Point Lookout, Va. Saltville, Va.

May 13, 1864. Dec. 20, 1864.

U. S. C. T. 36th Inf. U. S. C. T. 5th Cav.

Point of Rocks, Md. Sand Mountain, Tenn.

June 9, 1864. Jan. 27, 1865.

U. S. C. T. 2d Cav. U. S. C. T. 18th Inf.

Point Pleasant, La. Sandy Swamp, N. C.

June 25, 1864. Dec. 18, 1863.

U. S. C. T. 64th Inf. U. S. C. T. 5th Inf.

Poison Springs, Ark. Scottsboro', Ala.

April 18, 1864. Jan. 8, 1865.

U. S. C. T. 79th (new) Inf. U. S. C. T. 101st Inf.

Port Hudson, La. Section 37, N. and N.W.R.R., Tenn.

May 22 to July 8, 1863. Nov. 24, 1864.

U. S. C. T. 73d, 75th, 78th, U. S. C. T. 12th Inf.

79th (old), 80th, 81st, 82d,

and 95th Inf. Sherwood, Mo.

May 18, 1863.

Powhatan, Va. U. S. C. T, 79th (new) Inf.

Jan. 25, 1865.

U. S. C. T. 1st Cav. Simpsonville, Ky.

Jan. 25, 1865.

Prairie D'ann, Ark. U. S. C. T. 5th Cav.

April 13, 1864.

U. S. C. T. 79th (new) and Smithfield, Va.

83d (new) Inf. Aug. 30, 1864.

U. S. C. T. 1st Cav.

Pulaski, Tenn.

May 13, 1864. Smithfield, Ky.

U. S. C. T. 111th Inf. Jan, 5, 1865.

U. S. C. T. 6th Cav.

Raleigh, N. C.

April 7, 1865. South Tunnel, Tenn.

U. S. C. T. 5th Inf. Oct. 10, 1864.

U. S. C. T. 40th Inf.

Rector's Farm, Ark.

Dec. 19, 1864. Spanish Fort, Ala.

U. S. C. T. 83d (new) Inf. March 27 to April 8, 1865.

U. S. C. T. 68th Inf.

Red River Expedition, La.

May --, 1864. Suffolk, Va.

U. S. C. T. 92d Inf. March 9, 1864.

U. S. C. T. 2d Cav.

Richland, Tenn.

Sept. 26, 1864. Sugar Loaf Hill, N. C.

U. S. C. T. 111th Inf. Jan. 19, 1865.

U. S. C. T. 6th Inf.

Richmond, Va.

Oct. 28 and 29, 1864. Sugar Loaf Hill, N. C.

U. S. C. T. 2d Cav.; 7th Inf. Feb. 11, 1865.

U. S. C. T. 4th, 6th, and 30th Inf.

Ripley, Miss.

June 7, 1864. Sulphur Branch Trestle, Ala.

U. S. C. T. 55th Inf. Sept. 25, 1864.

U. S. C. T. 111th Inf.

Roache's Plantation, Miss.

March 31, 1864. Swift's Creek, S. C.

U. S. C. T. 3d Cav. April 19, 1865.

U. S. C. T. 102d Inf.

Rolling Fork, Miss.

Nov. 22, 1864. Taylorsville, Ky.

U. S. C. T. 3d Cav. April 18, 1865.

U. S. C. T. 119th Inf.

Roseville Creek, Ark.

March 20, 1864. Timber Hill, Caddo Nation.

U. S. C. T. 79th (new) Inf. Nov. 19, 1864.

U. S. C. T. 79th (new) Inf.

Ross's Landing, Ark.

Feb. 14, 1864. Town Creek, N. C.

U. S. C. T. 51st Inf. Feb. 20, 1865.

U. S. C. T. 1st Inf.

St. John's River, S. C.

May 23, 1864. Township, Fla.

U. S. C. T. 35th Inf. Jan. 26, 1863.

U. S. C. T. 33d Inf.

St. Stephen's, S. C.

March 1, 1865. Tupelo, Miss.

U. S. C. T. 55th (Mass.) Inf. July 13, 14, and 15, 1864.

U. S. C. T. 59th, 61st, and 68th Inf.

Saline River, Ark.

May 4, 1864. Vicksburg, Miss.

U. S. C. T. 83d (new) Inf. Aug. 27, 1863.

U. S. C. T. 5th Hy. Art.

Saline River, Ark.

May --, 1865. Vicksburg, Miss.

U. S. C. T. 54th Inf. Feb. 13, 1864.

U. S. C. T. 52d Inf.

Salkehatchie, S. C.

Feb. 9, 1865. Vicksburg, Miss.

U. S. C. T. 102d Inf. June 4, 1864.

U. S. C. T. 3d Cav.

Saltville, Va.

Oct. 2, 1864. Vicksburg, Miss.

U. S. C. T. 5th and 6th Cav. July 4, 1864.

U. S. C. T. 48th Inf.

Vidalia, La. Williamsburg, Va.

July 22, 1864. March 4, 1864.

U. S. C. T. 6th Hy. Art. U. S. C. T. 6th Inf.

Wallace's Ferry, Ark. Wilmington, N. C.

July 26, 1864. Feb. 22, 1865.

U. S. C. T. 56th Inf. U. S. C. T. 1st. Inf.

Warsaw, N. C. Wilson's Landing, Va.

April 6, 1865. June 11, 1864.

U. S. C. T. 1st Inf. U. S. C. T. 1st Cav.

Waterford, Miss. Wilson's Wharf, Va.

Aug. 16 and 17, 1864. May 24, 1864.

U. S. C. T. 55th and 61st Inf. U. S. C. T. Batt'y B, 2d Lt. Art.;

1st and 10th Inf.

Waterloo, La.

Oct. 20, 1864. Yazoo City, Miss.

U. S. C. T. 75th Inf. March 5, 1864.

U. S. C. T. 3d Cav.; 47th Inf.

Waterproof, La.

Feb. 14, 1864. Yazoo City, Miss.

U. S. C. T. 49th Inf. May 13, 1864.

U. S. C. T. 3d Cav.

Waterproof, La.

April 20, 1864. Yazoo City, Miss.

U. S. C. T. 63d Inf. March 15, 1865.

U. S. C. T. 3d Cav.

White Oak Road, Va.

March 31, 1865. Yazoo Expedition, Miss.

U. S. C. T. 29th Inf. Feb. 28, 1864.

U. S. C. T. 3d Cav.

White River, Ark.

Oct. 22, 1864.

U. S. C. T. 53 Inf.

CHAPTER XX.

HOISTING THE BLACK FLAG.--OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE AND REPORTS.

GENERAL S. D. LEE TO GENERAL COOPER.

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT ALABAMA, MISSISSIPPI, AND }

EAST LOUISIANA, MERIDIAN, June 30, 1864. }

GENERAL: I have the honor to transmit copies of correspondence

between General Washburn, U. S. A., General Forrest, and myself,

which I consider very important, and should be laid before the

Department. It will be my endeavor to avoid, as far as is

consistent with my idea of the dignity of my position, resorting

to such an extremity as the black flag; and the onus shall be

with the Federal commander.

I would like that the onus be put where it properly belongs,

before the public, should the extremity arise. The correspondence

is not complete yet, and the Department will be informed of the

result at the earliest practicable moment.

I am, General, yours respectfully,

S. D. LEE, _Lieutenant-General_.

General S. COOPER, _A. and I. G., Richmond, Va._

GENERAL FORREST TO GENERAL WASHBURN.

HEADQUARTERS FORREST'S CAVALRY, }

IN THE FIELD, June 14, 1864. }

Major-General Washburn, _Commanding United States Forces,

Memphis_:

GENERAL: I have the honor herewith to enclose copy of letter

received from Brigadier-General Buford, commanding United States

forces at Helena, Arkansas, addressed to Colonel E. W. Rucker,

commanding Sixth Regiment of this command; also a letter from

myself to General Buford, which I respectfully request you will

read and forward to him.

There is a matter also to which I desire to call your attention,

which, until now, I have not thought proper to make the subject

of a communication. Recent events render it necessary,--in fact,

demand it.

It has been reported to me that all the negro troops stationed in

Memphis took an oath on their knees, in the presence of

Major-General Hurlbut and other officers of your army, to avenge

Fort Pillow, and that they would show my troops no quarter.

Again, I have it from indisputable authority that the troops

under Brigadier-General Sturgis, on their recent march from

Memphis, publicly and in various places proclaimed that no

quarter would be shown my men. As his troops were moved into

action on the eleventh, the officers commanding exhorted their

men to remember Fort Pillow, and a large majority of the

prisoners we have captured from that command have voluntarily

stated that they expected us to murder them, otherwise they would

have surrendered in a body rather than taken to the bushes after

being run down and exhausted. The recent battle of Tishemingo

Creek was far more bloody than it otherwise would have been but

for the fact that your men evidently expected to be slaughtered

when captured, and both sides acted as though neither felt safe

in surrendering even when further resistance was useless. The

prisoners captured by us say they felt condemned by the

announcements, etc., of their own commanders, and expected no

quarter. In all my operations since the war began, I have

conducted the war on civilized principles, and desire still to do

so, but it is due to my command that they should know the

position you occupy and the policy you intend to pursue. I

therefore respectfully ask whether my men in your hands are

treated as other Confederate prisoners, also the course intended

to be pursued in regard to those who may hereafter fall into your

hands.

