WHEN ROGUES FALL OUT----.
THE REACTION--THE KING'S WILL--KOLLER-BANNER--RANTZAU'S
DISMISSAL--PRINCE CHARLES OF HESSE--COURT INTRIGUES--EICKSTEDT'S
CAREER--BERINGSKJOLD'S CAREER AND DEATH--VON DER OSTEN--THE GULDBERG
MINISTRY--THE PRINCE REGENT--THE COUP D'ETAT--UNCLE AND NEPHEW--FATE
OF GULDBERG--DEATH OF JULIANA MARIA.
With Struensee fell all his reforms, and "the good old times" returned in
full force.
The detested cabinet minister had scarce been thrown into prison ere
the new holders of power hastened to overthrow all the creations of
the fallen man. As if anxious to give the country and all the persons
watching their movements a proof of their care for the general welfare,
they began by establishing justice on its old basis, and restored
the Commission of Inquiry, who were allowed by the criminal code to
extort confessions from prisoners with the lash. This care for the due
administration of justice was soon followed to the satisfaction of
the pietists and the orthodox clergy by the reintroduction of public
penance for sexual sins, so that the plebs very soon enjoyed once more
the edifying spectacle of hot-blooded sinners, male and female, being
insulted by bigoted priests in temples devoted to the adoration of the
Almighty. Still, they did not dare to abolish the court and city court
established by Struensee, because the recognition of this benefit was
universal. In the same way, a decided error on Struensee's part, and
which, it might be assumed, the reaction would at once reform--the
lottery, that plague-spot of the poorer classes--was allowed to exist,
of course, because it caused a deal of money to flow into the treasury
"of the dearly-beloved king who so dearly loved his nation," and cash
was pressingly needed to satisfy the claims of the friends of the new
government.
The spirit of the usurping party and its adherents was even more plainly
shown by the restoration of serfdom, so that the holders of estates could
treat their vassals as they pleased. The general dissatisfaction aroused
by this measure among the poor servile peasants is depicted by Suhm, who
once took the field so zealously against Struensee's "godless rule," in
an anecdote from Jütland.
"Professor John Egede," so Suhm tells us, "saw a man in ragged clothes
working in a field with some half-naked children to help him, a few years
after Struensee's fall. 'Will not the extra tax be soon removed?' he
asked the passing professor. The latter replied that he did not know.
'Oh! yes, I can quite believe that,' the peasant retorted, 'for you don't
think about things of that sort in Copenhagen. That was a worthy man who
gave us the regulations by which the _corvées_ were settled. But that was
the very reason, I fancy, why they cut his head off. The new regulation
is only made to torment us poor peasants till we cannot stand it any
longer.'"
It is notorious that serfdom was not abolished until the regency of the
Crown Prince Frederick. Under his long reign, which lasted from 1784 to
1839, nearly all Struensee's reforms, to which a more enlightened age did
ample justice, and which had obtained general recognition through the
ideas diffused by the French Revolution, were recalled to life. The task
was completed, greatly to his credit, by Christian VIII., the grandson of
Juliana Maria.
All that remains for us now to do, is to show by what means the new
faction sought to secure its position, and how at last Nemesis revenged
herself on the principal conspirators.
The usurpers did not consider themselves fully secured by having declared
the king's sole signature invalid, but they wished to make themselves
safe in the event of the weak king dying before the prince royal attained
his majority. For this object, they persuaded the king, after the queen's
matter had been amicably arranged with the English court, to sign a
will, a copy of which was handed to the colleges and courts, with orders
that the document was only to be opened after the king's death, in
case it took place during the crown prince's minority. As the presumed
event did not occur, however, the contents of the privy regulation have
remained a secret. It was generally supposed that the king's testament
contained an order that Queen Caroline Matilda should be excluded from
the guardianship of her son, and that the Hereditary Prince Frederick
should be appointed regent. Other suppositions hinted at still more
important regulations as to the successor, but it can hardly be believed
that the king, however imbecile he might be, would have signed such a
document.
A desire to prevent a possible surprise was certainly the motive for the
decree that for the future foreign envoys would only be admitted to an
audience with the king in the presence of the council of state; and yet
such a custom had been regarded as high treason on the part of Struensee.
The union among the conspirators, however, only lasted a short time after
the revolution had been carried out, and this was specially evident among
the military members. Generals Rantzau-Ascheberg and Eickstedt stood at
the head of two opposite parties.
Rantzau-Ascheberg, Köller-Banner, and Von der Osten, formed a triumvirate
dangerous to their opponents. As chief aide-de-camp, Köller-Banner
received apartments in Frederiksberg Palace, where the court resided in
the summer of 1772. Hence Rantzau also procured rooms in the palace; but,
as the number of doors and windows annoyed him, he hired lodgings in the
village adjoining the palace, and Von der Osten removed to the same spot,
so that the three friends were close neighbours. Rantzau also supported
in the Generalty College all the propositions that emanated from Köller,
while he said simultaneously to Eickstedt, who hated Köller:
"Do not suppose that I have any serious understanding with Banner.
Certainly not. I only pretend to be his partisan, in order that the
Pomeranian may burn his fingers in the candle."
Von der Osten displayed equal dissimulation in the council of state,
where he supported and praised everything proposed by Schack Rathlau,
while in secret calumniating him to the best of his ability.
The other conspirators, consequently, began to entertain doubts about
their three ambitious and intriguing colleagues, and apprehended that
they might even meditate evil designs against the queen dowager and
her son. Suddenly it was announced that Rantzau-Ascheberg, at his own
request, had been relieved of all his offices, and retired on a pension
of 8,000 dollars; and it was generally believed that Russia and Prussia
had insisted on his removal. There may be some truth in this, as the
Empress Catharine had just ratified the Holstein exchange, and naturally
expected something in return. In the highest circles, however, all were
glad at being freed from this dangerous man. Suhm, however, tells us,
that the decisive cause of Rantzau's dismissal was, that he said about
a letter written by the hereditary prince to Guldberg, "Yes, it can
be recognised by the style! But was not Struensee's head cut off for
the same thing?" Immediately after his retirement from active service,
Rantzau quitted Copenhagen, and went to his Holstein estates; but, on
October 16, the restless traitor proceeded to Kragsberg, near Odense,
in Fühnen, but whether with reactionary purposes remained an enigma. In
Copenhagen the return of the dangerous man occasioned such alarm among
his former confederates, that, on November 6, Major von Harboe suddenly
handed him a royal order to quit the island immediately. Under the
major's escort he returned to Ascheberg, and directly after went, _viâ_
Hamburg, to Frankfort, where he cashed a draft of 24,000 florins in
the assumed name of Juel. He left Frankfort again as quietly as he had
arrived there, and proceeded to the south of France, where he took up
his temporary abode at Orange, probably in obedience to royal commands.
Afterwards he removed to Avignon, where he spent the rest of his days,
and died there, in 1789, in his seventy-second year, without having once
revisited his country.
So soon as some order had been introduced in the course of business,
Köller-Banner, as representative of the infantry, produced in the War
College projects for the tactical remodelling of the battalions, which,
however, Eickstedt considered too expensive, and sought to prevent.
Köller-Banner's plans were on the point of failing, when, in the eleventh
hour, the government altered their mind, and temporarily assented to his
plans. Eickstedt felt so insulted by this, that he forwarded a letter to
the hereditary prince, in which he requested his discharge, and added,
that he desired no pension. Guldberg naturally undertook to answer this
request of one of the principal conspirators, and did it in his unctuous
way, by recalling to the petitioner's mind the Glorious 17th of January,
and reminding him of the necessity of all the sharers in it hanging
together. Eickstedt replied to this in his usual coarse way, that he was
sick and tired of constantly listening to the old chatter of January 17.
The object of that day had been to secure the king's person, maintain
the honour of the royal house, and promote the welfare of the country.
But, if that object could not be attained, it would have been better had
the events of January 17 never taken place. Such dangerous expressions
from a powerful member of the conspiracy induced the hereditary prince
himself to undertake satisfying the dissatisfied man; and he declared to
the petitioner in writing that the aid of so active and far-sighted a
man could not be dispensed with in the projected reforms, and hence his
resignation could not be accepted.
Although Eickstedt had not succeeded in overthrowing Köller-Banner,
another man completely effected it.
Directly after the revolution, Queen Juliana Maria invited to Copenhagen
Prince Charles of Hesse and his wife, but the death of one of their
children prevented the princely couple from reaching the capital until
October, at the time when the menacing measures of Gustavus III., for
the conquest of Norway, had aroused great terror among the incapable
members of the government, and caused the nomination of Prince Charles
as generalissimo in Norway. Immediately on his arrival the latter was
received by the queen; and, after a conversation about the dangers with
which Norway was menaced, was requested to examine Köller-Banner's
propositions; but, at the same time, was also warned by the crafty queen
against this dangerous man and Von der Osten. By the prince's advice, a
committee was appointed, under the presidency of the hereditary prince,
to investigate Köller-Banner's reforms: the other members being Prince
Charles, and Generals von Hauch and von Hobe, while the ministers
also took part in the discussions. This committee rejected nearly all
Banner's propositions, at which the latter was so offended, that he
not only forgot all the respect due to the king's brother-in-law, but
publicly declared that Frederick II. of Prussia would erect a statue to
him for reforms and ideas like his. When the authorities also learned
that Köller-Banner, wrapped in his cloak, paid nocturnal visits to the
French and Swedish envoys, his dismissal from his former posts, and his
appointment as governor of the fortress of Rendsburg, ensued, while the
Prince of Brunswick-Bevern was gazetted as commandant of the capital.
Still the hero of January 17 retained his full pay of 4,400 dollars, in
order not to offend him too greatly.[60]
Although the general might now be reckoned among the exiles, he had not
fallen into utter disgrace, for Juliana Maria afterwards took him under
her protection, and tried to keep him, for the purpose of intimidating
the violent ministerial opposition. For in July, 1774, he unexpectedly
received an invitation from her to come at once to Fredensborg, where the
court was residing at the time; but when the ministers heard of this,
they were penetrated with fear, and induced the War College to intimate
to the general that he was to remain at his post in Rendsburg, and send
an apology to the queen. Although Banner found himself compelled to obey
on this occasion, on receiving soon after another request from the queen
to come across, he informed her that he would accede to her wishes, and
appeared at Fredensborg in the beginning of August. As, however, he was a
thorn in the eye of the ministers, he soon began quarrelling with them,
the result of which was, that he was commanded by the Generalty, who
would not listen to his plans and complaints, to return to his post. This
induced him to send in his resignation; but it was not accepted. Hence
he imagined himself indispensable, and took a step by which he hoped
to overthrow his opponents in the War College. He sent into the privy
council a rambling plan for a thorough reconstruction of the army; but as
Eickstedt had anticipated him, and handed in a similar project, Banner's
was sent back to him unheeded. Infuriated at this, he again forwarded his
resignation, and dated his request on the eventful day, January 17th,
1775; but this artful trick did not avail him.
On January 23rd, a royal cabinet letter was sent to the Generalty, to the
effect that the king, in consideration of the proofs of fidelity, zeal,
and devotedness, which Lieut.-General von Köller-Banner had furnished,
felt himself induced to assent to his petition of January 17th in all
points. He would, however, retain his former pay of 4,400 dollars, of
which, 2,600 had been granted him for his meritorious services on January
17th, 1772. Furthermore, he would still remain in the king's service,
and be always ready to act as a Danish general whenever the king thought
proper, and as befitted a lieutenant-general; at the same time, he was
permitted to visit other armies, and take part in foreign campaigns.
Köller-Banner, after this, left the country and went to Vienna and the
Austrian army, but returned at the beginning of 1777 to Copenhagen, where
he was again most graciously received by the old queen. Soon afterwards,
however, he was mixed up in a scandalous affair with the magistracy about
a child an actress had given birth to. The excitement caused by this
was so general, that he received his full discharge from the military
service. But the protection which the hero of January 17th still enjoyed
was so great, that his 4,400 dollars were left him as a life pension.
When Köller went to take leave of his powerful patroness, Queen Juliana
Maria, he requested, as a last proof of her favour, that she should
inform him who it really was who had calumniated him so greatly to her
and the hereditary prince, and promised, at the same time, to make no
use of the information. The queen then acknowledged to him that it was
Admiral von Kaas.
"Is it possible!" Köller-Banner exclaimed, in the utmost surprise. "That
is the greatest insult that could be offered me! The unworthy wretch--a
man who has dishonoured the Danish flag--a man whose wickedness is only
comparable with his stupidity--has been able to overthrow a faithful and
zealous servant of the royal house by his calumnies! I never could have
believed that my hostile destiny would prepare such a humiliation for me."
Köller-Banner returned to his native land of Pomerania, but could not
stand it long there, and selected as his last residence the very city
where Struensee's memory was honoured. In this city, Altona, the
conspirator died in 1811, utterly forgotten, and avoided and detested by
everybody.
The Pomeranian knight of the Dannebrog, Hans Henry von Eickstedt, held
his ground the longest. In 1773, this utterly ignorant soldier was
entrusted with the supervision of the education of the crown prince by
a royal letter, which was at the same time a grand panegyric of the
nominee. The king, we read in it, had appointed him chief governor
of his beloved son, because he could trust to the general's faithful
devotedness, Danish heart, and judicious care. But this selection was
so bad a one, that the excellent son of Caroline Matilda frequently
complained loudly in his maturer years that he had been purposely kept
from learning anything. It was the design of the queen and Guldberg to
keep the crown prince a minor as long as possible, and the best means for
this unscrupulous object were certainly to allow the heir to the throne
to grow up in ignorance, to imbue him with an immoderate preference
for everything Danish, and to divert his inclinations to unimportant
state-matters, such as playing at soldiers. Although the two leaders of
the conspiracy succeeded in this treacherous design, the country yet had
the consolation and satisfaction that King Frederick VI. inherited the
clear natural intellect of his unfortunate mother, and thus made up for
his deficiency of knowledge, even though his neglected education entailed
other consequences.
