'TWIXT THE CUP AND THE LIP.
BARON VON LICHTENSTEIN--THE KING'S INSTRUCTIONS--THE ANSWER
FROM HAMBURG--THE FOUR ARTICLES--A TERRIBLE JOURNEY--ARRIVAL
AT CELLE--INTERVIEW WITH THE QUEEN--BARON VON SECKENDORF--THE
ANSWER FROM COPENHAGEN--THE APPEAL TO GEORGE III.--THE
COUNTER-REVOLUTION--ANOTHER VISIT TO CELLE--THE LAST INTERVIEW--THE
QUEEN'S GRATITUDE--RETURN TO LONDON--WAITING FOR THE ANSWER--A SUDDEN
BLOW.
As the queen, in her instructions to Mr. Wraxall at Celle, had left it
entirely at his option, on his arrival in London, to wait either on
Lord Suffolk or Baron von Lichtenstein, though expressing a degree of
preference for the former, he went, on November 15, to Lord Suffolk's
residence in Downing Street. Being admitted, a private secretary
requested Mr. Wraxall to inform him of the nature of his business: Lord
Suffolk not only being confined to his bed-chamber by gout, but unable,
from the violence of his disorder, to see any one. Mr. Wraxall informed
him, in answer, that as his business was of a nature which could only be
communicated to Lord Suffolk in person, he would call again in a day or
two, by which time his lordship might be able to see him.
Conceiving it, however, injudicious to lose a moment that could be
avoided in opening the object of his mission, Mr. Wraxall went directly
to the lodgings of Baron von Lichtenstein, in Chidleigh Court, Pall Mall.
The baron was at home, and so soon as the agent acquainted him with
his name, he expressed his satisfaction at Mr. Wraxall's arrival; he
produced the queen's letter announcing the intended visitor, and assured
the latter that it would be as much his wish as he felt it his duty to
comply with the Queen of Denmark's commands. He added, that so soon as
Mr. Wraxall should have put him in possession of the necessary facts, he
would endeavour to find an occasion for laying the whole matter before
the king.
Mr. Wraxall informed the baron of his having been at Lord Suffolk's
house, but that he had not seen his lordship on account of his
indisposition. The baron entreated him not to call again on Lord Suffolk
till he should have seen his Majesty, and taken his pleasure on that
point, which he promised to do, as far as depended on himself, without
delay. In a long and confidential conversation, Mr. Wraxall laid before
the baron the proposals made to the queen by the Danish nobility, her
answer, and the objects intended to be effected by his present errand to
George III. The baron reiterated his assurances of co-operating toward
their success, and fixed a day for Mr. Wraxall coming again to him, to
know how he had proceeded in the business.
Three days afterwards, the two gentlemen had a second interview, when
the baron stated that he had conversed with his Majesty at the queen's
house on the matter; that he had to communicate to Mr. Wraxall, in the
first place, the king's positive injunctions not to mention the object of
his journey and negotiations to Lord Suffolk, but to consider him (Baron
von Lichtenstein) as the sole medium through which all matters relative
thereto were to pass to the king. His Majesty had received the queen his
sister's letters by the Hanoverian courier, and would maturely consider
their contents before he should give any answer to them. To prevent any
reflections on the part of the court of Copenhagen at his having seen and
conversed with an agent of the Danish nobility and the queen, in case
that the present attempt were either discovered or found unsuccessful,
the king judged it fit not to admit Mr. Wraxall to a personal interview.
It was therefore his pleasure that Mr. Wraxall should communicate to him
on paper, through Baron von Lichtenstein, every circumstance touching the
business; explaining the causes and reasons which had induced the exiled
nobility at Altona to confide to his honour so secret and delicate a
matter.
His Majesty also desired to know from Mr. Wraxall the names of the
principal persons concerned in the enterprise, and the precise time,
mode, and place, when and by which they proposed to accomplish the
queen's restoration. Baron von Lichtenstein added, that his Majesty
manifested favourable dispositions, but would give no opinion till he was
enabled to judge of the means possessed by the queen's adherents to carry
their proposals into effect.
Thus commanded, Mr. Wraxall sat down and drew up a statement of the
whole transaction, going into every point suggested by the king. In
so doing, he pointed out, to the best of his judgment or information,
the manner in which the queen's adherents had laid their plan for the
counter-revolution. Mr. Wraxall, however, was compelled to avow his
ignorance of many parts of their future plan, either as having never
been entrusted to him, or as being in their own nature incapable of
arrangement till the time of their accomplishment approached. Mr. Wraxall
transmitted this paper to the king through Baron von Lichtenstein.
On October 5, Mr. Wraxall received the king's answer to the propositions,
which the baron communicated to him. It was verbal, and to the following
effect:--
"His Majesty, relying on the means possessed by the Danish nobility
attached to the queen his sister to effect her restoration, and having
thoroughly considered their plans, consented to and approved of the
intended attempt in her favour. But the existing treaties between the two
courts of Copenhagen and St. James's did not allow him to lend any direct
assistance toward its execution. He, therefore, would not advance any
money at present, though he would not object to guarantee the restitution
of the sums necessarily expended in his sister's restoration, after the
completion of the enterprise. Finally, he should not be induced by any
entreaties of the queen, or by the applications of the Danish nobility,
to affix his signature to a paper promising aid, or even expressing his
approbation of the attempt itself."[52]
By Baron von Lichtenstein's advice, Mr. Wraxall transmitted on the
following day this answer of the king to Baron von Bülow, in cypher:
desiring directions for his future conduct. Mr. Wraxall also communicated
it to the queen and to Baron von Seckendorf. From the latter, he received
an answer on January 3, 1775, expressing the queen's satisfaction at the
king's consent, though she regretted the qualifications which accompanied
it.
In consequence of Baron von Bülow's absence from Hamburg, and other
impediments, Mr. Wraxall did not receive his answer till January 20,
1775: it was very short, and in cypher. The baron conjured Mr. Wraxall
not to lose a moment in returning to Hamburg with the king's approbation
of their conduct, authenticated in whatever way might be practicable.
He added, that his friends were busied in preparing everything for the
expected blow, and that their anticipations of success were sanguine.[53]
This letter Mr. Wraxall communicated at once to Baron von Lichtenstein,
and its contents were laid before the king.