I have in my possession quite a number of wounded officers and

men of General Sturgis's command, all of whom have been treated

as well as we have been able to treat them, and are mostly in

charge of a surgeon left at Ripley by General Sturgis to look

after the wounded. Some of them are too severely wounded to be

removed at present. I am willing to exchange them for any men of

my command you may have, and as soon as they are able to be

removed will give them safe escort through my lines in charge of

the surgeon left with them.

I made such an arrangement with Major-General Hurlbut when he was

in command of Memphis, and am willing to renew it, provided it is

desired, as it would be better than to subject them to the long

and fatiguing delay necessary to a regular exchange at City

Point, Virginia.

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

N. B. FORREST, _Major-General_.

GENERAL WASHBURN TO GENERAL LEE.

HEADQUARTERS DISTRICT OF WEST TENNESSEE, }

MEMPHIS, TENN., June 17, 1864. }

Major-General S. D. LEE, _Commanding Confederate Forces near

Tupelo, Miss._:

GENERAL: When I heard that the forces of Brigadier-General

Sturgis had been driven back, and a portion of them probably

captured, I felt considerable solicitude for the fate of the two

colored regiments that formed a part of the command, until I was

informed that the Confederate forces were commanded by you. When

I learned that, I became satisfied that no atrocities would be

committed upon those troops, but that they would receive the

treatment which humanity as well as their gallant conduct

demanded.

I regret to say that the hope that I entertained has been

dispelled by facts which have recently come to my knowledge.

From statements that have been made to me by colored soldiers who

were eye-witnesses, it would seem that the massacre at Fort

Pillow had been reproduced at the late affair at Bryce's

Cross-roads. The detail of the atrocities there committed I will

not trouble you with. If true, and not disavowed, they must lead

to consequences too fearful to contemplate. It is best that we

should now have a fair understanding upon this question, of the

treatment of this class of soldiers. If it is contemplated by the

Confederate government to murder all colored troops that may by

chance of war fall into their hands, as was the case at Fort

Pillow, it is but fair that it should be freely and frankly

avowed. Within the last six weeks I have, on two occasions, sent

colored troops into the field from this point. In the expectation

that the Confederate government would disavow the action of their

commanding general at the Fort Pillow massacre, I have forborne

to issue any instructions to the colored troops as to the course

they should pursue toward Confederate soldiers. No disavowal on

the part of the Confederate government having been made, but, on

the contrary, laudations from the entire Southern press of the

perpetrators of the massacre, I may safely presume that

indiscriminate slaughter is to be the fate of colored troops that

fall into your hands. But I am not willing to leave a matter of

such grave import, and involving consequences so fearful, to

inference, and I have therefore thought it proper to address you

this, believing that you would be able to indicate the policy

that the Confederate government intend to pursue hereafter on

this question.

If it is intended to raise the black flag against that

unfortunate race, they will cheerfully accept the issue. Up to

this time no troops have fought more gallantly, and none have

conducted themselves with greater propriety. They have fully

vindicated their right (so long denied) to be treated as men.

I hope that I have been misinformed in regard to the treatment

they have received at the battle of Bryce's Cross-roads, and that

the accounts received result rather from the excited imaginations

of the fugitives than from actual fact.

For the government of the colored troops under my command, I

would thank you to inform me, with as little delay as possible,

if it is your intention, or the intention of the Confederate

government, to murder colored soldiers that may fall into your

hands, or treat them as prisoners of war, and subject to be

exchanged as other prisoners.

I am, General, respectfully, your obedient servant,

C. C. WASHBURN, _Major-General, Commanding_.

GENERAL WASHBURN TO GENERAL FORREST.

HEADQUARTERS DISTRICT OF WEST TENNESSEE, }

MEMPHIS, TENN., June 19, 1864. }

Major-General N. B. FORREST, _Commanding Confederate Forces:_

GENERAL: Your communication of the fourteenth instant is

received. The letter to Brigadier-General Buford will be

forwarded to him.

In regard to that part of your letter which relates to colored

troops, I beg to say that I have already sent a communication on

the subject to the officer in command of the Confederate forces

at Tupelo.

Having understood that Major-General S. D. Lee was in command

there, I directed my letter to him--a copy of it I enclose. You

say in your letter that it has been reported to you that all the

negro troops stationed in Memphis took an oath on their knees, in

the presence of Major-General Hurlbut, and other officers of our

army, to avenge Fort Pillow, and that they would show your troops

no quarter.

I believe it is true that the colored troops did take such an

oath, but not in the presence of General Hurlbut. From what I can

learn, this act of theirs was not influenced by any white

officer, but was the result of their own sense of what was due to

themselves and their fellows who had been mercilessly

slaughtered.

I have no doubt that they went into the field, as you allege, in

the full belief that they would be murdered in case they fell

into your hands. The affair at Fort Pillow fully justified that

belief. I am not aware as to what they proclaimed on their late

march, and it may be, as you say, that they declared that no

quarter would be given to any of your men that might fall into

their hands.

Your declaration that you have conducted the war, on all

occasions, on civilized principles, cannot be accepted; but I

receive with satisfaction the intimation in your letter that the

recent slaughter of colored troops at the battle of Tishemingo

Creek resulted rather from the desperation with which they fought

than a predetermined intention to give them no quarter.

You must have learned by this time that the attempt to intimidate

the colored troops by indiscriminate slaughter has signally

failed, and that, instead of a feeling of terror, you have

aroused a spirit of courage and desperation that will not down at

your bidding.

I am left in doubt, by your letter, as to the course you and the

Confederate government intend to pursue hereafter in regard to

colored troops, and I beg you to advise me, with as little delay

as possible, as to your intentions.

If you intend to treat such of them as fall into your hands as

prisoners of war, please so state; if you do not so intend, but

contemplate either their slaughter or their return to slavery,

please state _that_, so that we may have no misunderstanding

hereafter. If the former is your intention, I shall receive the

announcement with pleasure, and shall explain the fact to the

colored troops at once, and desire that they recall the oath they

have taken; if the _latter_ is the case, then let the oath stand,

and upon those who have aroused this spirit by their atrocities,

and upon the government and people who sanction it, be the

consequences.

In regard to your inquiry relating to prisoners of your command

in our hands, I have to state that they have always received the

treatment which a great and humane Government extends to its

prisoners. What course will be pursued hereafter toward them

must, of course, depend on circumstances that may arise. If your

command, hereafter, does nothing which should properly exclude

them from being treated as prisoners of war, they will be so

treated.

I thank you for your offer to exchange wounded officers and men

in your hands. If you will send them in, I will exchange man for

man, so far as I have the ability to do so.

Before closing this letter, I wish to call your attention to one

case of unparalleled outrage and murder that has been brought to

my notice, and in regard to which the evidence is overwhelming.

Among the prisoners captured at Fort Pillow was Major Bradford,

who had charge of the defence of the fort after the fall of Major

Booth.

After being taken prisoner, he was started with other prisoners

of war, in charge of Colonel Duckworth, for Jackson. At

Brownsville they rested over night. The following morning two

companies were detailed by Colonel Duckworth to proceed to

Jackson with the prisoners.

After they had started, and proceeded a very short distance, five

soldiers were recalled by Colonel Duckworth, and were conferred

with by him; they then rejoined the column, and after proceeding

about five miles from Brownsville the column was halted, and

Major Bradford taken about fifty yards from the roadside and

deliberately shot by the five men who had been recalled by

Colonel Duckworth, and his body left unburied upon the ground

where he fell.

He now lies buried near the spot, and, if you desire, you can

easily satisfy yourself of the truth of what I assert. I beg

leave to say to you that this transaction hardly justifies your

remark, that your operations have been conducted on civilized

principles, and until you take some steps to bring the

perpetrators of this outrage to justice, the world will not fail

to believe that it had your sanction.

I am, General, your obedient servant,

C. C. WASHBURN, _Major-General Commanding_.

GENERAL FORREST TO GENERAL WASHBURN.

HEADQUARTERS FORREST'S CAVALRY, }

TUPELO, MISS., June 20, 1864.}

Major-General C. C. WASHBURN, _Commanding U. S. Forces, Memphis,

Tenn_.

GENERAL: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt (per flag of

truce) of your letter of the seventeenth instant, addressed to

Major-General S. D. Lee, or officer commanding Confederate forces

near Tupelo. I have forwarded it to General Lee, with a copy of

this letter.

I regard your letter as discourteous to the commanding officer of

this department, and grossly insulting to myself.

You seek by implied threats to intimidate him, and assume the

privilege of denouncing me as a murderer, and as guilty of the

wholesale slaughter of the garrison at Fort Pillow, and found

your assertion upon the _ex parte_ testimony of (your friends)

the enemies of myself and country. I shall not enter into the

discussion, therefore, of any of the questions involved, nor

undertake any refutation of the charges made by you against

myself; nevertheless, as a matter of personal privilege alone, I

unhesitatingly say that they are unfounded and unwarranted by the

facts. But whether those charges are true or false, they, with

the question you ask, as to whether negro troops, when captured,

will be recognized and treated as prisoners of war, subject to

exchange, etc., are matters which the governments of the United

States and Confederate States are to decide and adjust, not their

subordinate officers. I regard captured negroes as I do other

captured property, and not as captured soldiers; but as to how

regarded by my government, and the disposition which has been and

will hereafter be made of them, I respectfully refer you, through

the proper channel, to the authorities at Richmond. It is not the

policy or the interest of the South to destroy the negro; on the

contrary to preserve and protect him, and all who have

surrendered to us have received kind and humane treatment.