In November, 1783, Eickstedt was given the order of the Elephant; and
when, in 1784, the education of the crown prince was said to be finished,
he was appointed his first chamberlain; but on the very next day after
the crown prince attained the government as regent, Eickstedt received
from his royal pupil his dismissal as member of the privy council and
commandant of the Horse Guards, with a pension of 5,000 dollars, which
was some time after raised to 7,000. This terrible fall so greatly
insulted the arrogant chamberlain, that he at once left the court and
retired to his estate of Boltinggaard, in the island of Fühnen, where he
died in the year 1801, in seclusion, and forgotten by the world.
Beringskjold could not endure the loss of his chamberlain's dignity and
his banishment to the island of Möen, which I have already described,
for it was asking this ambitious man to resign half his life. Hence he
left the island secretly a little while after, and went to Sweden. What
he undertook there remains a mystery; but it is known that he ordered
his wife during his absence to send in a petition for his pardon, and
compensation for the losses he had sustained by being deprived of
his domain of Nygaard. As no resolution to this effect was issued,
he, in the following year, requested, through the same intercessor,
pardon and permission to return to his native land. This request had a
better result, for he was not only allowed to return to Möen, but the
chamberlain's key was also restored him. He received a letter from
the king himself, in which his disobedience was graciously forgiven,
and he was requested to remain quietly in Möen, or, if he preferred
it, somewhere in Jütland, Fühnen, or the duchies, and there enjoy his
guaranteed pension of 2,000 dollars. At the same time, however, he was
prohibited from travelling again to Sweden, or carrying on a secret
correspondence with that country, or leaving Denmark at all; and for
his own good he was recommended not to show himself at Copenhagen,
or any place where the court was residing. This indulgence toward
the accomplices of 1772 was further shown in the fact that, in 1780,
Beringskjold's son, who was a page of the bed-chamber, was appointed a
conferenz-rath, and the other, who was a captain, a chamberlain. But all
this but little satisfied the restless father. He next asked leave to
reside at least in the same island where the court was; and when this was
granted him, he bought, in a mysterious way, three considerable estates,
situate in the southern part of Seeland: Rönnebeksholm, Sparresholm, and
Sortebrödre, and selected the first as his residence. When the court was
staying at Fredensborg in the summer, he went repeatedly to Elsinore,
which was only ten miles from the palace, and thence sent letter after
letter, first to one, then to the other of the persons belonging to the
king's immediate _entourage_, in order to obtain further favours; but all
these efforts proved unsuccessful.
When Beringskjold saw himself thus passed over, he formed a plan for
overthrowing the government, and laid his treacherous scheme before
a near relative of the royal family; but one of his own sons, the
chamberlain, betrayed his father's designs.
On June 4, 1781, a royal cabinet order was sent to Bailiff von Bielcke,
Bürgomaster Wulf, and Regimental Quartermaster Schiött, all of Nestved,
to seize Chamberlain von Beringskjold, on whom a strong suspicion rested
of carrying on a very treasonable correspondence, and sequestrate his
papers. These gentlemen enticed the chamberlain, by a business pretext,
to the town, read him the king's order, and the bürgomaster at once
conveyed him under escort to Copenhagen, where he was handed over to the
commandant of the citadel, who locked him up, and informed him that a
dollar a day was allowed for his maintenance. In the meanwhile, the two
other commissioners went to the prisoner's estate, packed up all the
papers they found there in a trunk, sealed it up, and the quartermaster
immediately started with it for Fredensborg, where the court was residing
at the time. Simultaneously with the order of arrest, the postmasters
of Nestved and Ringstedt received instructions, during the next eight
days, to stop all letters addressed to Rönnebeksholm, and send them to
the royal cabinet. A similar order was sent to Bürgomaster thor Straten
and the postmaster of Flensburg, concerning all letters arriving for, or
despatched by, a certain Comptroller Wildgaard.
On June 9, Bailiff von Bielcke and his fellow-commissioners were
instructed to restore to Frau von Beringskjold all the papers not
retained from the trunk which had been examined at Fredensborg, and to
give her and her sons, in the king's name, the assurance of his Majesty's
lasting favour. Frau von Beringskjold was allowed to remain on her
estate, and was only advised, in all future affairs, to consult with her
son, Conferenz-rath von Beringskjold.
After a survey of the sequestrated papers had proved the "continued bad
designs of this man"--such were the royal words about Beringskjold--a
commission of inquiry was appointed on November 13, 1781. In order that
this affair which, owing to its nature, demanded the greatest secrecy,
should be discussed with all due justice, the king selected those men
as judges of whose insight and integrity he and the whole country were
convinced, namely, the Justiciary of the Supreme Court, Privy Councillor
of Conferences von Rosenörn, the Director and Attorney-General of the
General Chancery, Privy Councillor Carstens, the Minister of Finances,
Privy Councillor von Stemann, and the Professor of Law, Etats-rath
Colbjörnsen.
The commissioners were ordered to assemble, after giving a solemn
pledge of secrecy, and, in accordance with the royal instructions, form
an opinion, from the papers laid before them, whether Chamberlain von
Beringskjold had not proved himself one of those restless subjects who
ought to spend the rest of their lives in imprisonment.
The choice of the commission in itself proved what weight was attached
to Beringskjold's detected conspiracy. It was a peculiar circumstance,
too, that secret instructions were given to the Hamburg post-office,
which led to the tolerably correct supposition, that the person related
to the royal house was no other than the king's brother-in-law. As early
as 1773, Juliana Maria had felt alarm about Christian VII.'s sister,
and was very glad at that time that the latter consented to accompany
her husband, when appointed generalissimo of Norway, to that distant
country.[61] At the period when the conspiracy was detected, Prince
Charles was a highly esteemed volunteer in the Prussian army, so that
he must naturally have been consulted by letters which must go _viâ_
Flensburg, after passing through Schleswig and Louisenlund. The result of
the investigation was, however, carefully kept private, and it is, up to
the present day, one of the state secrets of the Danish archives.
In the Beringskjold affair, a great number of witnesses was examined who
had been connected with the prisoner of state, and even persons who had
dined with him were asked what their host had said about the government
at dinner. After the witnesses had all been examined, the prisoner's turn
arrived, and his crimes, among which a conspiracy against the government
was the chief, were brought before him, and he learned for the first
time that his own son had denounced him. Beringskjold handed in his
counter-declaration, and requested, during the trial, the assistance of
Advocate Colbjörnsen, brother of the commissioner.
Finally, when all the regulations of the law, so far as the peculiar
nature of the affair allowed it, had been exhausted in the examination,
the commission sent in, on December 31, 1781, their opinion upon the
point laid before them by the king, which was to the effect, that
Chamberlain von Beringskjold was proved to be a restless man, and
dangerous to the general welfare and public order, and, as such, ought to
be imprisoned for life under a strict guard, according to the law.
When the king was on the point of confirming the sentence or opinion
of the commissioners, but at the same time of granting the accused
a considerable sum for his maintenance, the discovery was made that
the prisoner, in spite of his strict arrest, had carried on a secret
correspondence, and undertaken "another attempt at his old wickedness."
After such "mad disobedience of all royal orders,"--so says the royal
re-script of February 20, 1782,--all the proofs against the prisoner
were to be gathered, and laid before the commission for a final judicial
sentence.
On March 3, the sentence of the commissioners was made known,
which decreed the highest criminal penalty against Chamberlain von
Beringskjold, that is, like Struensee and Brandt, loss of honour, life,
and property.
The king resolved on this that Beringskjold, although he had added more
than one offence to his original crimes, should be spared the extreme
penalty, but as a dangerous criminal remain in secure arrest; be degraded
from his dignity as chamberlain; and be told that, on the slightest
attempt to renew his designs, he would suffer death. This penalty,
however, was in no way intended to degrade or humiliate his innocent wife
or her sons.
On April 9, the convict was informed of the royal pardon, and the
chamberlain's key taken from him for the second time. He was left in
the citadel under arrest, but no one was allowed access to him but Dean
Thybring. For all that, early in May he found means to write a letter
to his wife, which really reached its destination. In this letter he
complains of the "incredible godless treatment he had endured;" dropped
hints about the charges brought against him; and gave instructions for
further correspondence; stating, in conclusion, that he had already
written twice, for which purpose paper and pens were given him by special
orders of the commandant.
When Frau von Beringskjold received this letter, she was so affected by
its contents, that she was attacked by a mortal disease. In her dying
moments, however, she handed the letter to Quartermaster Schiött, who at
once forwarded a copy to Eickstedt, and shortly after, by the general's
orders, the original to Guldberg.
Beringskjold was now removed to Munkholm, where he took the place of
Falckenskjold, who had been overthrown by his machinations, and was kept
in the strictest arrest in the rock fortress. When, two years later, the
government passed into other hands, Beringskjold fancied that the hour of
his deliverance had arrived. He therefore hastened to send a petition to
Copenhagen, in which he requested a revision of his trial, but naturally
gained no hearing from the son of Caroline Matilda. However, the gentle
young prince allowed the originator of the conspiracy of 1772 to walk
about the fortress and pay visits, and his sons were ordered to give him
a portion of what they had inherited from their mother.
A few years later, Beringskjold obtained his removal to the fortress
of Bergenhuus, where he remained as a prisoner till 1795, but lived in
incessant contention with the commandant, Major-General de Mothe, and the
officers. In the last-named year he obtained the regent's permission to
end his days in the unfortified town of Stavanger, in Southern Norway,
where he was placed under the supervision of the bailiff. He lived here
eight years, and died in 1803, at the great age of upwards of eighty
years.
Count von der Osten, who became minister of foreign affairs through
the palace revolution of 1772, did not occupy his post long, but was
banished to Jütland in 1774, when, on the recommendation of Landgrave
Charles, Count Bernstorff's nephew, the afterwards so celebrated Peter
Andreas Bernstorff, was summoned to Denmark, and the foreign affairs
were entrusted to him. A few years after, however, Von der Osten was
recalled from his bailiff's post in Aalborg, and appointed president of
the Supreme Court; a little later, chief president of Copenhagen; and,
shortly before the downfall of the usurping government, was decorated
with the order of the Elephant. This participator in the conspiracy also
attained an age of upwards of eighty years, and died in 1797.
All that is left now is to describe the fate of the fifth principal
conspirator and actual manager of the palace revolution, Cabinet
Secretary Guldberg, after whom the misgovernment, from January 17, 1772,
to April 14, 1784, has been called the Guldberg Ministry.
Always keeping behind the scenes so long as he had any one to fear who
might contend with him for the supreme power, Guldberg accepted no seat
in the privy council established immediately after Struensee's fall, but
temporarily contented himself with his position as cabinet secretary to
the hereditary prince and intimate adviser of the queen dowager, though
he at the same time decided everything. But when the younger Bernstorff
undertook the foreign ministry in 1774, and Guldberg was alarmed at
the influence of this respected man, he effected his own appointment
to the hitherto vacant post of privy cabinet secretary to the king,
which ensued on the birthday of the hereditary prince. In this way,
the cabinet government, which had been charged as the highest crime
against Struensee, was re-established, and Guldberg granted official
interference in all higher affairs of state. External dignities speedily
followed; for the king, in 1777, raised him to the Danish nobility, with
precedence from January 29, 1773, the king's birthday, and granted him
the name of Höegh-Guldberg. In his new post of honour, he very soon made
Bernstorff tired of his ministerial functions;[62] so that the latter
sent in his resignation in 1780, and it was accepted. Immediately after,
Höegh-Guldberg was appointed a privy councillor, and it was at the same
time published that the king had also selected him as a member of the
privy council of state.
After three years' working in the dark, the cabinet secretary, who
occupied Struensee's post, had thus acquired the governmental authority.
The revolution was ostensibly undertaken with the object of bringing the
sovereign power again into the hands of the king alone; but as the mental
condition of Christian VII. did not permit this, Queen Juliana Maria
assumed Struensee's part, though only indirectly, and through the medium
of her other self, Guldberg, as her sex did not permit her to preside
in person over the council of state. For the hereditary prince, who held
this presidency, was regarded in public as a mere puppet, and, according
to the testimony of an eye-witness, valet Franz Goos, passed most of
the sessions in sleeping. Höegh-Guldberg, however, did not carry on so
aristocratic a rule as Struensee, but cleverly left the current affairs
of the administration to the several colleges. But the higher affairs of
state were entrusted entirely to his guidance.
Advancing gently, he contrived, by his defence of the principle of
nationality, to acquire some degree of respect among his countrymen, and
in this way concealed his utter want of statesman-like talent. In this
respect the introduction of what is called the Indigenate law of January
15, 1776, remains a lasting merit of his, for he was the concipient and
proposer of this law, even though he asked the advice of the two learned
brothers Colbjörnsen. By virtue of this law only natives could henceforth
hold office, though the king could naturalise deserving foreigners. The
motive for the law was so attractive as to gain its concipient great
praise. Justice demanded, the introduction said, that natives should eat
the bread of the country. The experience of all ages had proved that in
countries where the education of youth was attended to, there was never
any lack of useful people, if the regent sought them. In this respect,
the history of the country might be referred to with pleasure, which
could display men of all classes who had served the country, maintained
and saved its honour, and, with noble courage, sacrificed themselves for
their kings.