On January 23, Baron von Lichtenstein informed Mr. Wraxall that the king
would despatch him, in a few days, to Celle and Hamburg, adding, that he
had reason to believe his Majesty intended to empower him (Lichtenstein)
to sign certain articles, of which Mr. Wraxall should be the bearer,
and which would, in a great measure, satisfy the Danish nobility. It
was not till February 2 that Mr. Wraxall received his final orders and
despatches; they were delivered to him by the baron, and consisted of a
letter from the king to his sister, together with a paper containing four
articles. The baron drew these up in Mr. Wraxall's presence; after which
he affixed his seal and signature to them, as representing the King of
Great Britain. The articles were to the following effect:--
_First._ His Britannic Majesty gives his consent and approval to the plan
concerted by the adherents of his sister, the Queen of Denmark, for
restoring her to the throne.
_Secondly._ His Britannic Majesty insists that, in the execution of it,
no blood be spilled, nor any measures of severity exercised toward the
present administration in Denmark, except such as are indispensable to
maintain the counter-revolution.
_Thirdly._ His Britannic Majesty guarantees the repayment of all the
money advanced or expended in the necessary prosecution of the Queen of
Denmark's revolution.
_Fourthly._ His Britannic Majesty will authorize and empower his Resident
at the court of Copenhagen to declare, in the most public manner, so
soon as the revolution in favour of the queen is accomplished, that the
King of Great Britain approves of it, and will maintain it against all
opposition.
Baron von Lichtenstein, when he had placed in Mr. Wraxall's hands these
articles, which the latter saw him seal up, and place in a cover without
an address, signified to him his Majesty's pleasure that he should set
out on the following day for Celle. After delivering his letter to the
queen, and the articles, signed in his name, for her perusal, Mr. Wraxall
would receive the latter back from the queen, and proceed with them to
the Danish nobility at Hamburg.
Accordingly, on the afternoon of February 3, 1775, Mr. Wraxall left
London, embarked at Harwich, and landed at Helvoetsluys on the evening
of the 6th. Passing through Holland by Utrecht and Deventer, he arrived
on Sunday morning, the 12th, at daybreak, at the bank of the little
river Dinckel, which divides the provinces of Over-Yssel from the circle
of Westphalia. From this point, the "Private Journal" shall speak for
itself, until the traveller arrives at Celle:--
* * * * *
_February_ 12_th._--I arrived at the house near the bank of the Dinckel
as day broke: here I found the royal courier, who came over in the same
packet with me from England. He had arrived here on Friday morning, but
the waters were so deep that he had not dared to attempt the passage,
with two carts laden with boxes and coffers. The inn was misery itself:
oxen, pigs, men, and women all together. The courier assured me, that if
he had not provided himself with provisions very amply, he should have
been almost starved, nothing being procurable from the people. When I
had drunk my chocolate, we walked forward half a quarter of a mile, to
reconnoitre the spot, and see if it was practicable to pass over. After
a long debate, the landlord of the house offered, for a few stivers, to
mount one of the four horses, and endeavour to conduct us through it.
In consequence of this resolution, they raised my trunks, by putting
straw and turf under them to move them five feet from the surface of the
ground, to prevent the water from spoiling my clothes. They would have
persuaded me to get up behind the carriage, as, in case it overturned,
I might then have easily disengaged myself; but, notwithstanding, I got
in: as to my clothes and linen, I trusted them cheerfully to fortune,
and only reserved the letter with which I was charged, which I carried
in my bosom, resolved that it should not perish, except with myself. We
drove off about noon from the inn. When we came to the place, the two
fore horses plunged in; the water was as high as their backs, how much
deeper it might be I cannot pretend to say, as they immediately swam:
the carriage floated likewise, and the horses drew it about twelve or
fourteen paces in this manner, when we touched ground, and all the danger
was over. Had there been a very violent stream or had not the horses done
their part, the chaise must have inevitably been overturned--nothing
could have saved it.
* * * * * * Continuing my route from Bentheim,
I got in the evening at about eight o'clock to
Rheine. The roads were terrible, and I trembled
continually for my own and my servant's safety. The
moon, however, was our protection, and under her
auspices and guidance we arrived safe. We passed
through another small river, which was swollen with
the rains to the breadth of three or four hundred
paces. Happily, however, the depth was not above
three or four feet, and we got through without any
accident. The country all round us was deluged
with water, and scarce appeared like land. Rheine
is a small town belonging to the bishopric of Münster,
not fortified, though surrounded with old walls.
The postmaster appeared to be an obliging man, and
the horses being ready, I set out at about ten o'clock
at night. I had not driven more than a mile from the
place when the carriage overturned; my servant's
hand was cut by the glasses, which broke in pieces,
but I escaped unhurt. The horses stood still, without
attempting to drag the chaise, which, had they done,
the consequences to us must have been very fatal, as
some minutes elapsed ere we could get out at the
windows.
I despatched my servant back to the town for assistance, and the
postilion to a neighbouring village on the same errand, while I remained
alone with the carriage. My servant returned first, after an hour's
absence, with an old man, the postmaster not choosing, or not being
willing, to afford him any more help. We waited, therefore, for the
postilion, who came at length, to our great joy, with four villagers,
by whose endeavours we raised the carriage up once more, and returned
to Rheine about midnight. I am most fully of opinion that the postilion
did it purposely, and probably by his master's orders. The postmaster's
behaviour justified this conjecture: he neither blamed the man, nor
promised me any satisfaction; he only told me I had better forget it,
and go to bed in his house. I did so, for what other course could I
take in a country where I spoke the language very imperfectly, and in
which I was absolutely at their mercy? To proceed without glasses at
this season of the year, in the night, was not agreeable; and even if I
would, the postmaster said he could give me no other postilion till the
next morning, and to set out with the same would have been madness. I
was tempted to severely chastise the driver myself, but the consequences
which might have ensued deterred me. So I lay down in a miserable
apartment, as large as an Egyptian hall, where the winds whistled in
every corner. I made my servant lie in the same room, and held my pistols
ready, but all was very tranquil during the night. Why the landlord
should wish to overset my carriage, unless to make me return, and get a
couple of guilders for my lodging, I do not know, but I am convinced it
was a concerted affair.