Since the war began I have captured many thousand Federal

prisoners, and they, including the survivors of the "Fort Pillow

Massacre," "black and white," are living witnesses of the fact

that with my knowledge or consent, or by my order, not one of

them has ever been insulted, or in any way maltreated.

You speak of your forbearance in not giving your negro troops

instructions and orders as to the course they should pursue in

regard to Confederate soldiers that might fall into their (your)

hands, which clearly conveys to my mind two very distinct

impressions. The first is, that in not giving them instructions

and orders, you have left the matter entirely to the discretion

of the negroes as to how they should dispose of prisoners.

Second, an implied threat to give such orders as will lead to

"consequences too fearful" for contemplation. In confirmation of

the correctness of the first impression (which your language now

fully develops), refer most respectfully to my letter from the

battle-field, Tishemingo Creek, and forwarded you by flag of

truce on the fourteenth instant. As to the second impression, you

seem disposed to take into your own hands the settlements which

belong to, and can only be settled by, your government; but if

you are prepared to take upon yourself the responsibility of

inaugurating a system of warfare contrary to civilized usages,

the onus as well as the consequences will be chargeable to

yourself.

Deprecating, as I should do, such a state of affairs; determined,

as I am, not to be instrumental in bringing it about; feeling and

knowing, as I do, that I have the approval of my government, my

people, and my conscience as to the past, and with the firm

belief that I will be sustained by them in my future policy, it

is left with you to determine what that policy shall be, whether

in accordance with the laws of civilised nations, or in violation

of them.

I am, General, yours, very respectfully,

N. B. FORREST, _Major-General_.

GENERAL FORREST TO GENERAL WASHBURN.

HEADQUARTERS FORREST'S CAVALRY, }

IN THE FIELD, June 23, 1864. }

Major-General C. C. WASHBURN, _Commanding District of West

Tennessee, Memphis, Tenn._:

Your communication of the nineteenth inst. is received, in which

you say "you are left in doubt as to the course the Confederate

government intends to pursue hereafter in regard to colored

troops."

Allow me to say that this is a subject upon which I did not and

do not propose to enlighten you. It is a matter to be settled by

our governments through their proper officers, and I respectfully

refer you to them for a solution of your doubts.

You ask me to state whether "I contemplate either their slaughter

or their return to slavery." I answer that I slaughter no man

except in open warfare, and that my prisoners, both white and

black, are turned over to my government to be dealt with as it

may direct. My government is in possession of all the facts as

regards my official conduct, and the operations of my command

since I entered the service, and if you desire a proper

discussion and decision, I refer you again to the President of

the Confederate States. I would not have you understand, however,

that in a matter of so much importance I am indisposed to place

at your command and disposal any facts desired, when applied for

in a manner becoming an officer holding your rank and position,

for it is certainly desirable to every one occupying a public

position to be placed right before the world, and there has been

no time since the capture of Fort Pillow, that I would not have

furnished all the facts connected with its capture, had they been

applied for properly, but now the matter rests with the two

governments. I have, however, for your information, enclosed you

copies of the official correspondence between the commanding

officers at Fort Pillow and myself; also copies of a statement of

Captain Young, the senior officer of that garrison, together with

(sufficient) extracts from a report of the affair by my A. D. C.,

Captain Chas. W. Anderson, which I approve and endorse as

correct.

As to the death of Major Bradford, I knew nothing of it until

eight or ten days after it is said to have occurred.

On the thirteenth (the day after the capture of Fort Pillow) I

went to Jackson, and the report I had of the affair was this:

Major Bradford was, with other officers, sent to the headquarters

of Colonel McCulloch, and all the prisoners were in charge of one

of McCulloch's regiments. Bradford requested the privilege of

attending the burial of his brother, which was granted, he giving

his parole of honor to return. Instead of returning, he changed

his clothing and started for Memphis. Some of my men were hunting

deserters, and came on Bradford just as he had landed on the

south bank of the Hatchie, and arrested him. When arrested, he

claimed to be a Confederate soldier belonging to Bragg's army;

that he had been on furlough, and was then on his way to join his

command.

As he could show no papers he was believed to be a deserter, and

was taken to Covington, and not until he was recognized and

spoken to by citizens did the guards know that he was Bradford.

He was sent by Colonel Duckworth, or taken by him, to

Brownsville.

All of Chalmers's command went from Brownsville, _via_ La Grange,

and as all the other prisoners had been gone some time, and there

was no chance for them to catch up and place Bradford with them,

he was ordered by Colonel Duckworth or General Chalmers to be

sent south to me at Jackson.

I knew nothing of the matter until eight or ten days afterwards I

heard that his body was found near Brownsville. I understand that

he attempted to escape and was shot. If he was improperly killed,

nothing would afford me more pleasure than to punish the

perpetrators to the full extent of the law, and to show you how I

regard such transactions.

I can refer you to my demand on Major-General Hurlbut (no doubt

upon file in your office) for the delivery to Confederate

authorities of one Colonel Fielding Hurst and others of his

regiment, who deliberately took out and killed seven Confederate

soldiers, one of whom they left to die after cutting off his

tongue, punching out his eyes, splitting his mouth on each side

to his ears, and cutting off his privates. I have mentioned and

given you these facts in order that you may have no further

excuse or apology for referring to these matters in connection

with myself, and to evince to you my determination to do all in

my power to avoid the responsibility of causing the adoption of

the policy which you have determined to press. In your letter you

acknowledge the fact that the negro troops did take an oath on

bended knees to show no quarters to my men, and you say further

"you have no doubt they went to the battle-field expecting to be

slaughtered," and admit, also, the probability of their having

proclaimed on their march that no quarter would be shown us. Such

being the case, why do you ask for the disavowal on the part of

the commanding general of this department of the government, in

regard to the loss of life at Tishemingo Creek? That your troops

expected to be slaughtered, appears to me, after the oath they

took, to be a very reasonable and natural expectation. Yet you

who sent them out, knowing and now admitting that they had sworn

to such a policy, are complaining of atrocities, and demanding

acknowledgments and disavowals on the part of the very men you

sent forth sworn to slay whenever in your power.

I will, in all candor and truth, say to you that I had only heard

these things, but did not believe them; indeed, did not attach to

them the importance they deserved, nor did I know of the

threatened vengeance as proclaimed along the line of march until

the contest was over. Had I and my men known it, as you admit it,

the battle of Tishemingo Creek would have been noted as the

bloodiest battle of the war. That you sanctioned this policy is

plain, for you say now "that if the negro is treated as a

prisoner of war, you will receive with pleasure the announcement,

and will explain the facts to your colored troops, and _desire_

(not _order_) that they recall the oath; but if they are to be

either slaughtered or returned to slavery, let the oath stand."

Your rank forbids a doubt as to the fact that you and every

officer and man of your department are identified with the policy

and responsible for it, and I shall not permit you,

notwithstanding by your studied language in both your

communications you seek to limit the operations of your unholy

scheme, and visit its terrible consequences alone upon that

ignorant, deluded, but unfortunate people, the negroes, whose

destruction you are planning in order to accomplish ours. The

negroes have our sympathy, and, so far as consistent with safety,

we will spare them at the expense of those who are alone

responsible for the inauguration of a worse than savage warfare.

Now, in conclusion, I demand a plain and unqualified answer to

two questions, and then I have done with further correspondence

with you on this subject. This matter must be settled. In battle

and on the battle-field do you intend to slaughter my men who

fall into your hands? If you do not intend so to do, will they be

treated as prisoners of war?

I have over two thousand of Sturgis's command prisoners, and will

hold every officer and private hostage until I receive your

declarations, and am satisfied that you carry out in good faith

the answers you make, and until I am assured that no Confederate

soldier has been foully dealt with from the day of the battle of

Tishemingo Creek to this time. It is not yet too late for you to

retrace your steps and arrest the storm.

Relying, as I do, upon that Divine power which in wisdom disposes

of all things; relying also upon the support and approval of my

government and countrymen, and the unflinching bravery and

endurance of my troops; and with a consciousness that I have done

nothing to produce, but all in my power, consistent with honor

and the personal safety of myself and command, to prevent it, I

leave with you the responsibility of bringing about, to use your

own language, "a state of affairs too fearful to contemplate."

I am, General, yours, very respectfully,

N. B. FORREST, _Major-General_.

OFFICIAL MEMORANDA.

CAHABA HOSPITAL, CAHABA, ALABAMA, }

May 11, 1864. }

Colonel H. C. DAVIS, _Commanding Post Cahaba_:

COLONEL: I herewith transmit you, as near as my memory serves me,

according to promise, the demand made by Major-General Forrest,

C. S. A., for the surrender of Fort Pillow, Tennessee.

Major BOOTH, _Commanding U. S. Forces, Fort Pillow, Tennessee_:

I have force sufficient to take your works by assault. I

therefore demand an unconditional surrender of all your forces.