The consequences of this regulation led to a perfect Danish
administration in both kingdoms, so that every failing Struensee had
committed in this respect was removed. If this was just, however, it did
not compensate for the errors which constantly brought the state nearer
to ruin in other points, as all Struensee's beneficial arrangements were
revoked through sheer hatred of him, in so far as too evident proofs
of their value did not prevent the reactionary party from doing so.
The final sanction of the exchange of territory, by which the former
Russian share of Holstein was acquired by Denmark, was not Guldberg, but
Bernstorff's merit. On the other hand, the former deserves praise for
having effected the liberation of Falckenskjold.
In the meanwhile, the crown prince grew up; but his education was so
neglected under the coarse hands of Eickstedt and by the over-learned
Sporon, that, in truth, he only acquired a decided preference for
the Danish language, but never even learned to write it correctly.
Although the kings of Denmark are declared to be capable of governing
at the commencement of their fourteenth year, the confirmation of the
crown prince was deferred till his seventeenth year, and was only then
performed in the palace chapel on April 4, 1784,[63] because it could
not be delayed any longer. To this was joined the entrance of the crown
prince into the council of state, but the precaution was taken of
appointing, on April 6, Minister of Finance von Stemann and Secretary of
State Höegh-Guldberg, state ministers and members of the privy council,
so that these faithful adherents of the queen might check any possible
influence of the young crown prince. But the reckoning had been made
without the host.
The crown prince, who was endowed with sound sense and a strong will, had
already formed his resolution. As early as autumn, 1781, he had suffered
an insult from Guldberg, which he never forgot. He had expressed himself
in terms of dissatisfaction about the cabinet orders re-introduced by
Guldberg, which had been regarded as a crime in Struensee. Guldberg
observed to him, in reply, that the cabinet orders were the sole sign of
the sovereignty, as without them there would soon be as many kings as
there were colleges in the land, and then told him, through the tutor
Sporon, that, were it not for the cabinet decrees, he, the prince, would
himself be not worth more than the cat of Slangerup. The brutal Eickstedt
even forced the prince to make Guldberg an apology in writing. From this
moment, the crown prince formed the fixed resolution to render himself
independent, ere long, both of Guldberg and the other holders of the
power.
After carrying on a secret correspondence with Bernstorff, who had
retired to his estate of Borstel, near Hamburg, and receiving his ready
assurance that he would resume his ministerial functions in the event
of a change of government, the knowledge of the queen's ambitious plans
induced the prince to confide in other trustworthy opponents of the
Guldberg ministry, especially Privy Councillors Schack Rathlau and
Stampe, General Huth, and Count Reventlow, and arrange with them the
execution of his plan.
Thus arrived April 14, 1784, on which day the crown prince was to enter
the council of state. When the members assembled, and the king had taken
his presidential seat,[64] the two excellencies, Höegh-Guldberg and Von
Stemann, appointed ministers of state on April 7, and Count Rosencrone,
who had been granted a vote in the privy council, advanced, in order to
hand to the king the formulary of the oath, signed by themselves; but the
crown prince prevented them, and calmly requested them to desist until
his Majesty had most graciously permitted him to make a proposition. As
all remained silent in expectation, the crown prince produced a paper,
and read from it that he gratefully recognised the favour shown him
by the king, in his appointment as member of the privy council, but
requested his father to dissolve the cabinet, by which the intention
expressed in the declaration of February 13, 1772, would be fulfilled.
He also begged that two hitherto pensioned men--Privy Councilors von
Rosenkrantz and Von Bernstorff--might be recalled to the council of
state; and, further, Lieutenant-General von Huth and Privy Councillor
Stampe be appointed councillors of state.
After reading this proposal, the crown prince laid the paper for
signature before the king, who at once seized a pen, in order to fulfil
his son's wish; but the hereditary prince tried to prevent him, by saying
that the king must not be allowed to act with precipitation. Christian
did not allow himself to be checked by this objection, and tried to
complete his signature; but ere he could manage it, the pen fell from his
fingers. The crown prince handed it to him again directly, and the king
not merely completed his signature, but added his sanction, on his son
saying, "Will not my gracious father show me the affection of writing
'approved,' here?" When this was done, the hereditary prince attempted
to seize the paper; but the crown prince was too quick for him, and
put it in his pocket. Startled by this scene, the king hurried to his
apartment, whither the hereditary prince followed him with equal speed
and shot the bolt, so that the crown prince could not gain access to his
father. Embittered by this, the heir to the throne turned to the four
privy councillors, Moltke, Höegh-Guldberg, Stemann, and Rosencrone, with
the declaration that the king no longer required their services, and at
the same time announced the dismissal of the Supreme Marshal von Schack,
Conferenz-rath Jacobi, and Cabinet Secretary Sporon; and added, that the
first of them must not show himself before the king again.
After this, the crown prince retired in order to reach his father by
another route, but found that also barred against him. He was about to
have the door opened by force, when his companion, Marshal von Bülow,
contrived to appease him, and immediately after the door opened, and the
hereditary prince appeared, leading the king by the hand, and trying,
as it seemed against his wish, to conduct him to the queen. The crown
prince leaped forward, seized the king's other hand, and most earnestly
begged him to return to his apartment, and feel convinced that nothing
should be done without his gracious sanction, and only that be effected
which would prove to the advantage of the subjects and the country. As
the weak king was more inclined to respond to his son's wishes than go
with the hereditary prince, the latter so greatly lost his self-command
as to seize hold of the crown prince's collar and try to tear him away
from the king by force. But the son held his father so tightly with the
left hand, and used his right so energetically against the hereditary
prince, that the uncle was soon obliged to yield, especially when the
crown prince laid his hand on his sword for the purpose of driving him
back. The crown prince's page of the bed-chamber, Von Mösting, afterwards
so well known as minister of finances, ran up, however, and ere the
hereditary prince knew what was being done to him, he found himself at
the other end of the corridor. The terrified king took advantage of
this moment to fly to his apartment, and thus the victory of the palace
revolution of April 14, 1784, was decided. For, if the hereditary prince
had succeeded in carrying the king to his step-mother, the recently
approved ordinance would certainly have been revoked, and the humiliating
announcement which the queen had made to the crown prince just before he
entered the privy council, that henceforth Guldberg would report to him
the king's orders, would have become a truth.
We can imagine into what a fury Juliana Maria was thrown when her
beloved son told her of what had occurred in the council of state, and
the treatment he had undergone. She raved, wished to go to the king
even if it cost her life, called Count Reventlow, who threw himself at
her feet and implored her to be calm, a traitor, and said to the crown
prince that he was a treacherous gentleman, who always had honey in his
lips but poison in his heart, and that it was his intention to kill
his father. The hereditary prince, however, had so thoroughly lost all
courage for further resistance, that he wished himself dead. If we take
into consideration the energy of the intriguing lady, and the nimbus of
sovereignty which had surrounded her for twelve years, we must applaud
the precaution that the artillery under General Huth, and the palace
guard, were held in readiness, in case any further resistance should be
offered to the downfall of the late government, or the refusal of the
king to sign the order, had rendered the proclamation of the crown prince
as regent, which had been fully decided on, necessary. Still, all ended
with the fury and passion of the deposed Juliana Maria, and she had
rendered herself so odious to the nation, that the change of government
was greeted with universal joy, and the crown prince everywhere received
with applause. But the fury of the angry lady also became appeased when
the crown prince threatened serious measures and arrest.
In the meanwhile, the king's commands had been sent to the colleges
and courts, and Bernstorff invited by the crown prince to return
immediately.[65] Early in May, the future foreign minister and president
of the German Chancery arrived in Copenhagen. His practised diplomatic
pen communicated to foreign courts the overthrow of the Guldberg
ministry, and of the rule of Juliana Maria, with the postscript that
the government firm would still remain that of Christian VII., but the
government of the crown prince as regent had commenced on April 14, 1784.
Höegh-Guldberg was called on to pacify the old queen, and the regent
considered the deposed secretary of state's merit in effecting this so
great, that he contented himself with sending this concoctor of the
conspiracy against his mother, into the usual banishment in Jütland,
as bailiff of Aarhuus. The sudden removal from dignities held so long,
and from the sovereign authority, demanded resignation. The God-fearing
Höegh-Guldberg displayed it, at least externally, and retained his post
up to the year 1802, when he was dismissed, and retired to the fine
estate of Hald, near Viborg, which he had purchased, and where he died in
1806. He did not venture to present an order on the Treasury for 100,000
dollars given him as a reward by the queen dowager, possibly because,
as a judge of Struensee, he felt his conscience prick him too strongly;
and when, after his death, his sons had the courage to bring forward
this claim on the government, the crown prince laughingly referred their
impudent demands to the Greek Calends.
The enlightened statesman, Bernstorff, who afterwards acquired
world-renown by his decree of neutrality, was, from this time forth up
to his death in 1797, the adviser of the young, inexperienced, and,
unfortunately, poorly-educated crown prince. As such, he opposed
all odious measures in a reactionary sense, and it was to this mild
conduct that the queen dowager and Prince Frederick owed their security
as members of the royal house, though they were entirely excluded
from all participation in affairs of state. When the fire of 1794
completely destroyed the splendid Christiansborg Palace, these two
royal conspirators against Struensee and Caroline Matilda were left
without a roof in the capital, and were obliged to seek shelter with
private persons until their future abode was prepared for them in the
Amalienborg Palace. Here, mother and son lived quietly till their death:
the former, engaged with penances, for which her crimes against her own
daughter-in-law and an innocent minister were sufficient reason; the
latter, more honourably, in promoting the arts and sciences, for which
the appanage of 12,000 dollars, granted him on the exchange of territory
for resigning the coadjutorship of the principality of Lübeck, afforded
him the means. By his consort, a princess of Mecklenburg, he had two
sons and two daughters; of the latter, the youngest, the grandmother
of ALEXANDRA, PRINCESS OF WALES, is, in spite of her great age, still
remarkable for her beauty and grace.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 60: "Mémoires de mon Temps."]
[Footnote 61: "Mémoires de mon Temps."]
[Footnote 62: "Frederick II. of Prussia had, by means of his cousin the
queen dowager, gradually acquired an almost absolute sway in the cabinet
of Denmark, and directed the foreign affairs in subserviency to the views
of the French court, and in opposition to the interests of England. Count
Bernstorff being the only person in the Danish ministry who ventured in
any degree to oppose the French and Prussian policy, his dismissal was
resolved on in the cabinets of Versailles and Berlin; and his conduct
with regard to the armed neutrality offered an opportunity to effect
their purpose."--_Coxe's Travels_, vol. v.]
[Footnote 63: "The examination continued above an hour, and the prince
replied in a very sensible manner, sufficiently proving, from the
readiness and perspicuity of his answers, that the reports of his
incapacity were unfounded. He spoke in a loud, clear, manly voice, with a
dignity and propriety which astonished the assembly; and when he repeated
the oath, by which he swore to continue true to the Established Church,
he did it in so feeling a manner as absolutely to draw tears from the
eyes of many who were present."--_Coxe's Travels_, vol. v.]
[Footnote 64: During the early part of Juliana's regency--a French
tourist tells us--the king, in one of his lucid intervals, signed a state
paper in the following terms:--"Christian VII., by the grace of God, King
of Denmark, &c., in company with Juliana Maria and others, by grace of
the devil."]
[Footnote 65: The only foreigner who is supposed to have had any
knowledge of the transaction, was Mr. Elliot, who had left Berlin to come
to Copenhagen, in the capacity of British envoy: and the king of Great
Britain was the first sovereign to whom the prince-royal communicated his
success.--_Coxe's Travels_, vol. v.]
APPENDIX A.
(_Extracts from the Correspondence of_ Mr. N. W. WRAXALL, Jun., _with
his Father, relative to the Restoration of_ CAROLINE MATILDA).
* * * * *
No. 1.
LONDON, ADELPHI, _Saturday Night, Jan._ 21_st_, 1775.
I shall now endeavour to give my dearest father some idea of my present
views and plans. I have, after much time, labour, and trouble, deciphered
the letter pretty well. The Danish nobility wish impatiently my return,
and implore me not to delay it a day which I can prevent. They wait
in eager expectation of my arrival, with his Majesty's compliance and
support, to strike the blow, or lose all in the attempt. I went with
this letter to the Baron de Lichtenstein. He received himself a letter
yesterday from the queen, which orders him to give me another £100 from
her own moneys here, and superadded to these two sources, his Majesty
has promised to give an order on his Hanoverian Treasury, in case of
necessity, to supply me still further. So you see _they_ are all now in
earnest. I went to the merchant to-day, on whom my bill (received from
the Danish nobility yesterday) was drawn, and he gave me instantly a
bank note for £100 sterling, which I now have in my pocket book. How much
longer I shall stay in this kingdom I cannot say, nor can the Baron de
L---- say with any more certainty than myself. It absolutely and fully
depends on his Majesty's orders and pleasure. The baron will see him next
Tuesday morning (it is impossible sooner, two councils being held Sunday
and Monday at the queen's palace on American affairs), and communicate to
him my letter received from the Danish nobility. I shall write a number
of queries likewise for _Him_ on Monday, though I should not be surprised
if _He_ sees me before my departure. The baron thinks that I shall not
be sent away before the 6th or 7th of next month, when his Majesty will
have had time to give his full, clear, and mature reply, and some letters
are expected from Copenhagen, which will give a little light how to act.
I shall be glad if I am delayed yet some 2 or 3 weeks, as the spring
opens, and winter will begin to retire every day. 'Tis terrible to cross
Westphalia and Hanover at this season of the year; but that is nothing.
I presume you will now begin to imagine my scheme less romantic, and
my views more probable, than they have hitherto appeared; but believe
me, my dearest sir, on my honour, I am no more elated now than I was
depressed 12 days ago, when things had a very dubious, uncertain aspect.