_February_ 13_th._--The morning began most inauspiciously. It rained very
hard, and blew with equal violence. I thought of the poor courier, who
would be prevented by it from passing the Dinckel. I set out once more
at eight o'clock from Rheine in this dismal weather and without glasses,
not any being procurable at the place. It was, indeed, a terrifying view
on all sides, and resembled a deluge or inundation. I recommended myself
to God, and comforted myself by the thought that I undertook the journey
in the service of my royal mistress. That I was not repeatedly overturned
was almost a miracle; and had I been so in the great pieces of standing
water through which I passed, the consequences might have been of the
worst sort. I crossed the little river Aá, which was likewise swollen
by the rain to a considerable size. I got at one o'clock to Ippenburen;
from this place I had only eighteen miles to Osnabrück, but the road
was so horribly bad that all I had yet seen sunk before it. A peasant
who accompanied us on foot about four miles from Ippenburen supported
the carriage at different places with his hands, or we must have been
overset. The torrents of rain which had fallen made the highway so soft
that the wheels sank up to the axletrees at every step. There were
great holes made in the middle of the road large enough to take a man
and horse. In other places it was so rough, I expected each moment that
the axletrees, wheels, or brancards must go to pieces. We crossed two
very dangerous waters by moonlight, in one of which a single inch more
on one side must have precipitated us into a river, where we should, I
think, have been both inevitably drowned. How we escaped and got safe to
Osnabrück I do not know. In the bitterness of my heart, tired with such
incessantly-repeated dangers and vexations, I cursed the errand, and
swore that I would never again undertake a journey through Westphalia
in the winter, let the inducement be what it would; but this was only
momentary, and _now_ I am ready, at my sovereign's command, to return
through all if it should be necessary. 'Twas near ten o'clock at night
when I reached Osnabrück, to my no small comfort. I was fatigued and
sore with the continued shaking of the carriage; I wanted glasses to my
chaise; I wanted repose; so I determined to stay the night.
The landlord of the inn, after congratulating me on my safe arrival,
implored me not to attempt to pass the river Weser at Stolzenau, which
is the straight road to Hanover, but rather to go round ten miles by
Minden, where there is a bridge across it. He showed me a letter he had
just received from there, which said that the Weser was swollen to a
prodigious size; that twenty-two dead bodies had been taken up at the
bridge, floating on the water; that the danger of passing in a boat was
extreme, and the inundation beyond any ever remembered. This induced me,
though reluctantly, to take his advice as the safest, or at least the
most certain in every point of view.
About one o'clock in the afternoon I left Osnabrück, and arrived at
Boomele, which is fifteen miles distant, at six. The road was, if
possible, yet worse than all I had hitherto seen or passed, but of a
different kind, in some measure. There were no dangerous waters or
rivers; but such numbers of stones, and of so prodigious a size, that
it appeared astonishing in the highest degree that the carriage was not
totally demolished by them. I started at eight for Diepenau, which is
twenty English miles, but did not arrive there till half-past five the
next morning. I had here occasion for all my courage to support me.
The postmaster obliged me to take six horses, and they were indeed
most necessary. The country was all covered with water like a lake; and
I passed through a horse-pond, where I expected every instant to be
overset, and in which the horses were almost up to their shoulders. At
length we came to two vast hollows, not less than four-and-twenty feet
deep, and in which a great quantity of water had collected. Here I got
out, as did my servant. The postilions carried us on their shoulders
through it, the carriage followed, but I never expected to see it come
out, at least, without being broken to pieces. It did get through,
notwithstanding, to my astonishment; yet, at many other places I dreaded
every instant to be overturned at the hazard of my life. Still, I
proceeded, encouraged by the moon, which shone very brightly, and was
indeed my protectress amid so many and so repeated dangers. Yet the
continued anxiety of mind which prevented me from closing my eyes, and
the violent exercise of the body in such horrid roads--if roads they
could with propriety be called--at length wearied and fatigued me beyond
belief. I wished to be at the end of my journey. I wished I had never
undertaken it; I almost lost that animating principle, that enthusiasm
and hope, which had borne me up and made me with joy devote myself to
every untoward accident. In a word, I felt that I could brave death, but
not mental and corporeal agitation unusually continued. But what could I
do? I had passed the Rubicon.
_Wednesday, February_ 15_th._--In this frame of mind, after waiting from
five till three for horses at Diepenau, I again got into the carriage;
where to go, however, I really knew not. There were only three roads
to choose. If I went to Minden, which was only ten miles distant, I
could indeed get there and pass the Weser by the bridge; but then they
were unanimously agreed that the road from Minden to Hanover was not
practicable, or to be attempted. I would have gone north to Nienburg, and
have passed the Weser by _that_ bridge, but it was impossible; the Weser
had inundated the road, overflowed the bridge, left holes big enough to
hold a house in the highway; and there were at this time more than two
hundred carts belonging to the peasants which could not get out of the
town. The last resource was to go on straight to Stolzenau, and attempt,
at all events, to cross by boat to Leese on the eastern side. I embraced
this last proposal in consequence of the courier's advice, and followed
his waggons. While I was meditating on so many vexatious circumstances,
and going slowly along the pavé in the village of Diepenau, unsuspicious
at that moment of any immediate accident or danger, the postilion turned
the carriage short round a corner and flung it into a deep ditch. By a
good fortune, however, which never totally abandoned me, the chaise just
being in equilibrium, and a peasant running up came just at the instant
it was tumbling over, and supported it with the greatest difficulty with
his hands till more assistance arrived.
I must own, I thought myself lost, and do assuredly believe that, if the
chaise had fallen over, the violence must have broken it in pieces, and
both myself and my valet would in all probability have been cut most
miserably, or been possibly killed on the spot. I jumped out of the
carriage the instant I could. I drew my hanger, and, in the transports of
my resentment, I should most assuredly have made the postilion remember,
as long as he lived, his carelessness; but the fellow was gone far beyond
my reach long even before I could get out. The villagers helped out
the chaise, and happily no material injury was done it. This provoking
accident filled up the measure of my vexations. To have my life and
limbs every moment in extreme danger--to suffer by roads, by villany, by
heedlessness, by water, by a train of obstacles which increased instead
of diminishing--the river Weser before me, and yet to be passed--I lost
all patience, I believe I shed tears of anger and sorrow. "In the name
of Heaven!" I said to myself, "am I destined to perish in one of these
confounded ditches? And is this message, for which I so eagerly wished,
to be the last I shall ever carry?"