Your heroic defence will entitle you to be treated as prisoners

of war, but the surrender must be unconditional. I await your

answer.

FORREST, _Major-General, Commanding_.

HEADQUARTERS UNITED STATES FORCES, )

FORT PILLOW, TENNESSEE, April 12, 1864.)

Major-General FORREST, _Commanding Confederate Forces_:

GENERAL: Your demand for the surrender of United States forces

under my command received. I ask one hour for consultation with

my officers and the commander of gunboat No. 7, at this place. I

have the honor to be

Your obedient servant,

L. F. BOOTH,

_Major, Commanding U. S. Forces, Fort Pillow_.

Major L. F. BOOTH, _Commanding United States Forces_:

I do not demand the surrender of the gunboat No. 7. I ask only

for the surrender of Fort Pillow, with men and munitions of war.

You have twenty minutes for consideration. At the expiration of

that time, if you do not capitulate, I will assault your works.

Your obedient servant,

FORREST, _Major-General, Commanding_.

HEADQUARTERS UNITED STATES FORCES, }

FORT PILLOW, TENNESSEE, April 12, 1864.}

Major-General FORREST, _Commanding Confederate Forces_:

GENERAL: Your second demand for the surrender of my forces is

received. Your demand will not be complied with.

Your obedient servant,

L. F. BOOTH, Major,

_Commanding U. S. Forces, Fort Pillow_.

I give you the above for your own satisfaction from memory. I

think it is true in substance. My present condition would

preclude the idea of this being an official statement.

I am, Colonel, your obedient servant,

JOHN T. YOUNG,

_Captain, Company A, Twenty-fourth Mo. Inf. Vols_.

CAPTAIN J. T. YOUNG TO MAJOR-GENERAL FORREST.

CAHABA, ALABAMA, May 19, 1864.

Major-General FORREST, _C. S. A._:

GENERAL: Your request, made through Judge P. T. Scroggs, that I

should make a statement of the treatment of the Federal dead and

wounded at Fort Pillow, has been made known to me. Details from

Federal prisoners were made to collect the dead and wounded. The

dead were buried by their surviving comrades. I saw no ill

treatment of their wounded on the evening of the battle, or next

morning. My friend, Lieutenant Leaming, Adjutant Thirteenth

Tennessee Cavalry, was left wounded in the sutler's store near

the fort, also a lieutenant Sixth U. S. Artillery; both were

alive next morning, and sent on board U. S. transport, among many

other wounded. Among the wounded were some colored troops--I

don't know how many.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

JNO. T. YOUNG, _Captain, Twenty-fourth Missouri Volunteers_.

P. S.--I have examined a report said to be made by Captain

Anderson (of) A. D. C. to Major-General Forrest, appendix to

General Forrest's report, in regard to making disposition of

Federal wounded left on the field at Fort Pillow, and think it is

correct. I accompanied Captain Anderson, on the day succeeding

the battle, to Fort Pillow, for the purpose above mentioned.

JOHN T. YOUNG, _Captain, Twenty-fourth Missouri Volunteers_.

A true copy.

SAMUEL DONALSON, Lieutenant and _A. D. C._

Official,

HENRY B. LEE, _A.D.C._

GENERAL WASHBURN TO GENERAL FORREST.

HEADQUARTERS DISTRICT OF WEST TENNESSEE, }

MEMPHIS, TENN., July 2, 1864. }

Major-General N. B. FORREST, _Commanding Confederate Forces, near

Tupelo_:

GENERAL: Your communications of the twentieth and twenty-third

ult. are received. Of the tone and temper of both I do not

complain. The desperate fortunes of a bad cause excuse much

irritation of temper, and I pass it by. Indeed, I received it as

a favorable augury, and as evidence that you are not indifferent

to the opinions of the civilized world.

In regard to the Fort Pillow affair, it is useless to prolong the

discussion.

I shall forward your report, which you did me the favor to

enclose, to my government, and you will receive the full benefit

of it.

The record is now made up, and a candid world will judge of it. I

beg leave to send you herewith a copy of the report of the

Investigating Committee from the United States Congress on the

affair. In regard to the treatment of Major Bradford, I refer you

to the testimony contained in that report, from which you will

see that he was not attempting to escape when shot. It will be

easy to bring the perpetrators of the outrage to justice if you

so desire.

I will add to what I have heretofore said, that I have it from

responsible and truthful citizens of Brownsville, that when Major

Bradford was started under an escort from your headquarters at

Jackson, General Chalmers remarked that "he would never reach

there."

You call attention, apparently as an offset to this affair of

Major Bradford, to outrages said to have been committed by

Colonel Fielding Hurst and others of his regiment (Sixth

Tennessee Cavalry). The outrages, if committed as stated by you,

are disgraceful and abhorrent to every brave and sensitive mind.

On receiving your letter I sent at once for Colonel Hurst, and

read him the extract pertaining to him. He indignantly denies the

charge against him, and until you furnish me the names of the

parties murdered, and the time when, and the place where, the

offence was committed, with the names of witnesses, it is

impossible for me to act. When you do that, you may rest assured

that I shall use every effort in my power to have the parties

accused tried, and if found guilty, properly punished.

In regard to the treatment of colored soldiers, it is evidently

useless to discuss the question further.

Your attempt to shift from yourself upon me the responsibility of

the inauguration of a "worse than savage warfare," is too

strained and far-fetched to require any response. The full and

cumulative evidence contained in the Congressional Report I

herewith forward, points to _you_ as the person responsible for

the barbarisms already committed.

It was _your_ soldiers who, at Fort Pillow, raised the black

flag, and while shooting, bayoneting, and otherwise maltreating

the Federal prisoners in their hands, shouted to each other in

the hearing of their victims that it was done by "Forrest's

orders."

Thus far I cannot learn that you have made any disavowal of these

barbarities.

Your letters to me inform me confidently that you have always

treated our prisoners according to the rules of civilized

warfare, but your disavowal of the Fort Pillow barbarities, if

you intend to make any, should be full, clear, explicit, and

published to the world.

The United States Government is, as it always has been, lenient

and forbearing, and it is not yet too late for you to secure for

yourself and your soldiers a continuance of the treatment due to

honorable warriors, by a public disclaimer of barbarities already

committed, and a vigorous effort to punish the wretches who

committed them.

But I say to you now, clearly and unequivocally, that such

measure of treatment as you mete out to Federal soldiers will be

measured to you again.

If you give no quarter, you need expect none. If you observe the

rules of civilized warfare, and treat our prisoners in accordance

with the laws of war, your prisoners will be treated, as they

ever have been, with kindness.

If you depart from these principles, you may expect such

retaliation as the laws of war justify.

That you may know what the laws of war are, as understood by my

Government, I beg leave to enclose a copy of General Orders No.

100 from the War Department Adjutant-General's Office,

Washington, April twenty-four, 1863.

I have the honor to be, sir,

Very respectfully yours,

C. C. WASHBURN, _Major-General_.

GENERAL LEE TO GENERAL WASHBURN.

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT ALABAMA, MISSISSIPPI, AND }

EAST LOUISIANA, MERIDIAN, June 28, 1864. }

Major-General C. C. WASHBURN, _Commanding Federal Forces at

Memphis, Tennessee_:

GENERAL: I am in receipt of your letter of the seventeenth inst.,

and have also before me the reply of Major-General Forrest

thereto. Though that reply is full, and approved by me, yet I

deem it proper to communicate with you upon a subject so

seriously affecting our future conduct and that of the troops

under our respective commands.

Your communication is by no means respectful to me, and is by

implication insulting to Major-General Forrest. This, however, is

overlooked in consideration of the important character of its

contents.

You assume as correct an exaggerated statement of the

circumstances attending the capture of Fort Pillow, relying

solely upon the evidence of those who would naturally give a

distorted history of the affair.

No demand for an explanation has ever been made either by

yourself or your government, a course which would certainly

recommend itself to every one desirous of hearing truth; but, on

the contrary, you seem to have been perfectly willing to allow

your soldiers to labor under false impressions upon a subject

involving such terrible consequences. Even the formality of

parades and oaths have been resorted to for the purpose of

inciting your colored troops to the perpetration of deeds which,

you say, "will lead to consequences too fearful to contemplate."

As commanding officer of this Department I desire to make the

following statement concerning the capture of Fort Pillow--a

statement supported in a great measure by the evidence of one of

your own officers captured at that place.

The version given by you and your government is untrue, and not

sustained by the facts to the extent that you indicate.

The garrison was summoned in the usual manner, and its commanding

officer assumed the responsibility of refusing to surrender after

having been informed by General Forrest of his ability to take

the fort, and of his fears as to what the result would be in case

the demand was not complied with.

The assault was made under a heavy fire, and with considerable

loss to the attacking party.

Your colors were never lowered, but retreated from the fort to

the cover of the gunboats, with arms in their hands, and

constantly using them.

This was true, particularly of your colored troops, who had been

firmly convinced by your teachings of the certainty of their

slaughter in case of capture. Even under these circumstances many

of your men--white and black--were taken prisoners.

I respectfully refer you to history for numerous cases of

indiscriminate slaughter, even under less aggravated

circumstances.