If I return, and if the queen should be reinstated, I may, and I think,
must be rewarded in some way--honorary, or otherwise; but I depend on
nothing, and hold it as loose as ever I did; yet I now hope and believe
I shall go back to Zell, Hamburgh, and perhaps Copenhagen; but still I
can positively assert nothing till I have _His_ reply and commands for my
departure.
Though I have this hundred pounds now in my possession, yet I consider
it a sacred deposit, not to be touched or infringed on till I begin my
journey from hence, or the expenses immediately necessary to it. Even my
own interest would lead me to be very scrupulous and honourable on this
point. My reward is not yet come: it is to come, perhaps, bye-and-bye.
* * * * *
No. 2.
_Jan._ 23rd, 1775.
And now respecting the grand affair. I conversed two hours with the baron
this morning. He hopes to see his Majesty to-morrow evening, or Wednesday
morning. I then shall know his ultimate pleasure and commands. The baron
has, however, requested me to write in cypher to the Danish nobility
to-morrow, that "I have received their money: that, according to all
appearances and probability I shall leave London on my return about the
first day or week in February, and shall take the direct road to Zell,
and thence to Hamburgh." He likewise writes the same to Her to-morrow.
I have drawn up a paper of articles to be presented to his Majesty by
the baron when he obtains audience, which will contain his reply and
argument. In my own opinion, I own, it seems as far as human foresight
can now determine, that I shall be sent away in the course of next week:
but nothing is sure, nothing to be depended on, till his Majesty's answer
and orders are known. Then, I've demanded four days or five, to be
ready and prepare my little affairs. A carriage I must buy in Rotterdam
or Utrecht, as no carriage can pass by the packet from hence. I've a
servant in readiness, whom I can engage the minute I've my despatch or
orders to be gone. 'Tis very probable I shall be sent on from Hamburgh
to Copenhagen, to give notice then to the party of his Majesty's full
consent. Then business will begin. God grant it may be successful! If we
are, I may then presume to hope and think I shan't be forgotten.
* * * * *
No. 3.
_Jan._ 31, 1775.
I went to the baron. He was with the king last night, but the queen being
constantly at their elbow, he could not say one word to _Him_ respecting
audience. The king said: "venez Mercredi à onze heures." So, to-morrow
morning, at 11, he will see Him. I asked him if I might not, as 'twould
be very agreeable to me in many respects, stay till Monday next; he said
"I _might_ do it: but he must request me not to stay beyond Friday, if it
could be avoided by acquiescence, as the Danish nobility, and the queen
of Denmark, would expect me impatiently according to my promise, and I
should not fail to execute it, if to be done. Besides, I am sure," said
he, "the king won't delay for an hour, and will expect you to begone
before next Monday. Pray be ready! I hope to send you word to-morrow
evening all is done. So try, if you can, to be ready for Friday." I was
obliged, therefore, to submit, and expect surely to be gone next Friday
afternoon, though then I shall be confoundedly hurried and driven.
* * * * *
No. 4.
_Feb._ 2, 1775.
I am just returned from the baron's: I have received my ultimate
despatches: a letter from his Majesty to her Majesty the queen, and
lastly, the articles to which the king consents. All therefore is done,
finished completely. The baron wished me joy, bade me farewell, wished
me a very happy journey, and all success! I must, 'tis his Majesty's
pleasure, begone to-morrow night for Harwich, and must be at Harwich by
or before 3 in the afternoon, as the packet sails (unless the wind is
directly contrary) Saturday evening.
* * * * *
No. 5.
ZELL, _Feb._ 19, 1775.
Indeed, my dearest father, neither you nor I had any idea of the
tremendous roads through which I have passed, the continued and wondrous
chain of dangers, amid which I have as yet escaped unhurt. Imagination
cannot paint anything more horrid than the roads of Westphalia, of
Holland (beyond Utrecht), of Hanover, to the gates of Zell. But let me
continue my recital from Osnabrück. I quitted that city last Monday at
noon, and got to Diepenau by miracle almost next morning at daybreak. I
would willingly have gone round to Minden, or to Nienburg, two cities
situate on the river Weser, and at each of which there are bridges across
it--but this was impracticable. The river was so amazingly swelled by
the deluges of rain as to exceed all belief, and absolutely to cut off
all communication, in or out, with these two places. I had, therefore,
no partie left, but that of going on straight to Stolzenau, putting my
carriage into a boat, and crossing over at all events. I did so, and
succeeded. I arrived safe on the English bank of the Weser, Thursday
morning, after navigating more than a mile through fields and meadows,
the hedges of which only began to appear above water. It put me in mind
of Deucalion's deluge. Thence I had only 40 miles to Hanover. What
signifies it to repeat to you that I expected a hundred and a hundred
times to be lost! That I passed deep pieces of standing water, half a
mile in length! That several times I believed myself gone, and thought
never to see Zell alive! Here I am notwithstanding, unhurt, undismayed,
and ready to meet these dangers, if commanded, all again! Nor think that
I am unmindful of, or ungrateful to that Being, who protects the race
of man, and preserves us in every situation! I am not so wanting in the
noblest feeling of the human bosom; but as I feel, so I express myself
about it in very different language from you. I got here Friday night
by the kind assistance of the moon, without which 'twould indeed have
been an absolute impossibility ever to have got here in the mire; since
'twould be neither more nor less than madness and frenzy to attempt to
travel during a dark night. You may depend on it, my dear sir, I am not
desired to do this, and never shall, till the roads mend. As to the
rest, I know your parental anxiety will be all awake for me, and will
make you tremble for my preservation; but fear nothing. I have a noble
presentiment which never quits me, of future elevation! Some protecting
genius shelters me from danger, and averts every fatal accident from me.
I have no doubt I shall return to you bye-and-bye,--I cannot promise you
a richer man, but I can promise you, a wiser man. What passed last night
I cannot now mention to you. I may not trust to this uncertain, dangerous
conveyance. It is enough to say that all goes more than well, that I am
approved by my queen, that I am promised to share in the future happy
prospects, if we can realise them. That be my endeavour! I have devoted
myself to the enterprise. I have passed the Rubicon, and won't retreat.
If ever virtuous glory had power to animate a young man's bosom, it ought
to do so in mine!
This night, or rather early in the morning, by moonlight, I begin my
journey. It is only about 80 English miles; but I don't expect to reach
Hamburgh before Wednesday noon, as I shall only travel during that part
of the night when the moon lights me on the way. You may depend, my
dearest father, that I will indeed take every care of my safety possible.
They implore me here to do so. _She_ has laid her commands on me to be
careful of myself, for _Her_ sake. What more forcible motives can I have?
I half think I shall go on to Copenhagen; but 'tis dangerous, and that
point's not settled yet. At Hamburgh I shall know all. Hitherto, all
success attends us: nor do I doubt that it will attend us to the end.
"'Tis not in mortals to command success:" we must do our utmost, and
leave the rest to fate.
And now, my best, kindest, dearest father, I bid you and my mother
farewell! I am just going to set out for Hamburgh. Pray let me hear of
her story from you: 'twill be very inspiriting to a poor traveller, amid
the horrid roads of Westphalia and Lower Saxony.
* * * * *
No. 6.
HAMBURGH, _Feb._ 23, 1775.
I have received no money yet in repayment of the £100 I spent last
autumn; but _She_ has not only promised me, in the fullest terms, that
sum, but superior marks of her bounty, if all goes well. We must have
patience, my dear father: time will do more for us than anything else.
Hanbury wonders what the deuce has brought me here. I told him I came by
Osnabrück and Bremen, and said not a word of Zell or Hanover. "You're a
wicked fellow," he said to me. "You've done some mischief: some man's
wife, now, or some lady or other. You had better be candid, and tell me,
for your father will, I am sure, bye-and-bye." 'Twas just the pretext I
intended to screen myself with. So I told him that a little affair of
gallantry, harmless enough, had induced me just now to travel, and that
my intentions were for Berlin. _That_ has satisfied him.
Now, to continue my narrative. I wrote you from Zell. I left it on Sunday
at midnight, and arrived, though through a thousand hair-breadth escapes,
at this place, the day before yesterday. The country is an ocean. I
passed through towns so completely environed, as to resemble an island,
amid a vast lake or sea. Guess, then, what the roads must be. Surely, I
am protected from any harm in an extraordinary manner. I passed through
waters so deep, so long, so broad, that 'twas not in human nature to be
quite unmoved. I passed the Elbe very safely, about 20 miles higher up
than Hamburgh. 'Tis very, very happy, sir, yet here; for the rains have
begun afresh, and 'twill be impossible to travel for some time in these
countries. Here are not less than a dozen gentlemen now in Hamburgh, who
do not dare, though pressed by their affairs, to set out for Holland
and France. All the danger which threatened us, is, however, over: aye,
I believe I shan't quit this city this four weeks or more, and then
the spring will have mended the face of things. I have seen the Danish
nobleman to whom I am sent. To-morrow we shall have a long interview.
Then, as I can write with more certainty, I'll finish this letter.
* * * * *
_Feb._ 24.
At present, my dear sir, I am a little more in the light than I was
yesterday. I shall not assuredly be sent to Copenhagen, but remain here
at least 14 or 16 days, as a messenger is sent with what I brought. What
will be done in consequence I can't yet say; and if I could, cannot
communicate to you by this conveyance. Some few weeks are requisite to
ripen matters. I am promised on all hands to have my fortune made if we
succeed: but, as Hamlet says, there's the rub! Meanwhile, they supply
me with money for all my expenses; so, at the worst, I am taken off
your hands for the present. Even that is somewhat, you must allow. My
expectations are neither languid nor sanguine. If they succeed, _She_
neither can nor will forget me. If they fail, _She_ won't have it in her
power. That's exactly the case! So, I repeat, patience! The post which
ought to have arrived to-day from England is not come. No wonder, when
the rains continue, and all the country is deluged with water. I am happy
to find I shall have 15 days' respite from such perilous journeys.
* * * * *
No. 7.
LONDON, 7_th April_, 1775.
As the Baron de Lichtenstein had left orders for me to wait on the
Hanoverian Envoy with what letters I might have for his Majesty, I waited
on him this morning. He received me with distinguished politeness. I gave
him three letters; one from the queen, one from the Danish nobility,
and a third from myself; all addressed to the king. He said he had
received his orders to forward them instantly to the queen's palace to
his Majesty, which he would not delay one moment. So, I suppose, in the
course of 4 or 6 days I shall receive some orders or message from _Him_.
'Tis a most delicate and difficult affair in which they have engaged me;
but, as I exactly and minutely know my instructions, and the genius of
the party, I fear nothing; but, on the contrary, am conscious of being
able so to act, as to approve myself to those who have honoured me by so
noble a deputation. As soon as I know anything, I shan't fail to inform
you; but I shan't be surprised if I should be sent back again to Germany
in less than 12 or 14 days. Yet I know nothing, and can draw no certain
inferences at present. All depends on his Majesty's replies and pleasure.
* * * * *
No. 8.
JERMYN STREET, _April_ 11, 1775.
I would willingly give you a little light into the exact situation I am
in, and the views I have at this time. The nobility who sent me back
this second time to represent their requests, and notify their desires
to his Majesty, all men of the highest rank and eminence in Denmark and
Holstein, but being at present in a species of exile, unpensioned and
unofficed, were by no means capable of raising a large sum of money, or
supplying me with anything beyond the "de quoi vivre." They only give me
600 ducats, or near £300 per an.:--I mean, after that proportion, during
my stay in England as their agent or envoy. It is not from them--I mean
strictly, and in their own persons--that my reward must ultimately come.
It is from her Majesty the queen. If she returns to her kingdom, she
can highly honour and reward me, herself. If she does not, she can yet
recommend me so powerfully to her brother, that I shall be at least in
some manner or way taken care of. I do not account the money they give
me to procure bread and wine, while employed in their immediate service,
as in the minutest degree rewarding me. Neither do _they_ esteem it so.
Fond as I am of travelling, I am not desirous of repassing the circle
of Westphalia, at the continual hazard of my life and limbs; nor would
I do it in any cause less honourable, less noble, than that of seeing a
young and charming princess, whose graciousness and condescension have
attached me more to her, than any hopes of interest or even ambition.
Whether his Majesty rejects or consents to their request, alters not in
any degree the intentions of the party. His consent will accelerate the
blow; his refusal may retard, but cannot, never will change the design.
They ordered me to tell _Her_ Majesty--and I did tell her so--that if
the executioner should strike off ten heads, or if the plague should
destroy as many more--enough would still remain alive to reseat her on
the throne, and doubted not to effect it. The time when cannot be fixed.
It must depend on many circumstances.
Her Majesty has written to the king, particularly requesting him, as the
nobility are poor, and cannot allow me much, to make me some genteel
present while in England--not as any reward to me, but to lighten their
burden. Whether he will, however, comply with this request, I very much
question. If I hear nothing in 8 or 10 days, I shall write to her Majesty
and the nobility, and request them to send more minute and precise
commands how to proceed. But surely I shall hear from the king in some
way or other within that time; at least, I can't but apprehend so.
* * * * *
No. 9.
_April_ 10, 1775.
I sent the three letters to his Majesty last Friday. I've yet heard
nothing in answer. If I hear nothing in ten days from this time, I shall
then write to two of the nobility, and likewise to the queen (for she
expressly and personally enjoined me to write to Herself, and to address
all my letters immediately to her). This gracious and condescending
permission I won't fail to profit by. If his Majesty sees me, and gives
me a favourable answer to the request made him, I think, I believe, and
imagine, he will send me instantly back with it to Zell and Hamburgh.