I trembled as I once more entered the carriage, which I began to think
was no other than my coffin. Another postilion mounted, and I fairly
told him that if he overset me I would put him to death on the spot,
whatever consequences might ensue. I abandoned myself to fortune; worn
and oppressed by such continued exertions, my senses sank under it, and
though in momentary expectation of being again overturned, I yet fell
asleep for a few minutes. I arrived safe, notwithstanding, at Stolzenau,
and walked down, accompanied by the courier, to view the Weser. What
a sight! it was more than a mile and a half wide, and ran with vast
rapidity. The meadows, the very hedges all under water, and extending
quite to the village of Leese on the other side. I was determined, if I
died, to attempt the passage. I agreed instantly with some boatmen to
take me and my carriage over in a boat. They would not go that night, but
agreed to carry me to-morrow morning at six o'clock. So I shall see some
end to my misadventures. I write this from Stolzenau. The courier left
all his waggons, for it was totally impossible to get them over in any
manner, and went away with his letters only to Hanover in a small boat.
I wrote to Baron von Seckendorf by him, telling him where I was, and my
resolution, my fixed determination, at all events, to cross to-morrow,
for I preferred anything to remaining in a vile inn, in a horrid village,
with the Weser in full view. At this moment my mind has somewhat
recovered, and I am calm and tranquil--yet some termination I will see to
these cursed disasters. And now for some rest. Sleep will, I doubt not,
be the kindest friend and restorer to me in nature.
_February_ 16.--Why should I quarrel so with fortune? why complain,
when as yet she smiles upon me? True, the roads are terrible, and the
dangers numerous beyond belief; but am I not already past the worst, and
hastening to a queen? This reflection ought to be alone sufficient in
every situation.
I got into my carriage, which was placed in a little boat, at about
seven in the morning, and, leaving Stolzenau, in about an hour and a
half I reached the opposite dry land, and set my foot again on shore. I
passed through meadows and fields, where the tops of the hedges and the
trees began to appear above the surface of the water for nearly a mile,
perhaps more. The inundation was amazingly extensive, and reminded me of
Deucalion's deluge. It cost me, I think, about a ducat to cross over from
Stolzenau. The water reached to about a quarter of a mile from Leese,
where the post is situate. I proceeded, as soon as I had drunk my coffee,
for Hanover, and got to Hazelberg, which is twelve miles from Leese, at
about three in the afternoon. The weather was beautiful, but the road
tremendous. I know not by what continued series of fortunate chances
we were not upset. I continued my journey, and arrived safe at Hanover
at about ten at night. This part of the Electorate, from the Weser to
Hanover, is the most beautiful I have seen, and finely cultivated; but
of all the roads conceivable, none ever, I believe, exceeded this in
badness. I drove in continual danger of my life, and, really, several
times, in the deep waters through which I passed, prepared myself for
instant death.
_February_ 17.--I left Hanover about noon, and took the road for Zell.
I do not believe the whole distance is more than twenty-two or three
English miles, though it is called five German ones. I arrived at Engsen,
which is exactly half way, as night set in. The road was still the same;
it was not worse, but one can hardly say it was better. I waited for
the moon to rise, and then proceeded for Zell. I arrived there at ten
o'clock, but that I ever did arrive is wonderful. One half of the road
from Engsen, which is five miles, lay almost entirely through water, and
in many places so deep, so wide, and so long, as might have inspired
terror in the boldest heart; but my near approach to the place of my
destination gave me courage, and supported me through everything. Once,
though, we were just lost in the water. The carriage balanced, and the
balance was in our favour. I thought of William Rufus crossing into
Normandy, and the boatmen. "Rascals," said he, "did you ever know a king
drowned?" "Was ever," I thought, "young man drowned in sight of his
port?" I drove to the same inn where I had been concealed before, and
gave the same name to the guard.
* * * * *
On the following morning, Mr. Wraxall acquainted Baron von Seckendorf
with his arrival. The latter received the agent with the warmest marks
of joy and gladness, informed him that her Majesty, who was apprised of
his arrival by the name given at the gates, expected him with impatience,
and that she had already taken measures to admit him to an audience that
same afternoon. "When you hear the palace clock strike four," the baron
said, "set out from the inn, on foot, for the castle. Mantel, the queen's
valet, will wait to receive you, and conduct you to her."
Mr. Wraxall delivered to the baron the despatches for her Majesty, and
went at the appointed hour to the palace. Mantel was waiting, and carried
him round the great court through a number of apartments to a room, where
he was left alone. At one end of it was a staircase communicating with
the queen's chamber. In a minute afterwards, Caroline Matilda came in,
and her reception of her agent was most gracious. The account of the
interview shall be told from the "Journal:"--
"We conversed till about ten minutes past six, entirely alone, and in
the most unreserved, undisguised manner. Her Majesty made me the recital
of her reign, of the revolution, of her own conduct on that fatal night
when she lost her crown. I listened in silence and astonishment. What
an avowal, what a recapitulation did she not make me! Her words are
for ever graven on my heart. I could repeat her story almost verbatim.
I know what scarce any other man on earth _can_ know. I must own, her
unreserve, her goodness, her minute detail of circumstances the most
concealed in their nature, my situation quite alone with her, superadded
to some consciousness still more affecting, made me more than once forget
I was talking to a queen. She was dressed in a brown silk Polonaise,
trimmed with green silk. Her hair powdered. A locket on her bosom.
Her under-lip is too large, but her teeth are fine, and that family
violence in speaking becomes her. Her nose is finely shaped, and her
eyes are eloquent. She is thinner in the face than she was last October.