It is generally conceded by all military precedents that where

the issue has been fairly presented, and the ability displayed,

fearful results are expected to follow a refusal to surrender.

The case under consideration is almost an extreme one.

You had a servile race armed against their masters, and in a

country which had been desolated by almost unprecedented

outrages.

I assert that our officers, with all these circumstances against

them, endeavored to prevent the effusion of blood; and, as

evidence of this, I refer you to the fact that both white and

colored prisoners were taken, and are now in our hands.

As regards the battle of Tishemingo Creek, the statements of your

negro witnesses are not to be relied on. In this panic they acted

as might have been expected from their previous impressions. I do

not think many of them were killed--they are yet wandering over

the country, attempting to return to their masters.

With reference to the status of those captured at Tishemingo

Creek and Fort Pillow, I will state that, unless otherwise

ordered by my government, they will not be regarded as prisoners

of war, but will be retained and humanely treated, subject to

such future instructions as may be indicated.

Your letter contains many implied threats; these you can of

course make, and you are fully entitled to any satisfaction that

you may feel from having made them.

It is my intention, and that also of my subordinates, to conduct

this war upon civilized principles, provided you permit us to do

so; and I take this occasion to state that we will not shrink

from any responsibilities that your actions may force upon us.

We are engaged in a struggle for the protection of our homes and

firesides, for the maintenance of our national existence and

liberty; we have counted the cost and are prepared to go to any

extremes; and although it is far from our wish to fight under the

"black flag," still, if you drive us to it, we will accept the

issue.

Your troops virtually fought under it at the battle of Tishemingo

Creek, and the prisoners taken there state that they went into

battle with the impression that they were to receive no quarter,

and I suppose with the determination to give none.

I will further remark that if it is raised, so far as your

soldiers are concerned, there can be no distinction, for the

unfortunate people whom you pretend to be aiding are not

considered entirely responsible for their acts, influenced as

they are by the superior intellect of their white brothers.

I enclose for your consideration certain papers touching the Fort

Pillow affair, which were procured from the writer after the

exaggerated statements of your press were seen.

I am, General, very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

S. D. LEE, _Lieutenant-General, Commanding_.

ENCLOSURE IN THE FOREGOING.

CAHABA, ALABAMA, May 16, 1864.

I was one of the bearers of the flag of truce, on the part of the

United States authorities, at Fort Pillow. A majority of the

officers of the garrison doubted whether General Forrest was

present, and had the impression that it was a ruse to induce the

surrender of the fort. At the second meeting of the flag of

truce, General Forrest announced himself as being General

Forrest; but the officers who accompanied the flag, being

unacquainted with the General, doubted his word, and it was the

opinion of the garrison, at the time of the assault, that General

Forrest was not in the vicinity of the fort. The commanding

officer refused to surrender. When the final assault was made, I

was captured at my post, inside the works, and have been treated

as a prisoner of war.

JOHN T. YOUNG,

_Captain, Twenty-fourth Missouri Volunteers_.

F. W. UNDERHILL, _First Lieutenant, Cavalry_.

GENERAL WASHBURN TO GENERAL LEE.

HEADQUARTERS DISTRICT OF WEST TENNESSEE, }

MEMPHIS, TENNESSEE, July 3, 1864. }

Lieutenant-General S. D. LEE, _Commanding Department Alabama,

Mississippi and East Louisiana, C. S. A., Meridian, Miss.:_

GENERAL: Your letter of the twenty-eighth ult., in reply to mine

of the seventeenth ult., is received.

The discourtesy which you profess to discover in my letter I

utterly disclaim. Having already discussed at length, in a

correspondence with Major-General Forrest, the Fort Pillow

massacre, as well as the policy to be pursued in regard to

colored troops, I do not regard it necessary to say more on those

subjects. As you state that you fully approve of the letter sent

by General Forrest to me, in answer to mine of the seventeenth

ult., I am forced to presume that you fully approve of his action

at Fort Pillow.

Your arguments in support of that action confirm such

presumption. You state that the "version given by me and my

government is not true, and not sustained by the facts to the

extent I indicate." You furnish a statement of a certain Captain

Young, who was captured at Fort Pillow, and is now a prisoner in

your hands. How far the statement of a prisoner under duress and

in the position of Captain Young should go to disprove the sworn

testimony of the hundred eye-witnesses who had ample opportunity

of seeing and knowing, I am willing that others shall judge.

In relying, as you do, upon this certificate of Captain Young,

you confess that all better resources are at an end.

You are welcome to all the relief that that certificate is

calculated to give you. Does he say that our soldiers were not

inhumanly treated? No. Does he say that he was in a position to

see in case they had been mistreated? No. He simply says that "he

saw no ill-treatment of their wounded." If he was in a position

to see and know what took place, it was easy for him to say so.

I yesterday sent to Major-General Forrest a copy of the report of

the Congressional Investigating Committee, and I hope it may fall

into your hands. You will find there the record of inhuman

atrocities, to find a parallel for which you will search the page

of history in vain. Men--white men and black men--were crucified

and burned; others were hunted by bloodhounds; while others, in

their anguish, were made the sport of men more cruel than the

dogs by which they were hunted.

I have also sent to my government copies of General Forrest's

reports, together with the certificate of Captain Young.

The record in the case is plainly made up, and I leave it. You

justify and approve it, and appeal to history for precedents.

As I have said, history furnishes no parallel. True, there are

instances where, after a long and protracted resistance,

resulting in heavy loss to the assailing party, the garrison has

been put to the sword, but I know of no such instance that did

not bring dishonor upon the commander that ordered or suffered

it.

There is no Englishman that would not gladly forget Badajos, nor

a Frenchman that exults when Jaffa or the Caves of Dahra and

Shelas are spoken of. The massacre of Glencoe, which the world

has read of with horror, for nearly two hundred years, pales into

insignificance before the truthful recital of Fort Pillow.

The desperate defence of the Alamo was the excuse for the

slaughter of its brave survivors after its surrender, yet that

act was received with just execration, and we are told by the

historian that it led more than anything else to the independence

of Texas.

At the battle of San Jacinto the Texans rushed into action with

the war-cry, "Remember the Alamo," and carried all before them.

You will seek in vain for consultation in history, pursue the

inquiry as far as you may.

Your desire to shift the responsibility of the Fort Pillow

massacre, or to find excuses for it, is not strange. But the

responsibility still remains where it belongs, and there it will

remain.

In my last letter to General Forrest I stated that the treatment

which Federal soldiers received would be their guide hereafter,

and that if you give no quarter you need expect none. If you

observe the rules of civilized warfare I shall rejoice at it, as

no one can regret more than myself a resort to such measures as

the laws of war justify towards an enemy that gives no quarter.

Your remark that our colored soldiers "will not be regarded as

prisoners of war, but will be retained and humanely treated,"

indicating that you consider them as of more worth and importance

than your own soldiers who are now in our hands, is certainly

very complimentary to the colored troops, though but a tardy

acknowledgment of their bravery and devotion as soldiers; but

such fair words can neither do justice to the colored soldiers

who were butchered at Fort Pillow after they had surrendered to

their victors, nor relieve yourself, General Forrest, and the

troops serving under you, from the fearful responsibility now

resting upon you for those wanton and unparalleled barbarities.

I concur in your remarks that if the black flag is once raised,

there can be no distinction so far as our soldiers are concerned.

No distinction in this regard as to color is known to the laws of

war, and you may rest assured that the outrages we complain of

are felt by our white soldiers, no less than by our black ones,

as insults to their common banner, the flag of the United States.

I will close by a reference to your statement that many of our

colored soldiers "are yet wandering over the country attempting

to return to their masters." If this remark is intended for a

joke, it is acknowledged as a good one; but, if stated as a fact,

permit me to correct your misapprehensions by informing you that

most of them have returned to their respective commands, their

search for their late "masters" having proved bootless; and I

think I do not exaggerate in assuring you that there is not a

colored soldier here who does not prefer the fate of his comrades

at Fort Pillow to being returned to his "master."

I remain, General,

Yours, very respectfully,

C. C. WASHBURN, _Major-General_.

CAPTAIN J. T. YOUNG TO GENERAL WASHBURN.

MEMPHIS, TENNESSEE, September 13, 1864.

Major-General C. C. WASHBURN, Commanding District West Tennessee:

GENERAL: I have the honor to address you in regard to certain

papers forwarded you by Major-General Forrest, of the so-called

Confederate army, signed by me under protest, whilst a prisoner

of war at Cahaba, Alabama. I would first call your attention to

the manner by which these papers were procured. About

twenty-seventh April last, all Federal prisoners (except colored

soldiers) were sent to Andersonville and Macon, Georgia, myself

among the number. About ten days after my arrival at Macon

prison, a Confederate captain, with two men as guard, came to

that prison with an order for me to return to Cahaba. I appealed

to the officer in command to know why I was taken from the other

officers, but received no explanation. Many of my friends among

the Federal officers who had been prisoners longer than myself

felt uneasy at the proceedings, and advised me to make my escape

going back, as it was likely a subject of retaliation.

Consequently I felt considerable uneasiness of mind. On returning

to Cahaba, being quite unwell, I was placed in hospital, under

guard, with still no explanation from the military authorities.