Nay, the Queen has even requested him in her letter, in that case, to
honour me with some employ, or charge me with some ostensible message
or commission, to hide my real and actual errand. Her Majesty, in the
last interview I had with her at midnight, in an apartment of the castle
of Zell, where I was brought disguised, was most graciously pleased to
assure me that it was not only on account of my services that she would
endeavour to reward me, but that she was even _personally_ attached to
a man who would have rushed on certain death, to have had the glory of
sacrificing his life at such a shrine.
* * * * *
No. 10.
COCOA TREE, PALL MALL, _April_ 14, 1775.
I have finished my packet for Germany to the nobility, but I don't write
to her Majesty till Tuesday next, as 'tis not impossible I may hear from
his Majesty in or within that time. My motive for not quitting town
before next Sunday se'nnight is, that I would wait a decent, proper time,
in expectation of an answer, message, or order from the king, who may
be hindered by business, &c., and who would, doubtless, think me very
inattentive to the queen's concerns, and my so important commission, if
I ran away in a week after my arrival to visit my friends, regardless of
him or his reply. Even if I hear not a word, direct or indirect, yet,
when I leave London, I shall put into the Hanoverian Envoy's hand a few
lines, which, if his Majesty should send for me, or ask after me, during
my absence, he will, in that case, send or deliver to his Majesty. What I
shall say will be to this purport:--
Sir,--Not having received any message from your Majesty, and not
having seen my father or friends these eighteen months, and not being
immediately wanted in London on account of my commission, I have presumed
to leave town; but am ready at a moment's notice, and the signification
of your Majesty's pleasure, to be again in London with all possible
expedition.
This I shall give myself to the Hanoverian Envoy, and request him to give
me a line to Bristol, the instant he receives any message respecting
me from his Majesty, as, if wanted, I will, and shall hold myself in
readiness, to return to town without delay. This conduct will, I think,
obviate any censure or disapproval.
My stay, as I said yesterday, won't, I believe, exceed, if it reaches,
three weeks, as I expect within that time from my quitting London,
answers to my letters to Hamburgh and Zell, which will require my return
to town. I may even have letters sooner, so important as to keep me
here, or necessitate me, if at Bristol, to return directly; but I think
I shall have none sent; though, truly, I can't say. It depends on the
course of events in Denmark and Germany.
I think the king won't see me first or last, as envoy from the queen and
nobility; but I hope, that is, I half hope, that he'll, notwithstanding,
pay some sort of attention to her Majesty's recommendation of me, and
somehow or other, perhaps serve me, or employ me, or reward me--but yet I
doubt much even of that. If my fortune depended on the queen's goodness
and gratitude (for I have served her, and will with my life, if she bid
me), my life upon it, she would not leave me unprovided for. But she can
do nothing. Even if she should be restored, yet 'tis the king of England
must employ me. I neither could nor would profit by the Danish Majesty's
service. But we must leave all that to time. I expect nothing, nothing at
all; but I may have great things done for me. The latter won't give me
one moment's pain, the former not an hour's exultation. I have told you I
am in _omnia paratus_. Death or a ribbon are to me the same.
* * * * *
No. 11.
JERMYN STREET, _May_ 19, 1775.
Imagine, my dear father, the shock I have received on hearing this
moment, on my arrival here, that the Queen of Denmark is dead. I am wrapt
in horror, sorrow, and consternation. I went to St. James's Coffee House,
where Lord Hertford confirmed to me the sad news. A purple fever carried
her off. The courier arrived yesterday, late at night. His Majesty is
said to be much hurt by this so unexpected a blow. No doubt remains of
its unhappy authenticity. As to me, indeed, I feel as I ought, the loss I
sustain by her Majesty's death. I was even attached to her, and interest
conspires in the nobler emotions to make me weep at the funeral of so
young, so amiable, so unhappy a queen. What will be the consequences
to me I can't say exactly. That she should die at this critical time,
at the very moment, when she would, no doubt, have recommended me so
strongly to the king, is one of those events which may overcome a temper
more steady and uniform than mine.
No wonder now that I have no answer to the long letter which I addressed
to her three or four weeks ago, and which she graciously assured me at
my departure from Zell, she would certainly answer. My head sinks for a
moment under this very unexpected stroke; but it is really sorrow, more
than the mean consideration of self loss, that bend it down. True, I
have lost my patroness, my royal mistress; but, I have a hundred times
told you, that no accidents of fortune can permanently stagger me. I
am prepared to live or die; to be prosperous, or to stem the tide of
adversity--yet, I confess it lies heavy at my heart. I must have done.
To-morrow I'll write more, be assured. Don't you be hurt, my dear father
at this news! Fear not for me. I can't be depressed. His Majesty may yet
patronise me; nay, I fear not that he will do it. My spirit is unbroken,
and ten times defeated I shall rally, and conquer in the end.
Good night! I weep for the poor departed queen. Little did I think this,
when she so kindly bade me adieu, not two months since, in her library
at midnight. I remember her parting words, her look. She held the door a
moment in her hand before she went out. But I did not see, I did not know
that death followed her step, and shut the door for ever between her and
me.
P.S.--Lord Lumley (Lord Harborough's son) told me 'tis believed the queen
was poisoned.
* * * * *
No. 12.
I have this very moment received a mournful letter from Baron de
Seckendorf, from Zell. I join my tears to his, on the loss of our royal
mistress, the gracious and amiable deceased queen. He says, the Baron
de Lichtenstein pledges himself that I shall be at least reimbursed
my expenses from his Majesty here. He mentions no circumstances of her
Majesty, the queen's death. He was too much oppressed with sorrow. Depend
on it, that in the end some notice from the throne will be taken of me.
It must be so, I think.
No letter yet from the poor, miserable, thunderstruck nobility at
Hamburgh.
* * * * *
No. 13.
LONDON, _May_ 26, 1775.
I have written, finished, sealed up, and put in the post this evening,
three very particular and minute letters. One to the Baron de
Lichtenstein, requesting him to recommend me to his Majesty, which I know
he will do, and which will be almost as effectual as the deceased queen's
recommendation. A second to Baron de Seckendorf, answering his letter
to me, and desiring him to strengthen my request made to Lichtenstein.
This, I know likewise, he'll do most cheerfully. I have also desired
him to send me the particulars of her Majesty's illness and death. The
third letter, and longest, is to the Danish nobility at Hamburgh. You may
almost divine its general meaning and contents. I condole with them on
our horrid loss in the dear departed queen: inform them I have written to
Lichtenstein, to the end that he may do his utmost, and what she would
have done, if she had only lived a few days longer, with his Britannic
Majesty. I offer them my further offices, if they have anything to employ
me in. I request the continuance of their friendship, and to hear from
them soon. This is, in general terms, the substance of my letter.
I allow, my dear father, that I am generally too sanguine in my
expectations, too enthusiastic and lively in my ideas and descriptions;
but yet remember I predict it--something must, and will yet be done
effectual for me, by the Danish nobility and Baron de Lichtenstein. They
are all conscious of and acquainted with my services; feeling satisfied
of my zeal, capacity, and address, and extremely desirous of procuring
me some reward, some sort of recompense for my dangers, fatigues, and
endeavours. The Baron de Lichtenstein managed the whole affair, knows me,
esteems me: knows her Majesty the queen's intentions of serving me with
her brother: and, superadded to all this, he is vastly beloved by the
king, who showed him a thousand marks of goodness when in England.
Attend the answer to their letters: they will come in three or four
weeks. I cannot, indeed, answer for his Majesty's conduct in consequence
of their recommendations; nor could I, even if the queen had recommended
me: but I think I may rely on their warm endeavours to procure me some
notice or reward from his Majesty; though what may be, whether greater or
smaller, must depend on his gracious pleasure.
Undoubtedly, my dear sir, when I reflect on the so unexpected, so sudden,
so critical death, of the poor, amiable, unhappy queen, I am covered with
amazement, and own it is a lesson _never to depend on anything_. Could
anything not actually done be surer? A young, gay, healthy woman, who had
every appearance of long life, snatched away in four days, and buried ere
we imagined she was ill. Probably, if I live to a hundred years, I shall
never meet with another, so wondrous, so extraordinary an adventure,
which is so incredible in its own nature, that I know not what to say to
it.
* * * * *
No. 14.
LONDON, _May_ 30, 1775.
I have received, my very dear father, a long and mournful letter from
the Baron de Bülow himself. You will see from it how ready the nobility
are to do any and every thing to conduce to my interests: how sensible
they are of my zeal, capacity, and unwearied fidelity in the execution
of their commands. I have already named the service, the only service,
they can do me. I mean that of requesting Baron de Lichtenstein to write
very strenuously in my favour to his Majesty. I shall reply to-morrow
or next day to this letter, and condole with them on our common, heavy,
and irreparable loss, in the dear, departed queen, and reiterate to
them my urgent request of being recommended to his Majesty, as the only
recompense I desire or ask. There is no shadow of doubt that they will
do their part. There is no doubt in nature of Lichtenstein's doing his;
but as to what notice our royal master may be pleased to take of their
recommendation, or how far he may be graciously disposed to extend his
favour or notice to this, I cannot presume or pretend to say, but must
leave to futurity to determine. That I shall be reimbursed seems clear;
but that's nothing. I aspire much beyond any pecuniary reward. Even if
his Majesty should not _now_ extend his munificence or protection to me,
yet I am at least known to him by character and reputation. I have served
without any reward his royal sister--I have claims--and some future time
may give me opportunity to renew or make them good.
[It may be added that the Danish nobility wrote a letter to George III.,
in which they formally renounced and refused all repayment of the sums
disbursed in the cause of the queen's restoration: which repayment was
expressly stipulated by his Britannic Majesty, in the third article of
the conditions which Mr. Wraxall carried over to Germany in February,
1775. They only asked that their agent might be honourably rewarded and
employed. But it was all of no avail.]
APPENDIX B.
The first letter of the word is marked by that which is above, excepting
in the case that it be lined under, when it signifies nothing (in itself).
The second letter--count back from the letter you have written to that
you would write, and mark the number or cypher.
One writes likewise in the syllables and words; letters of the upper
range with a line under, which _then_ marks nothing in itself; but you
must begin from that to count the number following, which deciphers the
true letter.
Every letter which is not _lined_--(so)--marks that which is under.
One writes at the end of every word one of those letters which signify
nothing; and sometimes in the middle of a word put two of them, to render
the cypher more difficult.
2 2 2
l + 13 u + 1 b c ÷ 3 ÷ 2. p ÷ 11. + 13. φ ÷ 17 + 8 a
+ 2 ÷ 12 ×
* * * * *
0 l ÷ 8 u l + 3 b p 3 a 1 + 3 ÷ z + 17 g 9 ÷ 7 + 4. ÿ i
1 c 1 + 15 + 3 x o z ÷ 6 + 14 φ ÷ z ÷ 1 z + 13 b. i 1 e l
ÿ 6 c l c z zz o z p 1 s i l + 1 + 1z ÷ 4 ÷ 4 ÷ 4 f + 3 a l +
¯
3 x c 1 c z + 4 + ll ÷ 2 + 7 ÷ 5 + 10 k. n + z ÷ 1 g p 3
¯
p l r ÷ l y x + 3 + z x c l + 14 g e l ÷ 7 ÷ 8 y p 3 a 1 +
3 + 10 ÷ l i z d + z h p l 9 + 5 + lz b a z + 4 + 10 x o
1 d + z g r + 5 ÷ z g 9 ÷ 7 u z ÷ z ÷ z h u l ÷ 5 + 8 +
¯ ¯¯¯
8 m ÷ 3 k r p 1 p 3 + 4 + 9 + 8 ÷ 4 + 8. o z ÷ 10 b r h g
¯
+ z ÷ 1z + l3 c l + 8 + 6 a l + 3 s f e l ÿ 9 1 + 7 + 6 ÷
¯
z b c z ÷ z ÷ 3 0 3 + z + l + g + 1z d + z o 3 g e 1 i z c
l h o z ÷ 6 f + 5 φ p 3 ÷ 1z : i 1 c l : d m ÷ 7 + l z i_ l +
2
9 ÷ 6 ÷ z k. c l + 6 φ d + z b i z c l + 13 + 1 y. a y e 1 c 1
+ 8 k (d + 10 + l ÷ 6 ÷ 4) y a z + 4 o 1 + z y u 1 ÷ 5 +
19 y x ÷ l x. d + z d ÷ z m ÷ 7 + 1z ÷ 6 ÷ z + lz h d +
¯
l0 ÷ l + 6 ÷ z ÷ 1z. y o z + 3 + 3 ÷ 8 ÷ z o 1 + 4 p l.