She showed me his Majesty's letters to her, and permitted me to carry
an extract from one away with me. She was obliged to leave me soon
after six, which, otherwise, she seemed in no way inclined to do. Her
talents are very good, and in mimicry she excels. Her specimen of Prince
Frederick of Denmark was excellent. She went, and I remained ten minutes
alone. The valet came again and conducted me to a distant chamber of the
palace, where the baron attended my coming. We conversed together till
near eight, then I returned home. The baron himself conducted me to a
private staircase, by which I descended into the great court, and thence,
under cover of the night, got home undiscovered. This was _one_ of the
singular days of my life!"
Mr. Wraxall passed nearly the whole of the next day with Baron von
Seckendorf, who returned him the articles from the queen, enclosed in a
cover addressed by herself to Baron von Bülow, and sealed with her own
cypher. She also transmitted to him assurances calculated to confirm the
zeal of her adherents. Mr. Wraxall proceeded toward Hamburg on the same
night, though the country between it and Celle was almost everywhere
under water. Crossing the Elbe, he arrived at Hamburg on the evening of
February 21, 1775, after a hazardous and fatiguing journey.
On the following day he wrote to Baron von Bülow, by means of Monsieur
le Texier, informing him of his return. The baron came to Mr. Wraxall on
February 23, about noon, and expressed great joy at his safe arrival.
The agent then delivered the papers containing the articles to the
baron, who perused them many times with the deepest attention. Of the
two first articles he expressed the highest approbation. He regretted
that the King of England would not advance any pecuniary assistance
toward accomplishing his sister's restoration. But he lamented much more
that the fourth article only stipulated or promised, on the part of his
Britannic Majesty, to avow the revolution _after it should be effected_,
instead of making that avowal _during the time that it should be actually
executing_.
"We must, however," the baron exclaimed, "transmit the articles to our
associates at Copenhagen, and receive their reply. That alone can enable
us to form our determination respecting the line to be pursued."
The baron then asked Mr. Wraxall if he should be willing to undertake
the commission of carrying the articles to Copenhagen, which he assured
him he would do at an hour's warning. After thanking the agent for so
unequivocal a proof of his attachment to the cause, and admonishing him
to be on his guard, as they were surrounded by spies, the baron left,
promising to return on the next day.
When they met on the 24th, the baron informed Mr. Wraxall that, having
maturely reflected on the proposition he had made the latter of going to
Copenhagen, and having consulted two of his friends upon it, they were
unanimously of opinion not to hazard such an experiment. Mr. Wraxall
being known in that capital, his return to it must, in the present
state of affairs, excite inquiry, and might expose the enterprise
itself to discovery or suspicion. They had, therefore, already selected
for that commission a gentleman attached to the cause, who would set
out immediately. He would return with all possible despatch, but, as
the passage of the two Belts was always uncertain in winter, it might
probably require two, or even three, weeks to receive an answer. During
this time the baron requested Mr. Wraxall, in the name of the party, to
remain quietly in Hamburg.
On March 14, Baron von Bülow came to Mr. Wraxall and informed him that
the expected answer from Copenhagen had arrived. "It is," he said,
"exactly such as I predicted and anticipated. Our friends had hoped that
his Britannic Majesty would have authorised his Resident to have come
forward _at the time that they were effecting_ the counter-revolution;
and that, as representing the king his sovereign, he would, in that
critical and decisive moment, have been empowered openly to avow and
justify it. This is the only request they make. They know that they are
powerful enough to _accomplish_ the queen's recall, but to maintain it
may be their difficulty."
After a little further conversation, the baron added:
"At the instant when the queen dowager and her son, Prince Frederick,
are put under confinement in their own apartments, when the principal
ministers are arrested, and the King of Denmark's order obtained for
Queen Matilda's immediate return to Copenhagen, all eyes will be turned
upon the conduct of the British Resident. If he shuts the gates of
his hôtel, and remains a silent or a passive spectator of so great a
change, men will naturally conceive that his court and his master are
unacquainted with, if not adverse to, the enterprise itself. It is even
possible that, encouraged by such inaction on the part of the English
representative, the adherents of the queen dowager may attempt, while
the counter-revolution is yet scarcely completed, to overturn it, or to
excite the populace of Copenhagen to insurrection. We may be the victims
of the King of England's reserve.
"But if, on the contrary, while Queen Matilda's friends are achieving the
counter-revolution, the English Resident goes to the palace, avows his
master's approbation of it, and adds, that every attempt to overturn
it, or to impede his sister's recall, will excite the resentment of his
Britannic Majesty, who will support it, if necessary, by force: all ranks
of men will remain in profound submission. The party is, therefore,
determined to draw up a letter to the above effect, addressed to the King
of England in their joint names, and to limit their requests to this
single point. That granted, they are ready, without delay, to proceed to
action."
Before they parted, it was settled that Baron von Bülow should draw up
the letter in question, and that as soon as matters were arranged Mr.
Wraxall should return once more to Celle, and thence to England.
As George III. had made choice of Baron von Lichtenstein as the medium
through which all immediate communications to him on the subject of the
queen his sister should pass, it was highly important to apprise the
baron of this intention. Mr. Wraxall accordingly wrote to him on the
same day by the post, expressing in very few words that, on account of
some circumstances which had arisen, he would probably see Mr. Wraxall
again in London early in the ensuing month. The writer added, that if,
unfortunately, the baron should have quitted England before his return,
he relied on his leaving accurate directions in writing how to proceed in
the affair. Mr. Wraxall also wrote to Baron von Seckendorf, apprising him
that he might be expected again in Celle in a few days.