On the day following, I was informed by a sick Federal officer,

also in hospital, that he had learned that I had been recognized

by some Confederate as a deserter from the Confederate army, and

that I was to be court-martialed and shot. The colored waiters

about the hospital told me the same thing, and although I knew

that the muster-rolls of my country would show that I had been in

the volunteer service since first May, 1861, I still felt uneasy,

having fresh in my mind Fort Pillow, and the summary manner the

Confederate officers have of disposing of men on some occasions.

With the above impressions on my mind, about three days after my

return to Cahaba I was sent for by the Provost Marshal, and

certain papers handed me, made out by General Forrest for my

signature. Looking over the papers, I found that signing them

would be an endorsement of General Forrest's official report of

the Fort Pillow affair. I of course returned the papers,

positively refusing to have anything to do with them. I was sent

for again the same day, with request to sign other papers of the

same tendency, but modified. I again refused to sign the papers,

but sent General Forrest a statement, that although I considered

some of the versions of the Fort Pillow affair, which I had read

in their own papers, said to be copied from Federal papers,

exaggerated, I also thought that his own official report was

equally so in some particulars.

Here the matter rested about one week, when I was sent for by

Colonel H. C. Davis, commander of post at Cahaba, who informed me

that General Forrest had sent P. T. Scroggs to see me, and have a

talk with me about the Fort Pillow fight; I found the judge very

affable and rather disposed to flatter me; he said that General

Forrest thought that I was a gentleman and a soldier, and that

the General had sent him (the judge) down to see me and talk to

me about the Fort Pillow fight; he then went on to tell over a

great many things that were testified to before the Military

Commission, which I was perfectly ignorant of, never having seen

the testimony. He then produced papers which General Forrest

wished me to sign. Upon examination, I found them about the same

as those previously shown me, and refused again to sign them, but

the Judge was very importunate, and finally prevailed on me to

sign the papers you have in your possession, pledging himself

that if I wished it they should only be seen by General Forrest

himself, that they were not intended to be used by him as

testimony, but merely for his own satisfaction.

I hope, General, that these papers signed by me, or rather

extorted from me while under duress, will not be used by my

government to my disparagement, for my only wish is now, after

three years' service and over, to recruit my health, which has

suffered badly by imprisonment, and _go in for the war_.

I have the honor to be, General,

Your obedient servant,

JOHN T. YOUNG,

_Captain, Company A, Twenty-fourth Mo. Inf._[144]

It should not be forgotten that the material part of Gen. Forrest's

defence was extorted from Capt. John T. Young, an officer in the Union

forces at Fort Pillow. He was sick and a prisoner in the hands of the

rebels; and while in this condition he was compelled to sign the

papers given above, which had been made out by Forrest himself. The

last letter of the correspondence shows that Capt. Young did not want

the papers used by the United States Government, because they were not

true. Moreover, the despatches of Forrest to Major Bradford make no

mention of retaliation. The despatches above are not true copies. For

instance, he demanded the surrender of Paducah on the 25th of March,

1864, just before he took Fort Pillow, and this was his despatch:

H'DQU'RS FORREST'S CAVALRY CORPS, }

PADUCAH, March 23, 1864 }

To Col. HICKS, _Commanding Federal Forces at Paducah_:

Having a force amply sufficient to carry your works and reduce

the place, in order to avoid the unnecessary effusion of blood, I

demand the surrender of the fort and troops, with all the public

stores. If you surrender, you shall be treated as prisoners of

war; but, _if I have to storm your works, you may expect no

quarter_.

N. B. FORREST, _Maj.-Gen. Com'ding_.

And on the 19th of April, 1864, the next day after the massacre at

Fort Pillow, Gen. Abe Buford demanded the surrender of Columbus,

Kentucky, in the following despatch:

_To the Commander of the United States Forces, Columbus. Ky.:_

Fully capable of taking Columbus and its garrison by force, I

desire to avoid shedding blood. I therefore demand the

unconditional surrender of the forces under your command. Should

you surrender, the negroes now in arms will be returned to their

masters. Should I be compelled to take the place by force, no

quarter will be shown negro troops whatever; white troops will be

treated as prisoners of war.

I am, sir, yours,

A. BUFORD, _Brig.-Gen._

Now, as both Bradford and Booth were dead, it was impossible to learn

just what language was used by Forrest in the despatches he sent them.

But from the testimony given above, the explanation of Capt. Young and

the language of the two despatches just quoted, addressed to the

commander of the Union forces at Paducah and Columbus, Kentucky,

history has made out a case against Gen. Forrest that no human being

would covet.

FOOTNOTES:

[144] Rebellion Records, vol. x. pp. 721-730.

Part 8.

_THE FIRST DECADE OF FREEDOM._

CHAPTER XXII.

AN EDUCATED AFRICAN.

Daniel Flickinger Wilberforce, a native African, and educated in

America, presents a striking illustration of the capabilities of the

Negro. He was born a pagan, and when brought in contact with the

institutions of civilization he outstripped those whose earlier life

had been impressed with the advantages of such surroundings. There was

nothing in his blood, or in his early rearing, to develop him. He came

from darkness himself as well as by his ancestry. Rev. Daniel K.

Flickinger, D.D., has been secretary of the Home Frontier and Foreign

Missionary Society for the past twenty-five years. He was the

companion in Africa of George Thompson, and on one of his trips had a

short association with Livingstone. Dr. Flickinger aided in

establishing the United Brethren Mission on the Western Coast of

Africa, and has had his heart in it for a quarter of a century. During

that time he has made six trips to Africa to look after this mission;

returning from his last voyage in May, 1881. He has studied those

people and found them apt in the schools as well as in the acquiring

of American customs in tilling the soil and in the trades. During Dr.

Flickinger's first visit to Africa in 1855, while at Good Hope

Station, Mendi Mission, located on the eastern banks of Sherbro

Island, latitude 7° north, and longitude 18° west, he employed a

native to watch over him at night as he slept in his hammock, there

being wild and dangerous tribes in the vicinity. To that man in that

time was born a child. The father came to the missionaries the next

day to tell them that his wife "done born picin" and wanted them to

give it a name. Mr. Burton, the missionary in charge, suggested that

of Daniel Flickinger, and it was taken. The missionaries had performed

the usual marriage ceremony for as many as came within their reach,

and broken up the former heathen customs in their immediate vicinity

as far as possible, and this man was duly married. He took as his last

name that of Wilberforce after the English philanthropist, who was

dear to all Colored people, and from that time on this native and his

family became attached to the mission, and were known by the name of

Wilberforce. This man had children born in heathendom and under quite

different circumstances.

Dr. Flickinger soon afterward sailed for America, and soon forgot that

he had a namesake on the distant shore. He made other trips across the

water, but failed to come in contact with the Wilberforce family.

Sixteen years afterward, in 1871, he was in New York City shipping

goods to the African missionaries. The boxes, labelled "Daniel K.

Flickinger," were being loaded and unloaded at the American Mission

Rooms in that city, and the doctor noticed that the colored porter boy

was about half wild over something. He asked him if there was any

thing wrong, but got no reply. The young porter kept rolling his eyes

and acting half scared at the name on those boxes, and finally the

doctor asked him his name, to which there came the prompt reply,

Daniel Flickinger Wilberforce! In his travels of a lifetime the

missionary had often been surprised, but this bewildered him. A

thunder-bolt could not have shocked him more. Then the two stood

gazing at each other in perfect amazement, and neither able to tell

how their names came to be so near alike. The boxes were forgotten.

The boy soon had his relief and began laughing as few others could

laugh, while the doctor was still unable to see through the mystery.

He gave the young fellow two shillings and told him to proceed with

the boxes. The doctor then began an investigation about the Mission

Rooms, and found that this boy, just a short time before that, had

been brought over on a merchant vessel to care for an invalid

missionary lady during the voyage, that he had served a short time as

bell-boy at a hotel, and that they had employed him in the Mission

Rooms, but had promised to send him back on the next sail vessel. The

doctor got his location in Africa and a complete chain of

circumstances such as to convince him that this was the boy that was

named after him in 1855. He told the authorities at the American

Mission Rooms, to write to Africa and say that Dan. was well cared for

over here, and for them to keep him till further advised. As soon as

the doctor made his shipments to the missionaries he returned to

Dayton and asked the Executive Committee of his Board if they would

assist him in educating this African who had turned up in such a

romantic manner. Consent was given, and young Wilberforce was shipped

to Dayton. He was brought into Dr. Flickinger's office with the tag of

an express company attached to his clothes--young, green, and, in

fact, a raw recruit to the ranks of civilization. Seven years after

that he bid adieu to his friends in that same office, to return to his

people in Africa as a teacher, preacher, and physician. He was then

one of the finest scholars of his age in this country. When he arrived

at Dayton he of course had to have a private tutor. He was sixteen

years old and had to start with the rudiments, but he was, at the

beginning of the next school year, able to join classes on which he

doubled right along. It requires a course of eight years to reach the

High School, but in less than four years after his arrival in Dayton

he passed the examination for admission to the High School of Dayton,

Ohio, and was the first Colored pupil ever admitted to that school.