o z k d + 5 ÷ z + l3, + l0 + z e l + 3 y a z a z p z + l0
¯
÷ 11 y f y o 3 f ÷ l + 6 g n ÷ lz + 16 ÷ l + 4 + l0 g p
1 g o z p l g i l + l3 ÷ 3 ÷ 5 + 10 ÷ l4 x r ÷ l 0 3 + z
¯¯¯
÷ 3 x a z + 4 c l h d + z + 6 + 9 o l s p l g l ÷ 6 + l9 +
8 m g c l. 9 s x y e l b o 3 b s + l ÷ l4 ÷ z + 6 k o z a l ÷
l g o 3 ÷ 4 ÷ z φ m ÷ 3. y (z k) d + l l n n ÷ 7 x i z f e 1 o
¯
3 o 1 ÷ z + 6 + l + 3 ÷ 8 + 5 ÷ l + 5 6 d i z + l n a l
¯¯¯
+ 7 ÷ 4 + 8 s a z + 4 o l + z y. z + l0 ÷ 7 ÷ l9 ÷ z u
l ÷ 5 p z + l φ + 3 ÷ 5 c z y. r ÷ l + 6 ÷ 3 x o z c l o 3
¯¯¯
b u l + 1l + 9 + 8 k + 9 d + 1 t z + 1. 9 s f + z + 6 ÷ z
¯
y i z + l + 6 o 3. p l ÷ 5 ÷ 7 ÷ 1 + 5 g r + z ÷ lz + 1 c
1 p 3 ÷ lz g i l c l. 9 x ÷ 7 h + 6 ÷ z h c l + 8 + 8 ÷ 7 f
+ 6 + lz x s + l ÷ 4 + 9 ÷ 1 ÷ 5 c z x c z ÷ z ÷ 3 r y o
¯
z + 4 a 1 + 3 k s + 5 ÷ z ÷ 3 + l b r ÷ l0 + l5. g p l +
¯
z φ + l7 ÷ z d + z k n s o l g r p l p 3 y o z ÷ l0. r + z i 3
¯¯¯
+ 5 n o 1 ÷ 4 + lz c l k r ÷ 1 + 4 + l p l + 4. o z p l x
¯
p 3 ÷ lz ÷ z c l i z + 7 + 4 ÷ l0 + 5 ÷ l x i l + l x +
6 ÷ 10 o z ÷ 6 + 14 φ ÷ z ÷ l z y i l c l. d m p l. + lz ÷
6 ÷ z g o z ÷ 6. 9 ÷ l6 + 1z ÷ 8 c z p l a l + 9 ÷ 6 g o l
s + 6 p 3 a z + 4 ÷ l5 h 9 s e l ÷ z k p l f ÷ 3 s ÷ 9 o 3 x
¯ ¯
u l + 3 + l4 + 7 h x r ÷ l + 6 p 3 y g ÷ 7 a z + 3 ÷ z
÷ 1 z g i l + 1 n + 3 ÷ l4 p 3 c z. d + z + 14. a z + 4 + 6
¯ ¯
+ lz ÷ 9 s p l r c l e l ÷ 5 + z ÷ lz o 3 o 3 + 3 o z + 3 o 3
¯¯¯ ¯¯¯
+ z ÷ z h o 3 + 1z + lz c l o 3. x o l d o l s 9 + l8 + 6 +
23 g c l d + 14 h y ÷ 8 9 ÷ l i l + l o 3 p 1 + 4 + l4 a l
¯ ¯¯¯
+ 3 ÷ 17 g a z + 5 ÷ 7 + l0 + 6 r + 3 h y d + z c z φ ÷
¯¯¯
14 y + 6 c l x c z y h φ p 3 c 1 y d + 1l ÷ z k φ ÷ 7 x i l c 1
x ÷ z ÷ 14 ÷ 19 ÷ 1 e l ÷ 8 ÷ 7. k h g o z p l y p 3 p l +
¯
4 r ÷ 1 ÷ l d a l + 3. i l e 1 g p 3 f o l h p z ÷ 5 f + 4 +
¯ ¯¯¯
l b ÷ 1 ÷ 9 + 4 1 + 13 o z ÷ z ÷ 4 + lz u l ÷ l g f + l
¯
g φ ÷ 8 g d + ll ÷ z + 3 p 3 o 3 ÷ 13 i z i l. h r + z ÷ 8
¯
÷ 4 + 8 ÿ p l ÿ + z + z x ÷ z n + z i z o 3 ÷ 13 i z c z c 1
¯¯
n i z ÷ 8 i z c z y a z c l o l x + 4 ÷ 8. p 3 ÷ lz o 3 φ ÷ 13
¯¯¯
n a l o z c l y r p l ÷ 8 g n + 14 o z h p l g e l ÷ 7 p 3 ÷
lz + 1 + l4 ÷ z g h f ÷ 1 h φ p 1 h a l + 3 o 3 ÷ 4 ÷ 5
¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯
+ 4 x i l c l g o 3 f i z. d + 10 ÷ 1 + 5 + 1z + 8 + 6 +
¯¯¯¯¯
l1 + 7 c l + 8 + 6. c 1 + l4 x ÷ 15 + l + l3 p 1 r c 1 p.
3 ÷ 5 ÷ 3 + g s x y φ ÷ g + 5 ÷ l g r f e 1 p 3 h u l p l o
1 + 8 ÷ lz g e 1 ÷ 7 ÷ 8 g p 3 t l 9 f o z + g ÷ 1 ÷ 10 +
5 ÷ l i l p l i z o 3 h e 1 ÷ 7 x ÷ 1z ÷ 6 ÷ l ÷ z ÷ lz g
r ÷ 14 ÷ z ÷ 6 h g n p l o 1 o 3 d + z f + 4 + l h ÷ l ÷
4 i z x o 3 ÷ 4 + 6 ÷ l ÷ 10 u l ÷ l + 8 h a z e l f i z h o
¯¯¯
z e l o l g i l + l n ÷ l l i z i l c l y t 1 + 8. o z p l. y u l
¯¯¯
÷ 5 + 8 + g + 8 + 1z + 6. a z + 4 ÷ 6 ÷ 5 + 7 + 4 ÷
6 ÷ 1 x φ ÷ 8 x + 6 + g o l x ÷ 8 ÷ z + 6 x r p 1 + l7 y
÷ l4 + l n i 3 ÷ l f ÷ 1 i l + l y ÷ l + zz p 3 f ÷ z ÷
¯¯¯
4 i z + 6 y d c l o z p l x i l f o l c z h r ÷ l + 6 ÷ 3 + z
p 1 + 1z + 6 h 4 l p l o l p 3 c 1 x + l0 + z3 ÷ lz n a l o
z m ÷ 3 a z + l h a z + 4 d + z g + 6 c 1 g p 3 ÷ 3 o z ÷
¯ ¯¯¯ ¯ ¯¯¯
z h i z ÷ 8. 9 t 9 + l5 ÷ l k ÷ 4 + 1l o 3 g m p 1 i 3 p l p
3 i l c l p 3 h e l i z h o 3 f e l ÷ z. a z + 4 + 6 i z i l h i z
+ 1 + 6 o 3 h ÷ 5 + l e 1 ÷ z a 1 + 3 ÷ 7 r ÷ l o 3 ÷ 4
¯¯¯
÷ 1 + 5 h p 1 n ÷ 3 + z g φ ÷ 6 i l ÷ 4 m + 5 l ÷ z +
¯
l z + 1. c 1 c z p l 4 l φ p 3 f i z + 6 + 7 m + 5 + l h o z
¯
p l h + ll + z + 3 + z g c 1 + l4 o z ÷ 6 k c z ÷ 5 + 6
÷ 3 ÷ 5 ÷ 7 i z c z h r ÷ 1 + 6 ÷ 3 a z + 4 o l s i 3 + 1
¯¯¯
+ 6 + z r + 3 φ ÷ 4 ÷ l + 5 h i z + 1 p 3 + 3 ÷ z 6 ÷
¯
13 c z x ÷ 4 ÷ l + 6 ÷ 3 k a z + 4 ÷ ll. o 3 c 1 + lz ÷ 3
÷ 5 c z d + z y r + 3 ÷ g + 4 + l + 6 p 3 + 1 h + o z
¯ ¯
+ g m + l x i l c l n ÷ n m + l ÷ g o l f i z o 3 x i l c l
¯ ¯
p 3 + l x o 3 + z a l + 16 ÷ g d + 1 + l a z + z g ÷ l4
¯ ¯¯¯
+ l o 3 φ u l o z f c z h s c 1 o 3 h p 1 + 4 l ÷ z g ÷ 3 h p
¯¯¯ ¯¯¯
l p 3 n c l o 3 h i z ÷ 8 + 13 + l + 9 + z h + l0 + ll p
¯
3 + 1 s r f + 6 ÷ 3 h o 3 + 8 h o 3 ÷ 4 ÷ g e l ÷ 3 x c l
÷ ll ÷ 1 ÷ g o z ÷ 10 + 5 u l ÷ 5 + 8 + 8 c l s + lz +
l3 e l o 3 φ ÷ g c z k i z f b l ÷ 6 l + 6 c 1 c z o l o z b r p 1
r + 3 ÷ l3 i 3 ÷ 6 s o z m + 6 ÷ l i z ÷ 8 r + 5 ÷ 3 l
¯ ¯¯¯ ¯ ¯
÷ 1 l + 1 z x o z p l x + l4 ÷ l0 + 8 + 5 ÷ g f i z a z e l
o l o z φ + g o 1 h r + 11 f + 6 h g φ n + 3 ÷ 4 + 3 + l0
+ 6 h o z c l + 14 c l n o 3. a z + 4 c 1 9 f e l o 3 c l c z ÷
l4 o 3. x ÷ l3 i z d f p 3 c l 6 p l o z f i z i l p 3 c l x p l x o
z c l o z e l o 1 x u l p l o l p 3 ÷ 1z h ÷ z + 11 ÷ z + 3
+ z c l i z i 1 p 3 + 13. p l o l f e l c z ÷ l4 o 3 f h a z e l
c l x o 3 o l o z h + z ÷ 8 b 9 ÷ l6 e l ÷ l h i z f e l o 3 h
o 3 f e l c z c 1 i z o l p 3 c. l i z g p 3 o l c 1 i z k g o z p l u
l φ ÷ 5 + 8 p 3 c 1 h i z c l. r c 1 e l c z r p 1 o 3 x c l c z p
3 ÷ u x φ i z c z p l n ÷ 7 c l x b h o l c l n ÷ 8 x u l + 3
÷ 4 x p l 9 l c z p 3 c 1. i l o l o 3 d p 3 c l c z o l f i z x o l
c l o 3 c 1 p 3 f o l o 3 x u l p l d m ÷ 3 h r ÷ 1 + 6 p 3 k
9 f + 6 ÷ z c l c z x o z p l 4 l s ÷ l i z ÷ 8 s d ÷ z ÷ 6
÷ z ÷ l3 s o 3 o l h φ ÷ 8 9 f ÷ 5 + g h o z o 1 c l e z i l
c l i z x i 1 f e l ÷ l + 1l p 3 g e l i z. n + z n ÷ 7 i z c z
b g p l i 1 o l c l e l x p 1 p 3 p 3 o l 9 + 9 y p l e l r o z e l
c z s + a 5. b o z c l i l o l f x i l + l x o l ÷ i z + 8 o l c l
p 3.
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 1 1 2 3 2 1 2 2 3 2 3 2 4 2 3 4 2 5 4
p a d i c u l m o p o n i t r a p o c e q u e f i t a r a n t i m a t
a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z a b c d e f g h i k
1 5 6 3 4 3 3 1 4 5 3 2 6. 2 6 3 7 4 2 3 7.
b i x a n t e r v o k o m b o. s i c i n d i o.
l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z. a b c d e f g h.
g. h. v. w. y. z.
|N. W.----|
Lettre deux fois lignée ne signifié rien.
The K. of England Mr. Garrick.
The Queen C. Matilda Mrs. Yates.
Lichtenstein
Mr. Lug--n--st--n Mr. Woodward.
Seckendorf
Mr. S--k--d--rf Mr. Beard.
Dieden
Bn. D--d--n Mr. Powel.
Bülow
Bn. B--l--w Mr. Holland.
Schimmelmann
Bn. S--m--l--n Mr. Foote.
Ld. North Mr. Mattocks.
Mr. Delaval Mr. Shutter.
Ahlefeldt
Ct. A--f--t Mr. Reddish.
Ld. Simpelton Mr. Clarck.
Texier Mdle. Louise Bonneval.
Bulow Anne Moulin.
APPENDIX C.
(_Correspondence of M. le Texier_).
No. 1.
DEAR SIR,
Having had nothing material to communicate to you since your departure
from hence, I would not trouble you with my letters till I did hear from
you, in consequence of our agreement, and now I find myself honoured with
your's of the 22nd November and 5th December; both which, for reason
of the early frost, and constant easterly wind, I did not receive but
lately, and at a short distance from one another. I congratulate you very
heartily upon the shortness of your passage, and happy arrival in London,
and beg you'll accept of my sincere thanks for the friendly expressions
of your letters, and the intelligence you are so obliging to impart to
me. I make not the least doubt but you'll be able to employ your time a
great deal better, and enjoy quite other pleasures in that great world,
where you must almost be lost in, than you did in our little trading
town of Hambro'. The inclosed letters which you transmitted to me, have
been deliver'd according to your direction. You'll certainly hear from
Mr. Holland directly. Mr. and Mrs. Matthiessen and their family, have
often enquired for you, are verry glad of the intelligence I gave them
from you, and that they may expect to see you, perhaps, in a short time,
back again in those quarters, and do return their best compliments to
you. I am glad to hear that Garrick approves of the new play that is
intended to be performed; but cannot help wondering at the same time of
his backwardness of concurring more effectually in its execution; but
this may perhaps comme in time, when he has more particularly digested
the plan, and seen the first actors in motion. You don't tell me of
having seen him yourself: this is, however, what I could have wished,
as you are by far better able than Woodward to give him a clear idea of
the whole, and remove such objection as he could have to it. I have not
yet heard from Beard, tho' I suppose, he must be in correspondence with
Holland. As to Foote, I had no letters from him, and none did I expect;
as we agreed, before his departure, that he should not write, but when
circumstances did absolutely require it. Do you think that Shutter will
have orders to advance the performance of this play on the stage he is at
this time engaged on, or that Garrick will, perhaps, chose somebody else
for having the management of it there. I cannot tell you anything more on
this subject till things are come to maturity. Meanwhile, if you hear of
something which you think will be worth transmitting, I'll be obliged to
you for the communication of it. Our German plays are interrupted till
the beginning of February, and the Cristmass vacancies won't allow the
balls at the Boselhoff till the latter end of this month. Last week I
heard at a verry grand concert the famous violin player, Lolly, who is,
perhaps, the greatest virtuoso on that instrument at present in Europe.