On March 20, Baron von Bülow delivered Mr. Wraxall the letter for the
King of Great Britain. It was not signed by him or by any of the party,
on account of the danger incurred by such a signature. But it expressed
in very strong terms the united entreaties of the queen's adherents on
the single point already stated. This letter Mr. Wraxall was empowered to
deliver to the queen on his arrival at Celle, to request her to peruse
it, and afterwards to enclose it in a letter from herself to her brother,
supporting every argument contained in it by her entreaties. Mr. Wraxall
was, as on the two previous occasions, to draw up a letter to the queen,
and his further instructions for her were to the following effect:--
"To assure her Majesty, on the part of the Danish nobility engaged in
her cause, that they were unremittingly occupied in concerting measures
for her restoration. That they were so numerous and powerful a body,
possessed of such means, and inspired by motives so strong, as to render
their success almost infallible. That the consent of the King of Great
Britain to the only request preferred by them would, indeed, accelerate,
as his refusal might retard, the accomplishment of the projected
enterprise, but that nothing could prevent its ultimate execution. That
even a discovery of the design would not frustrate it; and that, if the
executioner should strike off ten heads or twenty, a number sufficient
would still survive to seat her on the throne. That the plan, when ripe,
would be carried into execution in the following manner:--
"On the day fixed, certain of them would repair to the palace, obtain
access to the king, and either induce or compel him to affix his name to
an instrument ready drawn up for the purpose. The instrument would simply
contain an order to the queen dowager to retire to her own apartment
till his further pleasure was known; and to Prince Frederick, to remove
to one of the palaces, probably that of Frederiksborg, about twenty
miles from Copenhagen. That at the same time, by virtue of a similar
order, the ministers would be dismissed or arrested; and a messenger
sent off to invite the queen to return, without an instant's delay, to
Denmark, to resume her proper rank and authority. That their measures
would be so well concerted and so rapidly executed as to produce the
counter-revolution in the space of one or two hours.
"That they trusted, therefore, she, on her part, would repair with all
possible expedition to Copenhagen. That a proper escort, becoming her
dignity, should be formed, to accompany her from Altona through the
Danish territories, and that they calculated she might, with despatch,
reach Copenhagen in four days from the time of her quitting Celle, if
no extraordinary impediment arose in her passing the two Belts. That
her presence in the capital of Denmark would animate the courage of
her adherents, cover her enemies with consternation, and complete the
counter-revolution. Lastly, that though they could not yet name the
precise time when they hoped to proceed to action, which must in a
certain degree depend on the answer of his Britannic Majesty to their
present request, yet, that for many and urgent reasons, they neither
could nor would long defer the blow."
Having received the above-mentioned letter from Baron von Bülow, and
general directions for his conduct, Mr. Wraxall again set out from
Hamburg on March 21, 1775, and reached Celle on the following night, at
ten o'clock. He gave the same name to the sentinel at the gates, and
drove to the same obscure inn, as on former occasions. Next morning he
went to Baron von Seckendorf to inform him of his arrival. The baron
entreated him to remain concealed as much as possible, and not to stir
out by day, as the Princess of Brunswick was then on a visit to the
queen. But, he added, that her Majesty was determined to see Mr. Wraxall,
at all events, previous to his departure, as she had various matters to
impart to him of a confidential nature.
On Mr. Wraxall's return to the inn, Mantel, the queen's valet, came to
him. Mr. Wraxall gave him, in consequence of the order he brought, the
letter of the Danish nobility to George III., and also a letter from
himself, addressed to the queen, containing the heads of the instructions
with which he was charged. It was afterwards fixed, between Baron von
Seckendorf and Mr. Wraxall, that, on Saturday morning, March 25, as soon
as the hereditary princess had returned to Brunswick, Mr. Wraxall should
be brought to the castle, where the queen would be ready to receive him.
But, after mature deliberation, the baron thought that it would be safer
for him to repair to the castle during the night before the princess
left Celle. The circumstance of her then being at Celle was favourable,
because no one would be tempted to suppose that the queen could venture
on so hazardous an experiment when her sister was under the same roof. It
was therefore agreed, that precisely at eight o'clock on the evening of
the 24th, Mr. Wraxall should wrap himself in his great-coat, and proceed
to the entrance of the drawbridge over the great moat of the castle,
where Mantel should punctually meet him, and conduct him to the queen.
The circumstances of this last interview are so interesting, that I shall
allow Mr. Wraxall to speak in the first person.
* * * * *
I set off about a quarter of an hour before eight for the inn. The
darkness of the night was accompanied by a tempest of wind and rain. When
I got to the spot, no valet appeared, and directly afterwards the guard
was relieved. I was therefore compelled to hide myself as well as I could
while the whole guard passed close to me. The rain was so heavy, and the
darkness such, that fortunately I was not discovered. I waited in this
unpleasant predicament a full quarter of an hour, anxious and impatient
to the greatest degree. At length Mantel came. He said not a word to me,
but, wrapping his cloak all over me, and covering me with his umbrella,
he led me in silence over the drawbridge, under the arch, into the square
court of the castle.
We went up a private staircase, and he conducted me along the great
gallery or corridor into the queen's library. Two candles were burning,
and the book-cases were thrown open, as it was uncertain at what hour
the queen could come to me. Mantel left me, but returned in less than
a quarter of an hour with a note from Baron von Seckendorf, to the
following effect:--
"Un mot pour vous, mon très cher, tout va bien. On espère même que
la princesse se retirera à neuf heures; alors sa Majesté pourra vous
parler jusqu'a onze heures, à son aise. Vouz pouvez lui dire tout ce
que vous avez sur le cœur. Le mauvais temps, m'annonce l'impossibilité
de me trouver demain matin au rendezvous: ainsi, ayez la grace, étant
d'ailleurs destiné d'être mouillé, de passer à huit heures chez moi.
Ordonnez les chevaux à neuf, et partez sous la garde de Dieu. Bon soir.
Je retourne le chiffre dont j'ai pris copie. Rapportez-moi demain tout ce
que vous avez de papiers ou d'ailleurs. Vous verrez la reine précisement
à neuf heures."
I had scarcely perused the note when I heard the queen's footstep on the
staircase. A moment afterwards she entered the room. She was charmingly
dressed, though without diamonds; she had on a crimson satin sack, and
her hair dressed. I drew a chair, and entreated her to allow me to stand
and receive her commands, while she was seated, but she declined it, and
we both stood the whole time. Our interview lasted about two hours. It
was a quarter past eleven when I asked her Majesty if I should retire,
and she signified her pleasure that I should. She approved of the letter
drawn up by the Danish nobility to the King of Great Britain, as well as
the request contained in it, which she confessed to be natural and just,
though she doubted his Britannic Majesty's consent to it.
"I will, however," she added, "write to my brother the letter requested
before I go to bed to-night, enforcing, as far as I am able, the petition
of the nobility. You shall receive it from Baron Seckendorf to-morrow
morning, and at the same time that of the Danish nobility shall be
returned to you."