Since then, other Colored pupils have annually been following his

example. The course in the High School was four years, and the Board

and teachers were very particularly averse to gaining time. Owing to

Wilberforce's great aptness, that allowed him to go ahead of his

class, he gained one year then and there, and took the honors of the

class that started one year ahead of him. There were twenty-three

members of that class. The Commencement was in the Opera-house at

Dayton in 1878, and on that occasion the President of the Board said,

without discredit to any others, he felt called upon to make special

mention of young Wilberforce, which he did in a handsome manner. This

was not all; the Missionary Society wanted to send Wilberforce to

Africa in September of that year, and as he went along they had him at

other studies. He had become an excellent musician, both vocal and

instrumental. He had been studying theology and read Hebrew well. He

had also taken a course of reading in medicine, so that he might be of

service to the bodies as well as the souls of his brethren.

Marvellous as it may seem, all of this was done in so short a time,

and from a state of savage life up to civilized life; still it is

true. And, besides, Wilberforce had been a reader of history and

general literature, and was a writer of unusual merit. His progress

has always and always will seem incredible, even to those who had

personal knowledge of him during the time that he had this experience

of seven years. He had a remarkable mind, was born a heathen, had no

youthful advantages, and is to-day one of the best-informed and most

thoroughly cultivated thinkers of his age. When he left Dayton in the

summer of 1878, he was greatly missed. At the Colored United Brethren

Church he was janitor, leader of a choir, organist, superintendent of

the Sunday-school, and class leader, and when the pastor failed,

Wilberforce also did the preaching. He was never proud. In the humble

capacity of janitor he took excellent care of Dr. Flickinger's office,

and was willing and ready to do anything. He was modest socially, but

a favorite among his classmates, and not only respected but admired by

all. He married a Dayton girl before he left for Africa, and has

remained abroad since 1878, but he expects at no distant time to

return to America to complete his professional studies. He belonged to

the Sherbro tribe or people, and with them he is now laboring.

* * * * *

LAFAYETTE'S PLAN OF COLONIZATION.

Now, my dear General, that you are about to enjoy some repose,

permit me to propose to you a scheme which may prove of great

benefit to the black part of the human race. Let us unite in the

purchase of a small estate, where we can attempt to free the

negroes and employ them simply as farm laborers. Such an example

set by you might be generally followed, and should we succeed in

America I shall gladly consecrate a part of my time to

introducing the custom into the Antilles. If this be a crude idea

I prefer to be considered a fool in this way rather than be

thought wise by an opposite conduct.[145]

5th February, 1783.

* * * * *

THE RESULTS OF EMANCIPATION.

As an evidence of the growing confidence in the eagerness for and

capacity of the Negro to become an educated citizen, the handsome

bequest of John F. Slater, Esq., for the education of the race stands

forth as a conspicuous example. The Negroes of the South have

acknowledged this munificent gift with that graceful gratitude so

strikingly characteristic of them.

DRAFT OF AN ACT TO INCORPORATE THE TRUSTEES OF THE JOHN F. SLATER

FUND.

_Whereas_, Messrs. RUTHERFORD B. HAYES, of Ohio; MORRISON R.

WAITE, of the District of Columbia; WILLIAM E. DODGE, of New

York; PHILLIPS BROOKS, of Massachusetts; DANIEL C. GILMAN, of

Maryland; JOHN A. STEWART, of New York; ALFRED H. COLQUITT, of

Georgia; MORRIS K. JESUP, of New York; JAMES P. BOYCE, of

Kentucky; and WILLIAM A. SLATER, of Connecticut, have, by their

memorial, represented to the Senate and Assembly of this State

that a letter has been received by them from JOHN F. SLATER, of

Norwich, in the State of Connecticut, of which the following is a

copy:

To Messrs. RUTHERFORD B. HAYES, of Ohio; MORRISON R. WAITE,

of the District of Columbia; WILLIAM E. DODGE, of New York;

PHILLIPS BROOKS, of Massachusetts; DANIEL C. GILMAN, of

Maryland; JOHN A. STEWART, of New York; ALFRED H. COLQUITT,

of Georgia; MORRIS K. JESUP, of New York; JAMES P. BOYCE, of

Kentucky; and WILLIAM A. SLATER, of Connecticut:

GENTLEMEN.--It has pleased God to grant me prosperity in my

business, and to put it into my power to apply to charitable

uses a sum of money so considerable as to require the

counsel of wise men for the administration of it.

It is my desire at this time to appropriate to such uses the

sum of one million of dollars ($1,000,000 00); and I hereby

invite you to procure a charter of incorporation under which

a charitable fund may be held exempt from taxation, and

under which you shall organize; and I intend that the

corporation, as soon as formed, shall receive this sum in

trust to apply the income of it according to the

instructions contained in this letter.

The general object which I desire to have exclusively

pursued, is the uplifting of the lately emancipated

population of the Southern States, and their posterity, by

conferring on them the blessings of Christian education. The

disabilities formerly suffered by these people, and their

singular patience and fidelity in the great crisis of the

nation, establish a just claim on the sympathy and good will

of humane and patriotic men. I cannot but feel the

compassion that is due in view of their prevailing ignorance

which exists by no fault of their own.

But it is not only for their own sake, but also for the

safety of our common country, in which they have been

invested with equal political rights, that I am desirous to

aid in providing them with the means of such education as

shall tend to make them good men and good

citizens--education in which the instruction of the mind in

the common branches of secular learning shall be associated

with training in just notions of duty toward God and man, in

the light of the Holy Scriptures.

The means to be used in the prosecution of the general

object above described, I leave to the discretion of the

corporation; only indicating, as lines of operation adapted

to the present condition of things, the training of teachers

from among the people requiring to be taught, if, in the

opinion of the corporation, by such limited selection the

purposes of the trust can be best accomplished; and the

encouragement of such institutions as are most effectually

useful in promoting this training of teachers.

I am well aware that the work herein proposed is nothing new

or untried. And it is no small part of my satisfaction in

taking this share in it, that I hereby associate myself with

some of the noblest enterprises of charity and humanity, and

may hope to encourage the prayers and toils of faithful men

and women who have labored and are still laboring in this

cause.

I wish the corporation which you are invited to constitute,

to consist at no time of more than twelve members, nor of

less than nine members for a longer time than may be

required for the convenient filling of vacancies, which I

desire to be filled by the corporation, and, when found

practicable, at its next meeting after the vacancy may

occur.

I designate as the first President of the corporation the

Honorable RUTHERFORD B. HAYES, of Ohio. I desire that it may

have power to provide from the income of the fund, among

other things, for expenses incurred by members in the

fulfilment of this trust, and for the expenses of such

officers and agents as it may appoint, and generally to do

all such acts as may be necessary for carrying out the

purposes of this trust. I desire, if it may be, that the

corporation may have full liberty to invest its funds

according to its own best discretion, without reference to,

or restriction by, any laws or rules, legal or equitable, of

any nature, regulating the mode of investment of trust

funds; only I wish that neither principal nor income be

expended in land or buildings, for any other purpose than

that of safe and productive investment for income. And I

hereby discharge the corporation, and its individual

members, so far as it is in my power so to do, of all

responsibility, except for the faithful administration of

this trust, according to their own honest understanding and

best judgment. In particular, also, I wish to relieve them

of any pretended claim on the part of any person, party,

sect, institution, or locality, to benefactions from this

fund, that may be put forward on any ground whatever; as I

wish every expenditure to be determined solely by the

convictions of the corporation itself as to the most useful

disposition of its gifts.

I desire that the doings of the corporation each year be

printed and sent to each of the State Libraries in the

United States, and to the Library of Congress.

In case the capital of the Fund should become impaired, I

desire that a part of the income, not greater than one half,

be invested, from year to year, until the capital be

restored to its original amount.

I purposely leave to the corporation the largest liberty of

making such changes in the methods of applying the income of

the Fund as shall seem from time to time best adapted to

accomplish the general object herein defined. But being

warned by the history of such endowments that they sometimes

tend to discourage rather than promote effort and

self-reliance on the part of beneficiaries, or to inure to

the advancement of learning instead of the dissemination of

it; or to become a convenience to the rich instead of a help

to those who need help, I solemnly charge my Trustees to use

their best wisdom in preventing any such defeat of the

spirit of this trust; so that my gift may continue to future

generations to be a blessing to the poor.

If at any time after the lapse of thirty-three years from

the date of this foundation it shall appear to the judgment

of three fourths of the members of this corporation that, by

reason of a change in social conditions, or by reason of

adequate and equitable public provision for education, or by

any other sufficient reason, there is no further serious

need of this Fund in the form in which it is at first

instituted, I authorize the corporation to apply the capital

of the Fund to the establishment of foundations subsidiary

to then already existing institutions of higher education,

in such wise as to make the educational advantages of such

institutions more freely accessible to poor students of the

colored race.

It is my wish that this trust be administered in no

partisan, sectional, or sectarian spirit, but in the

interest of a generous patriotism and an enlightened

Christian faith; and that the corporation about to be

formed, may continue to be constituted of men distinguished

either by honorable success in business, or by services to

literature, education, religion, or the State.