It is said he'll visit Engeland, where, I dare say, he'll be as much
admired as in the other places he has been. You don't tell me how you
deal with pleasures and amusements; for my part, my dear friend, I catch
as much of the sweets of life as time and circumstances will alow. You
must take up with this dish of broken English as it is, and excuse the
inaccuracies of it, provided only you are able to understand it. Let me
hear from you, and believe me, at all events, your devoted humble servant
and friend.
_From Mons. T----r, written from Hamburgh,
about the beginning of January_, 1775.
No. 2.
MY DEAR FRIEND,
I have received consecutively, and very safely, four of your letters. The
first from Z----, the second from Rotterdam, and the two last ones, from
yᵉ 14th and 21st instant, from London, which give me a circumstantial
account of your journey, and your transactions after your arrival at
the last mention'd place. I should have answer'd them by the post of
last Friday, if it had not been for the absence of Holland, who having
been down to his estates for about 12 days, and beeing only return'd
yesterday, it was only this morning I could communicate to him the
contents of your last two letters. He is extremely satisfied; as, indeed,
he ought to be, of the activity, the zeal, skil, and affection, with
which you embrac'd and acted in the cause of Mrs. Yates, and pitty's
only that all the trouble you have taken, and our endeavours, cannot
prevail on Garrick's obstinacy to act his part in the _manner_ the
other actors desire it, in the new intended play, which may possibly be
deficient in succes, in case he should persist in his refusal. As we
have no intelligence as yet from Woodward or Beard (which we expect,
however, every moment), we can form no judgment about his intentions,
and therefore we are as little able to give you a cathegorical answer
upon your question, whether we can make any further use of your services,
or not? and, besides having no true account of the state of affairs
from the stage where the play is to be acted. If the comedians have not
been interrupted, if they know their parts, if the stage is adapted, if
the machinery's are readdy, &c., of which I doubt very much. You must
remember that at your departure things did not look very bright, and
that we were in apprehension of some disagreable news. Tho' we don't
know the circumstances of what has happened there, and tho' the pot is
not entirely _crack'd_, or has not _boil'd over_, as a certain person
express'd itself, something must, however, have been the matter, and
discomposed for the present the arrangements that were made, as _Mr.
Reddish_, and two others of the first actors, have left the playhouse,
and undertook a journey during this summer to the south of Germany,
till the suspicions that probably have been raised are dissipated, and
the difficulty's they met with have been removed, which we hope will be
towards the winter, when they will all meet again on the stage to make a
fresh rehearsal, of which the success may be less doubtfull, if Garrick
will second them as he ought. But be the case what it will, we expect
every day, and certainly in the course of next weak, ours and your good
friend, _Mr. Foote_, who will certainly relieve us of our anxiety, clear
our doubts, and lead us in the way to give you a clear and positive
decision. Till then, my dear, good friend, you must be quiet, and remain
where you are without taking any resolution (exept on Garrick's immediate
orders). This is what Holland entreats you to mind till he has explained
himself with Foote, which, as you see, will be very soon, assuring you
upon his honour, that his first business will be to settle with him in
what manner to employ you, and then to give you immediate and positive
resolution if you are to continue in the same station, and send you a
draught at the same time; or in case you were at present of no use for
to bring the play on the stage, to entreat Mrs. Yates (who is already
acquainted with your ability's), in the strongest terms to recommand
you to her friend, Mr. Garrick. This, my dear friend, is all I can, and
am commissioned to say to you upon this account. I hope my next will be
more satisfactory to you; meanwhile be assured that Holland, as well as
myself, we have the highest and best grounded esteem for your noble and
disinterested way of thinking, and whatever be the event, we shall always
congratulate ourself of having made your acquaintance, and cemented your
friendship.
Holland begs to be excused in not writing to you himself, as he is
extremely fatigued of his journey, and troubled with a vast deal of
business which he found at his return; he begs you'll be so good to
secure for him the chariot you have bespoke, for which he'll send you
the draught you require. I am extremely satisfied with the manner in
which you communicate to me what intelligence you give us, and which I
understand perfectly. I wish mine were as intelligible to you, which
however I doubt of. Be so good, my dear friend, to continue in the
same way, but observe at the same time, when you make the cover to Mr.
Matthiessen, to lay a small bit of paper between the seal of my letters
and Matthiessen cover, as one of them stuck so fast to it that it was
tore to pieces in the opening of it, but happily there remained just so
much of the seal that it could not be opened.
I'll be oblig'd to you for the books; my mother, brothers, sister, and
her children, make their best compliments to you, and wish you health and
pleasure. So do I do likewyse, my dear friend; farewell, and remember
your devoted friend and servant.
By my next you shall have more, and perhaps a little tit-tat, which time
won't allow at present.
_The_ 2_nd of May_, 1775.
No. 3.
MY DEAR FRIEND,
I received in due time your favour of yᵉ 13th of June, which was soon
followed by that of yᵉ second of the same month, accompanying a parcel
of silk, and four books, three of which I delivered according to your
orders, and kept the fourth to myself, as you desir'd me. Be so good
to receive my most gratefull acknowledgement for this mark of your
friendship. I have not yet found time sufficient to go through it with
due attention, but I'll reserve the perusal of it for those hours which
free from business I can devote to friendship, and shall look upon it as
a conversation which cannot but afford me a great deal of pleasure, as
anything that comes from the author will always be dear to me. When I
deliver'd the silk to Holland, I communicated to him the contents of your
first of the 13th of June; he join'd with me in his commendations with
regard to your noble and disinterested way of thinking, and acknowledged
the justness of your expectations with respect to Garrick. He assures
you of the continuation of his friendship and esteem, and desir'd me to
tell you that he made repeated applications to _Beard_, for insisting
with _Woodward_ to recommand you to Garrick's remembrance; so that I
don't doubt but you'll have heard by this time of something beeing done
for you, the news of which will be most heartily wellcome to me, you may
be assured. Foote has left this place some time ago; but he is soon to
return, in order to be married to a young and amiable lady, one of the
first family's of this country. He jointly with _Holland_, is in hopes
that you have burnt all the letters and papers which you have received
from the latter one, as well as from Miss Bonneval, respecting the
unhappy affair that was the object of your correspondence; and they beg
that you'll be so kind to confirm them in these hopes, for their future
quiet and tranquillity. I expect, my dear friend, not only to receive of
your letters, before you leave England, but even during your new intended
travels, when you'll be at leisure, and your thaughts will bring you back
to this place, where you have undoubtedly left a great many friends, some
of which are strongly attach'd to you, and more particularly Bonneval's
family. They all of them beg that you'll accept of their best compliments
and hearty wishes for your wellfare.
It is with astonishment and sorrow I have read in the several papers the
account of the bloody scene exhibited in America. Is it possible that
the spirit of _rebellion_ (for as far as I am able to judge I cannot
call it _liberty_) has raised their madness so far as to make them run
blindly to their destruction? for what will be the consequence of all
this? a shocking bloodshed between children of the same mother, a total
destruction of their property, and the utter ruin of all commerce and
trade in those parts of the world, while a storm is preparing at this
side of the water, which may perhaps strike a fatal blow to Old England,
without being able to prevent it. What would become of Brittain's
grandeur, if this great Spanish Armada was intended on your coasts, or on
some of your American settlements? This opinion gains generally ground
here, and few people think this undertaking to be only for the barbarian
coast. But what is still more astonishing, is the spirit of division
that prevails in the metropolis, and the outrageous conduct of part of
its citisents; nothing remains but they should likewise take up arms, in
order to render the scene compleat. I pitty with all my heart those who
are at the helm; and from my peaceable hermitage (which you have seen),
when stretched upon my sopha, I cannot help smiling at the reading of
your brilliant regattas and sommer diversions, amidst all those clamours,
and while half of the nation is under arms, or preparing themselves to be
so. But enough of this. _Comment vont les plaisirs_, and _les amours_? I
wish you success in both. God bless you, my dear sir; remember him who is
very cordialy your devoted humble friend and servant.
_July the_ 18_th. N.B._ 1775.
No. 4.
MY DEAR SIR,
It was not but yesterday I receiv'd your's of yᵉ 21st July, as we had
then two mails due from England, and much about the same time, or a
little after you have dispatch'd it, my last (which was wrote about the
middle of the same month) must have come to your hands, if it did come at
all, for I cannot account for its delay, having desired my sister to have
it put in the Post Office. I gave you an account in it of the several
applications Holland had made on your behalf to Beard, relative to
Woodward's putting Garrick in mind of you; the assurances we had got from
Beard of his having acted according to his promiss, and the ignorance
we then were in of its success. I have only the time to acquaint you
now, that I saw Holland this morning, who told me of Beard mentioning
in a letter he had lately receiv'd, that he hoped to have in a few days
something to communicate to him about you. That he, Holland, is expecting
this intelligence with the greatest impatience, and that as soon as he
shall have received it, he will immediately do himself the pleasure of
writing to you, in order to acquaint you of it. But, my dear sir, how
are we to act in directing our letters to you? as I see it is your
intention to set out from England after the 14th of this month. At all
events I'll direct what I have to send to you at the direction you left
me at your departure, and which I make use of now, in the supposition
that you'll leave such orders that anything will be transmitted to you.
I have likewise to acknowledge the favour of your former, including
a column of the newspapers, for the communication of which I am most
sincerely oblig'd to you. I find this account wrote with elegance, and
that warm interest the subject requir'd, and don't doubt it will answer
the intention it was design'd with. You see, my dearest friend, that our
ignorance is the sole cause of our silence, and thus I hope you'll be
persuaded to pardon it, and not adscribe it to ingratitude and oblivion,
which are sentiments that will never find entrance in our breast; but,
on the contrary, be assured that we wish nothing with more ardor then to
see you happy, and to see you rewarded, as you deserve it, by someboddy
else, it beeing not in our power to effect it, but by our repeated
intercessions, which I still hope will have their effect. I must finish
here, in order not to miss the time of the post office. Thus farewell,
and remember him who is with the sincerest affection your devoted friend
and servant.
_August the_ 4_th_, 1775.
No. 5.
_July the_ 16_th_, 1776.
Not only, my dearest friend, several little excursions in the country,
but also our friend Holland's absence, who did return only since a couple
of days, have prevented my answering immediately the very kind letter
which you favour'd me with on the 18th of January. It gave me an uncommon
pleasure to hear of you, after so long a silence, which I could very well
account for, as I knew that you was again on a visit on the Continent.
I understand that you did not follow your first plan of crossing the
Pirrenean mountains, and going to the south of Spain, for else you would
have received a letter which I directed to you at Madrid, _a la poste
restante_, in September last, as we did agree. If it be lost, there is
no great news in it, as it contain'd nothing material. It was only _une
lettre d'amitié_, and an enquiry after your health, with a short account
of our doing here in the usual stile.
I give you my most sincere thanks for the sentiments of friendship and
affection which you honour me with; be assured of the most hearty return,
not only from me, but likewise from our friends Holland and Foote, and
of the gratefull sense we do all retain of your noble and generous
behaviour. Believe me, dear sir, that it gives us the greatest pain and
sorrow to hear that nothing has been done as yet on your behalf from
Garrick's side, notwithstanding Beard's strong recommendations thro'
Woodward's channel. Beard expresses his astounishment at it as well as
Holland, and we are entirely at a loss how to account for Garrick's
neglect, in not making you a return so justly deserved, and which
can come from _him_ only. I do not doubt a moment of Woodward having
made all possible applications, and in that supposition, the critical
circumstances of Garrick's own affairs, and the hurry and perplexity he
has been in, can alone account for his behaviour. Holland desires that
you will be assured of his esteem, of his attachment and friendship
for you, and how much he wishes to convince you of those sentiments,
nothing will be able to efface them out of his heart; and the same I dare
answer for Foote, whom we have not seen since last summer, but who is
expected here at the beginning of August. As all the hopes of renewing
a theatrical entertainement are entirely dropt, you may easily imagin
that Beard and Holland do but seldom correspond together, and yet only on
friendly terms.
I wish that the presenting the prints may open the way of helping you to
Garrick's remembrance, and if means could be found out of being presented
to him yourself, this, I dare say, would be of more effect.
I paid for the hire of the carriage at Utrecht according to your desire.
Caillé had an opportunity to send hither a person of his acquaintance,
to whom I paid the money, and who gave me a receipt for it, so that this
point is settled.
I was extremely welcome to my mother and brother, and likewyse to Mr.
M----'s family, with the news of having received a letter from you. They
were greatly rejoiced at hearing you were well, and safe return from
your late excursion. They beg you'll accept of the return of their best
compliments, and hearty sallutation to you. Mrs. S---- had the misfortune
of loosing again two childern last winter, but three weeks ago she was
brought to bed of a boy; this does partly make up the former loss.
However, her constitution is much hurt, and she enjoys but very little
health.--I would be much obliged to you, if at your leisure moments you
would favour me with a short account of your late excursion, and how you
was pleased in that tour; for such an attentive traveller as you are, I
dare say nothing will have escaped your inspection. I must acknowledge
to you that I am tired with the sedentary life I lead here, and the
insignificant business I am employ'd in; and between you and me I have
made application of beeing sent to England; in how far I shall be able
to succeed in this attempt I cannot tel, however, I have some hopes. How
happy should I be if I could have the pleasure of meeting you in England,
and embracing him whom I esteem and love with all my heart. This, my dear
sir, you may be assured of from your affectionate and most devoted friend
and servant.
_From Mons. Le T---- to N. W. W._
No. 6.
_Sept. yᵉ_ 5th_, 1776.