Her Majesty ordered me to assure Baron von Bülow by letter that "she
was satisfied with all I had communicated to her on his part, and that
she should be ready on the shortest notice to mount on horseback in
men's clothes, in order more expeditiously to reach Copenhagen: there to
encounter every difficulty with her friends."
Her Majesty was gracious enough to express to me the strongest assurances
of her protection. She was pleased to say:
"I lament that I have no means left me of proving to you at this time my
satisfaction. You have run every hazard in order to serve me. I will,
whatever may be the event of the present attempt, recommend you to the
king, my brother. He can, and will, I have no doubt, recompense you
properly. Meanwhile, write to me freely and unreservedly from England on
every point, and rely on my recollection of your services."
When the queen was about to withdraw, she opened the door, but held it
a few minutes in her hand, as if she had something to say: she then
retired. I little thought her death was so near, and that I should
never see her again. In a short time afterwards, Mantel came to me,
and wrapping me up in his cloak as before, conducted me by a private
staircase out of one of the postern gates of the castle. It was quite
dark, and he therefore showed me the way through the suburbs to the inn.
When I got there, it was midnight.
* * * * *
On the following morning, Mr. Wraxall waited on Baron von Seckendorf. The
latter delivered to him the two letters, one from the Danish nobility,
and one from the queen to George III. They were under separate covers,
but both were sealed and addressed by herself. Mr. Wraxall received
orders from her Majesty, concerning what he had written on March 14
from Hamburg, namely, to deliver the letters on his arrival in London to
Baron von Lichtenstein, if he was still there, and in case of his having
quitted England, he would follow the instructions which might be left by
him respecting the mode of conveying the despatches to the king.
Baron von Seckendorf, at the same time, communicated to Mr. Wraxall,
by the queen's command, a message with which she had charged him. It
contained the most gracious assurances of her favour and protection,
"as due," she was pleased to say, "to his zeal, exertions, and
disinterestedness."
Mr. Wraxall left Celle immediately afterwards, and took the road to
Osnabrück and Holland. From Rotterdam he wrote to Baron von Bülow, as
well as to Mr. le Texier, informing them of all that had happened at
Celle, and of his being on his way to England. On April 1, he embarked at
Helvoetsluys, and reached London on the morning of the 5th.
On the next day, Mr. Wraxall called at Baron von Lichtenstein's lodgings,
but, to his great mortification, learned that the baron had left England
ten days previously. He left behind him, however, the following letter
for the Queen of Denmark's agent:--
J'ai reçu, monsieur, la lettre que vous m'avez fait l'honneur
de m'écrire en date du 14 de Mars. Je suis très faché que mes
occupations, et mon emploi à Hannovre, ne me permettent pas de
m'arréter ici jusqu'au temps de votre retour, pour avoir la
satisfaction d'apprendre le succès de votre voyage, n'en ayant pas
eu, comme vous vous imaginez, des nouvelles par la personne en
question. En attendant, j'ai donné l'avis de votre arrivée prochaine.
Vous trouverez çi joint l'adresse de la personne à laquelle _on_
veut que vous remettiez vos lettres, dont vous pourriez être chargé.
Je dois vous dire de n'être pas surpris, se vous ne recevez point
de réponse. _On_ l'adressera à moi. Des raisons que vous savez,
c'est à dire qu'on ne donnera rien d'écrit de sa main touchant cette
affaire, ne permettent pas d'agir autrement. Si _on_ ne change pas
de sentiment, et si _on_ ne vous fait pas dire par celui auquel
vous donnerez vos lettres, d'attendre ici, je ne vois pas d'autre
expédient que de retourner dans une quinzaine de jours et de venir me
trouver à Hannovre, où je compte d'être infailliblement vers la fin
du mois d'Avril. J'ai l'honneur d'être avec la considération la plus
distinguée,
Monsieur,
Votre très humble et
Très obéissant serviteur,
N. L.
A Londres, ce 24 Mars, 1775.
Adresse de la personne à laquelle Mr. Wr. remettra ses lettres,
MONSIEUR DE HINÜUBER,
Jermain Street, St. James's.
In obedience to this order, Mr. Wraxall waited upon Mr. Hinüber on the
next morning. The latter received him with great politeness, and informed
him that he had the king's directions to take from Mr. Wraxall, and
forward immediately in a sealed-up box to the queen's house, whatever
letters Mr. Wraxall might give him. Mr. Wraxall, in consequence,
delivered to Monsieur de Hinüber two packets: one from the Queen of
Denmark, and another from the Danish nobility. To these he added a letter
addressed by himself to his Majesty. In the last, he thought it his duty
to request the king, in the name of all the adherents of his sister, to
admit him to an audience, as the only person who could, from his perfect
knowledge of the plan and the persons, satisfy any inquiries, or explain
any secret matters relative to the enterprise itself.
Mr. Wraxall also wrote to the queen, Baron von Seckendorf, and Baron
von Bülow, acquainting them with his arrival and his Majesty's orders.
During a fortnight, he waited in expectation that the king might possibly
signify to him his commands. But having received no communication, Mr.
Wraxall wrote, on April 21, to Baron von Bülow and Monsieur le Texier,
informing them how matters stood. He particularly requested to be told in
what manner he should act: whether they wished him to remain in London,
or return by Hanover and Celle to Hamburg. By the same post, he addressed
a letter to her Majesty at Celle, stating fully to her the facts which
he had communicated to the Danish nobility.
It was not till May 10 that Mr. Wraxall received an answer from the
Danish nobility. The letter was written by Le Texier in his own name
and that of Von Bülow. It was to the effect that the baron's absence
from Altona had occasioned the delay of some days in replying to Mr.
Wraxall's last despatch; but that, the baron being then returned,
they had maturely considered it together. They greatly regretted the
king's not having admitted their agent to an audience, as well as his
silence on the important point requested. The state of affairs at
Copenhagen was extremely critical; but till the return of young Baron
von Schimmelmann, whom they expected impatiently and daily, they were
in a degree unacquainted with the person, condition, or intentions of
their associates. The instant they were enabled to give Mr. Wraxall any
information on the subject, he should hear again. In the meanwhile, they
besought him, in the joint names of all the party, to remain quiet where
he was, and not to set out from London, either for Celle or Hamburg,
unless by his Majesty's positive directions.
