

were still in good physical condition.

It was not until September that I managed to obtain furlough at the

request of my relations, and I left for home with a resolve that at

times seemed to me impossible to execute. All went well until I got to

Diedenhofen.

As far as that station the railroads are operated by the army

authorities. At Diedenhofen they are taken over by the Imperial

Railroads of Alsace-Lorraine and the Prusso-Hessian State Railroads. So

I had to change, and got on a train that went to Saarbruecken. I had

scarcely taken a seat in a compartment in my dirty and ragged uniform

when a conductor came along to inspect the tickets. Of course, I had no

ticket; I had only a furlough certificate and a pass which had been

handed to me at the field railroad depot of Chatel. The conductor looked

at the papers and asked me again for my ticket. I drew his attention to

my pass. "That is only good for the territory of the war operations," he

said; "you are now traveling on a state railroad and have to buy a

ticket."

I told him that I should not buy a ticket, and asked him to inform the

station manager. "You," I told him, "only act according to instructions.

I am not angry with you for asking of me what I shall do under no

circumstances." He went off and came back with the manager. The latter

also inspected my papers and told me I had to pay for the journey. "I

have no means for that purpose," I told him. "For these last three

years I have been in these clothes" (I pointed to my uniform), "and for

three years I have therefore been without any income. Whence am I to get

the money to pay for this journey?" "If you have no money for traveling

you can't take furlough." I thought to myself that if they took me deep

into France they were in conscience bound to take me back to where they

had fetched me. Was I to be a soldier for three years and fight for the

Fatherland for more than a year only to find that now they refused the

free use of their railroads to a ragged soldier? I explained that I was

not going to pay, that I could not save the fare from the few pfennigs'

pay. I refused explicitly to pay a soldier's journey with my private

money, even if--as was the case here--that soldier was myself. Finally I

told him, "I must request you to inform the military railroad commander;

the depot command attends to soldiers, not you." He sent me a furious

look through his horn spectacles and disappeared. Two civilians were

sitting in the same compartment with me; they thought it an unheard-of

thing that a soldier coming from the front should be asked for his fare.

Presently the depot commander came up with a sergeant. He demanded to

see my furlough certificate, pay books, and all my other papers.

"Have you any money?"

"No."

"Where do you come from?"

"From Chatel in the Argonnes."

"How long were you at the front?"

"In the fourteenth month."

"Been wounded?"

"No."

"Have you no money at all?"

"No; you don't want money at the front."

"The fare must be paid. If you can't, the company must pay. Please sign

this paper."

I signed it without looking at it. It was all one to me what I signed,

as long as they left me alone. Then the sergeant came back.

"You can not travel in that compartment; you must also not converse with

travelers. You have to take the first carriage marked 'Only for the

military.' Get into that."

"I see," I observed; "in the dogs' compartment."

He turned round again and said, "Cut out those remarks."

The train started, and I arrived safely home. After the first hours of

meeting all at home again had passed I found myself provided with

faultless underwear and had taken the urgently needed bath. Once more I

could put on the civilian dress I had missed for so long a time. All of

it appeared strange to me. I began to think. Under no conditions was I

going to return to the front. But I did not know how I should succeed in

getting across the frontier. I could choose between two countries

only--Switzerland and Holland. It was no use going to Switzerland, for

that country was surrounded by belligerent states, and it needed only a

little spark to bring Switzerland into the war, and then there would be

no loophole for me. There was only the nearest country left for me to

choose--Holland. But how was I to get there? There was the rub. I

concocted a thousand plans and discarded them again. Nobody, not even my

relatives, must know about it.

XXIII

THE FLIGHT TO HOLLAND

My furlough soon neared its end; there were only four days left. I

remembered a good old friend in a Rhenish town. My plan was made.

Without my family noticing it I packed a suit, boots, and all

necessities, and told them at home that I was going to visit my friend.

To him I revealed my intentions, and he was ready to help me in every

possible manner.

A German deserter's war experience · 第 11 / 12 段