You must pardon me, my dear friend, if I deferred returning an immediate
answer to your kind letter of yᵉ 30th July. Holland's absence, and Foote
not being at that time arrived, put it out of my power to give you a
satisfactory one, before I had seen either of them. They are both here
now, and have retain'd for you the same sentiments of friendship and
esteem which you have impress'd them with at the beginning of our mutual
acquaintance. They acknowledge the justice of your claim on their warmest
interest and recommendation on your behalf. They were even beforehand in
offering to renew them, and to do anything in their power which might be
of further service to you; but they cannot help beeing surprised that
all their wishes and join'd endeavours with Beard, have hitherto been
unsuccessfull on that subject. How is it possible that Garrick, who
makes pretention on feeling and sentiments, can be regardless to the
services you intended him, and in which you have so effectually been
employed? This strange behaviour is above their conception. However, as
they are willing to account for this, more than seeming, neglect, on
behalf of the hurry of business, and the many vexations he has labour'd
under this year past, they hope that repeated application will be of
better effect. Foote, you will remember, has never been in any direct
intercourse with Beard or Woodward. But Holland not only accepted writing
again in the strongest terms, but told me that having had some time ago a
_rendez-vous_ with _Beard_, you took up great part of their conversation,
in which he dwelt upon the absolute necessity that something ought to be
done for you, and that they both would write to Woodward on that subject;
so that you may be sure, my dear friend, if their goodwill can have any
effect, and their recommendation any weight upon Garrick, you cannot,
with the help of your friends in England, fail of being successful in
your attempt to get a place, the intelligence of which will give me,
as you may easily guess, the most complete satisfaction; and so I am
positive it would also to Foote and Holland, who, I can assure you, do
lament at each time that I do mention you to them, their incapacity of
serving you according to their heart's desire, and do constantly express
in the most distinguished expression, their high esteem for your personal
quality's and noble way of thinking, and their perfect gratitude for your
behaviour in general. Those sentiments they will certainly never part
with; and they beg that you will do them the favour to continue that
friendship for them, of which you have given them such uncontestable
proofs; and give me leave, my dear friend, to join my request to theirs,
that I may retain the same share in your remembrance.
Mr. and Mrs. M----, and their family, are highly pleased, as well as my
mother and brother, to hear of you; they desire that you'll be so good to
accept of their best compliments. Mr. Mathias is very much obliged to you
for your kind remembrance, wishes you a great deal of good, and gives his
best salutes to you.
I will be vastly obliged to you for the new production of your pen, which
you are so good to promiss me. I wait for them with impatience, as they
will in a manner make me amends for our separation, and let me enjoy your
company, at least, in idea.
I have but little hopes remaining of beeing successful in my application
for a change in my situation. Tho' I do not give them up entirely for the
future, I cannot flatter myself for the present of being so happy to make
a trip to Albion, unless some unexpected events would open the way for it.
I perceive that the last disagreable news from the North American
Continent, have but little influence on the uninterrupted pleasures of
your town. However, the success of the present civil war cannot fail of
drawing the most serious consequences at their issue, and of bringing on
a prodigious change in a great many fortunes. Well! but let them fight
and quarrel as long as they please, I won't much trouble my head about
it; but I will ever be ready to convince you that I am sincerely,
My dear Sir,
Your devoted friend and well-wisher.
No. 7.
I can now very easily account, my dear friend, for Beard's silence with
regard to your last letter. His absence from his ordinary place of abode,
is undoubtedly the only reason of your having been without any news from
him since the latter end of June. He has made a tour to Saxony, where he
intended staying two or three months, but would be back towards the end
of this month; this is what I could learn from our friend Holland, who
has likewise been a very long time without his letters (their litterary
intercourse being now almost dropt). He thinks your letter cannot be
lost, but supposes it has been left at Z----, or only been sent of
late to him on his tour; so that you will have receiv'd now, or will
probably in a short time, the answer you expected; meanwhile you may, my
dear sir, make yourself very easy about the fate of your letter, which
certainly cannot be lost. Surprising it is that all applications made
on your behalf have hitherto been without effect; nevertheless, I am of
opinion you must not give up the hope of success; a favourable moment
will probably come, and Woodward will no doubt sease it to remind Garrick
of your services. I cannot help having some apprehensions with regard
to your intention, which you communicate to me in your last letter, of
putting in order the anecdotes relative to Mrs. Yates, in a kind of
memoirs; not, my dear sir, that I have the least doubt of your prudence
and discretion; but you must know how easily an unforeseen accident may
happen which can occasion the los of such a paper, which falling in
other hands would certainly be published to the world, and what would
be the consequence for those who have had any share in its contents? at
least you will, no doubt, keep their names to yourself, and interwow the
whole in such a manner, that it must remain untelligible to all those
who are no knowing ones. I leave this to your caution, and we all depend
upon your known prudence. Both Holland and Foote, who is return'd about
a fortnight ago, where his business does call him in the winter time,
desire that you'll be assured of their everlasting friendship and esteem.
All your acquaintances here present their best compliments to you. There
is since a couple of days a general rumor here of an approaching war.
This will to all appearances occasion some more activity in trade, as
well as in polliticks. Adieu, my dear friend; I wish you health and
pleasure, and beg you will believe me very sincerly and faithfully, yours.
_Nov. yᵉ_ 12_th_, 1776.
No. 8.
Yours, my dear friend, of yᵉ 26th Nov. and 5th Dec., arrived at one
and the same day, as we had three English mails due, owing to the east
wind that has constantly blown this long while; and as I have desired,
once for all, that any letter which comes from you should remain at my
mother's house till I come to fetch it in person; they were not delivered
to me till the day before yesterday, so that you must not be surprised at
having received no immediate answer to them.
So agreeable your letters have hitherto been to me, so very deeply
has the last one affected me. The intelligence you give me, and which
accounts at the same time for the presentation of the memoirs in question
to Garrick, has afflicted me beyond expression. You cannot, you must not
doubt, my dearest friend, of the part I take in the most minutest thing
that may interest your wellfare. How should I not feel for your concerns?
but at the same time how great are you in my Eeyes, how great must you be
in the Eeyes of those who are acquainted with your principles, with the
motives that do lead you in this occasion? Be assured that if anything
could add to the esteem which you have commanded from me, from Holland
and Foote, it would be the disclosure you have now made. I do conceive
how it could have hurt your pride with narrow-minded souls; but with
us it cannot. Men of honour and feeling, like you, are much above the
caprices of fortune, and I am assured that its inconsistencies cannot
in any degree affect their way of thinking. We have too many proofs of
your strickt honour, disinterestedness, and even self-denial, to harbour
the least doubt of any change of sentiment on your side. Not indeed, be
easy on that account. Far from disapproving your plan, I would be the
first to advise it; so does Holland, so would Foote. Happy we would be
if we had interest enough with Garrick to contribute to its success. You
know, my dear friend, how deeply we are obliged to you, and how much we
have wished to convince you of our gratitude; but, at the same time how
unsuccessfull all our endeavours and applications have been. I approve
much of your letting Woodward know of your intended plan; he must, and
certainly will back it by his interest, and I hope that this will do at
least. We have almost lost sight of him, and so likewise of Beard; I
don't even know with certitude if he is returned, tho' I suppose he must
be so at this time. Holland, who is very sickly, and has been so the
whole winter, has not received any letters from him since his departure.
Foote is return to the capital, as I told you, and will not visit our
quarters before next summer.
Do believe me, my dear friend, that I don't mind any loss of time or
expence in our intercourse. I wish to hear from you; your letters are
always wellcome to me, and give me a particular satisfaction. This will
reach you by the new direction you have given me, and at the same time
you'll receive two lines by the former way in order to acquaint you of
it. Let me know by your first which of the two I shall keep for the
future. All your friends here return their best compliments to you, and
wish you well. So does he who is very sincerely and affectionately yours.
_The_ 25_th Dec._, 1776.
No. 9.
MY DEAR SIR,
It is a long time since I had any of your letters, and it will be near
the same that I did not do myself the pleasure of writing to you. What is
become of you since, and what has been the success of your application
with Garrick? Those, my dear sir, are natural questions from the part of
him that interests himself so warmly for you as I do. It would afford
me the greatest pleasure if you could see the accomplishment of your
desires. Mine did not succeed according to the hopes I had form'd. I
have been obliged to relinquish the idea of beeing employed at London,
having lately been nominated to the post of Resident at Dantzig, where
I expect to be setled towards the end of this year; but first I'll
be obliged to go to C----, and intend setting out next week thither.
So, my dear friend, that if you do me the pleasure of giving me some
news of your welfare, you wil be so good to direct them, during the
remainder of this year, at our old direction, where I have given orders
that your letters should be kept til my return. You'll however observe
not to mention anything of the old topic in them, for fear of their
miscarrying, and when I shal have reach'd my new destination, I'll give
you another direction for the future, for I should be glad to cultivate
our correspondence, and the friendship which has subsisted between us.
Be assured, my dear friend, that where ever my fate may dispose of me,
I shall desire the continuance of it, for him that is for ever with a
sincere esteem, your devoted friend and servant.
_The_ 16_th of Aug._, 1777.
THE END.
INDEX TO VOL. III.
HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL.
A.
Aalborg, castle of, 145;
Caroline Matilda, designated the countess of, imprisoned there, _ib._
Aboe, lieutenant, groundless charges brought against, 107;
biographical notices of, _ib._;
how disposed of, 110, 112;
his death, 112.
Alexandra, Princess of Wales, the great grand-daughter of Prince
Frederick of Denmark, 290.
Altona, Mr. Wraxall's visit to, 176;
crowded with the partisans of Queen Matilda, _ib._
Ancher, Kofod, one of the commissioners who passed sentence on
Struensee and Count Brandt, 61, 67;
mercifully disposed, 104.
Arnholdt, bailiff of Bramstedt, 31.
Arnim, Herr von, minister of the King of Prussia, intercedes on
behalf of Justiz-rath Struensee, 120.
APPENDIX, containing extracts from the correspondence of Mr. Wraxall
with his father, relative to the restoration of Caroline Matilda,
291 _et seq._
B.
Bang, counsellor, defends Count Brandt, 14.
Berger, professor, employed in incommoding his Majesty, 2;
groundless charges brought against, 109;
how disposed of, 111, 112.
Beringskjold, his political career, 271, 272;
his conspiracy, and arrest, 273;
his trial and imprisonment, 277, 278;
his death, 278.
Beringskjold, Frau von, her death, 277.
Berkentin, Frau von, chief gouvernante to the prince royal, and the
early patroness of Struensee, 78.
Bernstorff, Peter Andreas, foreign affairs entrusted to, 279;
privy councillor, 285, 288.
Bodenhausen, von, the Hanoverian privy councillor, receives Queen
Matilda at Stade, 157.
Braëm, G. A., one of the commissioners who sentenced Struensee, 61;
and Count Brandt, 67.
Bramstedt, bailiwick of, solicited by Count Brandt, 31;
described, 32, _note_.
Brandt, count Enevold, indictment of, 1;
retrospect of his career and conduct, 3 _et seq._;
his position at court, 3;
the different charges against, 4, 8, 11;
his assault on the king, 5;
his presuming manners, 7;
broke the fidelity due to his sovereign by being an accomplice
with Struensee and the queen, 8;
his neglect of duty, 9, 10;
his joining Struensee in robbing the royal treasury, 11;
injustice of the charges against, 14;
defended by Counsellor Bang, _ib._;
the different charges rebutted, 16 _et seq._;
his character not affected by Struensee's forgery, 26;
his Quixotism, 27;
his letter to the judges, and petition to the king, 28;
pleads his youth and eccentricity, 30;
makes a modest request, 31;
his punishment predetermined, 32;
sentence on, promulgated, _ib._;
the intimate friend of Struensee, 43;
a close attendant on the king, _ib._;
delivery of the sentence upon him, 62;
the charges against him recapitulated, 63 _et seq._;
his behaviour to the king, 63;
assists Struensee in producing a misunderstanding, 64;
obtains large sums from the royal treasury, _ib._;
his assault and battery on the king, 65, 66;
high treason thus committed, 67;
his sentence, degradation from the dignity of count, and all
other honours, his body to be quartered and exposed on the
wheel, &c., 67;
royal confirmation of the sentence, 67, 68;
injustice of the sentence, and groundlessness of the charges, 68, 69;
Reverdil's animadversions on the sentence, 69;
his sentence announced to him by his defender Bang, 74;
intercession of Owe Guldberg on his behalf, and the unfeeling
treatment of the Queen Juliana Maria, 75;
intercession of his mother and sister, 75;
Struensee's letter to, 80;
receives from Dean Hee the confirmation of his sentence and the
day of execution, 83;
confesses his real sentiments as to his religious belief and moral
feelings, 13, 84;
his penitence, 84;
preparations for his execution, 85;
his escutcheon broken, 88;
his execution, 89;
the body divided into four quarters, _ib._;
his head exposed on a pole, 94.
Brieghil, the valet, his evidence, 5.
Brunswick, hereditary princess of, 157, _note_;
her gracious reception of Mr. Wraxall at Celle, 174;
difficulties created by her presence, 183, 229;
niece to Queen Juliana Maria of Denmark, 183.
Brunswick Bevern, prince of, appointed commandant of Copenhagen, 267.
Bülow, baron von, receives Queen Matilda at Stade, 157;
an exile at Altona, 177;
his ring presented to the queen by Mr. Wraxall as proof of his
mission, 188;
his conferences with Wraxall, 190, 223, 224;
gives instructions to him respecting his proposed visit to the
queen, 190, 191;
his letter to George III., 227;
his letter on the queen's sudden death, 329;
his despair, 240.
Bülow, baroness von, an elegant woman, 176.
Bülow, marshal von, appeases the crown prince, 286.
C.
Cabinet orders issued by Struensee, 51;
for disbanding the foot-guards, 55, 56.