In pursuance of this letter, Mr. Wraxall waited for further information,
and held himself in readiness, if it should be thought necessary, to
return to Germany, or to renew his application to George III. through Mr.
de Hinüber, if the Danish nobility should instruct him to do so; but
Providence had decreed that their efforts should be rendered vain. While
the measures concerted to restore the queen to the throne of Denmark
appeared to be near their accomplishment, she was no more. The melancholy
intelligence did not reach London till May 19, and it need hardly be
said that the news of so unexpected and lamentable an event produced a
terrible effect on her zealous agent.
On May 25, Mr. Wraxall received a letter from Baron von Seckendorf, which
I shall transcribe here, as it contains a singular and material fact,
that George III. had given, through Baron von Lichtenstein, an answer
to the request made him by the Danish nobility; but that, as the king's
letter arrived at Hanover when Caroline Matilda was either dying or dead,
the packet was returned to him unopened:--
MON TRES CHER AMI,
La mort également douleureuse et rapide de mon incomparable
maîtresse, renverse tout d'un coup l'édifice de notre prospérité. Que
nous sommes malheureux, et que sa perte est grande pour nos amis.
Lepy (Baron von Bülow) a été incessamment informé par moi de cette
triste catastrophe. Le paquet dont se trouvait chargé le courier, a
été renvoyé, sans être décacheté au Sieur Abel (the King of England)
par Alis (Lichtenstein) et j'ignore entièrement ce qu'auroit été la
résolution qu'il comptait donner aux amis de Montpelier (Copenhagen).
Alis m'a promis de faire en sorte que toutes les dépenses faites
par eux et par vous, seroient remboursées par Abel, le plutôt que
possible. Et sitôt que j'aurai des nouvelles sûres à cet égard, vous
en serez instruit. En attendant, je vous prie de dire ceci à Lepy. Il
est juste que personne ne perde son argent.
Que deviendrons nous à cette heure, mon très cher ami? Resterez vous
à Londres, oui ferez vous le voyage que vos parents avaient projetté?
Puis-je me flatter de vous revoir jamais? Grand Dieu! quelle
désolation en si peu de momens! Je ne pourrai jamais me remettre de
ce coup. Vôtre dernière lettre parvint encore à la chère défuncte.
Adieu, mon très cher ami! Je ne cesserai de ma vie de vous aimer
et de conserver la mémoire de votre attachement sincère pour la
precieuse Agujari (Queen of Denmark).
Tout à vous,
BROCARD.[54]
Ce 16ᵐᵉ May, 1775.
From Baron von Bülow, Mr. Wraxall received a letter, in June, announcing
to him the same event; it was dated May 22nd, and I shall extract the
first part of it here, as it proves another very important circumstance,
that the enterprise would have been carried out whether George III. had
given the required promise or not:--
MONSIEUR,
La nouvelle la plus malheureuse du monde m'avait mis dans un tel état
d'anéantissement, qu'il n'a été jusqu' ici pas possible de vous dire
un mot.
Occupé avec Grenier (Schimmelmann) à deliberer sur les moyens les
plus prompts pour exécuter le plan, et rempli de nouvelles espérances
non équivoques fixant, pour ainsi dire, malgré le silence opiniâtre
d'Abel, le _jour_, le _moment_ tant désiré, je reçois une lettre de
Brocard. Je l'ouvre avec précipitation, dans l'idée d'y trouver les
choses les plus agréables: mais, au contraire, la première ligne
annonce l'arrêt du Destin le plus cruel. Je ne dirai rien de ce que
je sentis dans un moment aussi inattendu, puisque je suis sûr que
vous vous en faites une idée exacte, par la situation dans laquelle
vous vous serez trouvé vous même, en apprenant notre malheur.
C'en est donc fait de notre bonheur! il s'est enfui pour toujours.
Nous n'avons pas dû être heureux. Nous n'avons pas dû le rendre les
autres. Il ne nous reste aucun espoir. Nous rentrons dans le néant
dont nous voulions sortir! Mais que ce Fantome de bonheur envolé ne
nous emporte pas votre amitié et attachement. Comptez jusqu'à la fin
des mes forces, sur le mien. Mes amis vous assurent la même chose.
Nous vous devons trop pour devenir ingrat. Tout ce qui dépendra de
nous, pour vous le temoigner, ne sera jamais négligé. Parlez et
disposez de ce qu'il y a en notre pouvoir.
Thus terminated, seemingly at the point of fruition, an enterprise in
which some of the first nobility of Denmark, Norway, and Holstein, were
engaged, and to which George III. had given his consent.[55]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 52: George III., it must be borne in mind, considered his
public duties as superior to private feelings. In 1775, he, though
overwhelmed with grief at his sister's death, obtained from Christian
VII. a decree that the Danes were to give no sort of assistance to the
American rebels.]
[Footnote 53: The admirers of cryptography will find a specimen of the
baron's letters in the Appendix. To the same dreary limbo I have also
consigned my grandfather's letters to his father relating to this affair,
solely through a fear that I might be charged with giving him undue
prominence in a work purporting to be the life of Caroline Matilda.]
[Footnote 54: Seckendorf.]
[Footnote 55: Baron von Bülow and his friends nobly kept their word,
and constantly urged George III., through Lichtenstein, to reward my
grandfather for his great exertions on behalf of Caroline Matilda. It was
not, however, till 1781, or when Mr. Wraxall had a seat in the House of
Commons, and a useful vote, that Lord North brought up the subject. My
grandfather then received 1,000 guineas for his services, and the promise
of a seat at the Board of Green Cloth. The promise was not kept; for what
reason he shall tell us himself:--
"In November, 1783, on the meeting of Parliament, the memorable East
India Bill was introduced by Mr. Fox. Upon the first division that took
place on the bill, I quitted Lord North, notwithstanding the motives I
had to adhere to him; rather choosing to abandon my expectations, however
near their accomplishment, than give my support to a measure which I
considered to be pregnant with mischief to the country and constitution.
I joined Mr. Pitt in opposition, and was one of the one hundred and
twenty members who formed the minority on that evening against a majority
of two hundred and twenty-nine in favour of the bill."]