I am encouraged to the execution in this charitable

foundation of a long-cherished purpose, by the eminent

wisdom and success that has marked the conduct of the

Peabody Education Fund in a field of operation not remote

from that contemplated by this trust. I shall commit it to

your hands, deeply conscious how insufficient is our best

forecast to provide for the future that is known only to

God; but humbly hoping that the administration of it may be

so guided by divine wisdom, as to be, in its turn, an

encouragement to philanthropic enterprise on the part of

others, and an enduring means of good to our beloved country

and to our fellow-men.

I have the honor to be, Gentlemen, your friend and

fellow-citizen,

JOHN F. SLATER.

NORWICH, CONN., March 4, 1882.

_And whereas_, said memorialists have further represented that

they are ready to accept said trust and receive and administer

said Fund, provided a charter of incorporation is granted by this

State, as indicated in said letter;

_Now, therefore_, for the purpose of giving full effect to the

charitable intentions declared in said letter;

_The people of the State of New York, represented in Senate and

Assembly, do enact as follows:_

SEC. 1. Rutherford B. Hayes, Morrison R. Waite, William E. Dodge,

Phillips Brooks, Daniel C. Gilman, John A. Stewart. Alfred H.

Colquitt, Morris K. Jesup, James P. Boyce, and William A. Slater,

are hereby created a body politic and corporate by the name of

THE TRUSTEES OF THE JOHN F. SLATER FUND, and by that name shall

have perpetual succession; said original corporators electing

their associates and successors, from time to time, so that the

whole number of corporators may be kept at not less than nine nor

more than twelve.

Said corporation may hold and manage, invest and re-invest all

property which may be given or transferred to it for the

charitable purposes indicated in said letter, and shall, in so

doing, and in appropriating the income accruing therefrom,

conform to and be governed by the directions in said letter

contained; and such property and all investments and

re-investments thereof, excepting real estate, shall, while owned

by said corporation and held for the purposes of said trust, be

exempt from taxation of any and every nature.

SEC. 2 Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio, shall be the first President

of the corporation, and it may elect such other officers and hold

such meetings, whether within or without this State, from time to

time, as its by-laws may authorize or prescribe.

SEC. 3. Said corporation shall annually file with the Librarian

of this State a printed report of its doings during the preceding

year.

SEC. 4. This act shall take effect immediately.

* * * * *

COLORED EMPLOYÉS IN WASHINGTON.

There are six hundred and twenty persons of color employed in the

different departments of the Government at Washington, D. C.,

distributed as follows:

War Department 44

Treasury Department 342

Department of Justice 7

Department of State 20

Navy Department 40

Department of the Interior 106 men, 7 women

Post-Office Department 54

----

Total 620

* * * * *

NEWSPAPERS CONDUCTED BY COLORED MEN.

ALABAMA.

MOBILE.-_The Mobile Gazette_; Phillip Joseph, Editor; $2.00 per year;

office No. 36 Conti Street.

HUNTSVILLE.-_Huntsville Gazette_;----, Editor; $1.50 per year;

Saturdays.

ARKANSAS.

HELENA.-_Golden Epoch_; H. W. Stewart. LITTLE ROCK.--_Arkansas

Mansion_; Henry Simkens, Editor; $1.50 a year.

CALIFORNIA.

SAN FRANCISCO.--_The Elevator_, Phillip A. Bell, Editor.

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.

WASHINGTON CITY.--_People's Advocate_, established in 1876; J. W.

Cromwell, Editor; C. A. Lemar, Manager; $1.50 a year.

WASHINGTON CITY.--_The Bee_; W. C. Chase, Editor; C. C. Stewart,

Business Manager; $2.00 per year; Saturdays; office, No. 1107 I

Street, N. W.

FLORIDA.

PENSACOLA.--_The Journal of Progress_; Matthews & Davidson, Editors

and Proprietors; $2.00; Saturdays.

KEY WEST.--_Key West News_; J. Willis Menard, Editor; weekly; five

columns; price, $1.50 per annum.

GEORGIA.

ATLANTA.--_Weekly Defiance_; W. H. Burnett, Editor.

AUGUSTA.--_The People's Defense_; Smith, Nelson, & Co., Proprietors.

AUGUSTA.--_Georgia Baptist_; Wm. J. White, Editor; $2.00 per year;

office, No. 633 Ellis Street.

SAVANNAH.--_Savannah Echo_; Hardin Bros. & Griffin, Proprietors;

$2.00; Saturdays.

ILLINOIS.

CHICAGO.--_The Conservator_; Barnett, Clark, & Co., Editors and

Proprietors; $2.00 per year; Saturdays; 194 Clark Street.

CAIRO.--_The Three States_; M. Gladding, Publisher; Saturdays; $1.50

per year; 190 Commercial Avenue.

CAIRO.--_The Cairo Gazette_; J. J. Bird, Editor; Wednesdays and

Saturdays; $2.50 per year.

KANSAS.

TOPEKA.--_Topeka Tribune_; E. H. White.

KENTUCKY.

LOUISVILLE.--_The Bulletin_; Adams Brothers; $2.00 per year;

Saturdays; 562 West Jefferson Street.

LOUISVILLE.--_The American Baptist_; Wm. H. Stewart.

LOUISVILLE.--_Ohio Falls Express_; Dr. H. Fitzbutler, Editor; $1.50

per year; Saturdays.

BOWLING GREEN.--_Bowling Green Watchman_; C. C. Strumm, Editor; C. R.

McDowell, Manager; Saturdays; $1.50 per year.

LOUISIANA.

NEW ORLEANS.--_Observer_; Saturdays; republican; four pages; size, 22

x 32; subscription, $2.00; established, 1878; G. T. Ruby, Editor and

Publisher.

MASSACHUSETTS.

BOSTON.--_The Boston Leader_; Howard L. Smith, Editor; $1.50 per year;

office, No. 8 Boylston Street. Room 9.

MISSISSIPPI.

VERONA.--_The Banner of Liberty_; J. B, Wilkins, Editor; $1.50 per

year.

GREENVILLE.--_The Baptist Signal_; Rev. G. W. Gayles, Editor; $1.00

per year.

JACKSON.--_People's Adviser_.

JACKSON.--_Mississippi Republican_; Preston Hay, Editor; $1.00;

Saturdays.

MAYERSVILLE.--_Mayersville Spectator_; W. E. Mollison, Editor; D. T.

Williamson, Publisher; $1.50 per year; Saturdays.

MISSOURI.

ST. LOUIS.--_Tribune_; Sundays; republican; eight pages; size, 26 x

40; subscription, $2.00; established, 1876; J. W. Wilson, Editor and

Publisher; circulation, I.

KANSAS CITY.--_The Kansas City Enterprise_; D. V. A. Nero; published

every Wednesday and Saturday; $2.00 per year; office, No. 537 Main

Street, Room No. 2.

NEW JERSEY.

TRENTON.--_The Sentinel_; R. Henri Herbert, Editor; Saturdays; $1.25

per year; No. 4 North Green Street.

NEW YORK.

NEW YORK CITY.--_Progressive American_; Thursdays; four pages; size,

22 x 31; subscription, $2.00; established, 1871; John J. Freeman,

Editor; George A. Washington, Publisher; circulation, J.; office, 125

W. 25th Street.

NEW YORK CITY.--_New York Globe_; Geo. Parker & Co.; T. Thos. Fortune,

Editor; office, No. 4 Cedar Street, Room 15.

BROOKLYN.--_The National Monitor_; R. Rufus L. Perry, D.D.

NORTH CAROLINA.

GOLDSBOROUGH.--_The Carolina Enterprise_; E. E. Smith, Editor; $1.00

per year; Saturday.

CHARLOTTE.--_Charlotte Messenger_; W. H. Smith, Editor; $1.50 per

year.

WILSON.--_The Wilson News_; Ward, Moore, & Hill, Editors; $1.50 a

year.

RALEIGH.--_Raleigh Banner_; J. H. Williams.

WILMINGTON.--_Africo-American Presbyterian_; D. J. Sanders.

OHIO.

CINCINNATI.--_The Afro-American_; Clark, Johnson, and Jackson, Editors

and Proprietors; $1.50 per year; Saturdays; office, 172 Central

Avenue.

CINCINNATI.--_The Weekly Review_; Review Publishing Co.; Chas. W.

Bell, Editor; $1.50 per year.

PENNSYLVANIA.

PHILADELPHIA.--_Christian Recorder_; Thursdays; Methodist; four pages;

size, 28 x 42; subscription, $2.00; established, 1862; Rev. Benj. T.

Tanner, D.D., Editor; Rev. Theo. Gould, Publisher; circulation, G;

office, 631 Pine Street.

SOUTH CAROLINA.

CHARLESTON.--_The New Era_; Wm. Holloway, Business Manager; $1.50 per

year; Saturdays; democratic; 196 Meeting Street.

CHARLESTON.--_The Palmetto Press_; Robert L. Smith, Editor; $1.50 per

year; Saturdays.

TENNESSEE.

NASHVILLE.--_Knights of Wise Men_; J. L. Brown, Editor; office. No. 5

Cherry Street.

CHATTANOOGA.--_The Enterprise_; Rev. D. W. Hays.

TEXAS.

AUSTIN.--_The Austin Citizen_; J. J. Hamilton & Co.

DALLAS.--_The Baptist Journal_; S. H. Smothers, Editor; A. R. Greggs,

Publisher.

DALLAS.--_Christian Preacher_; C. M. Wilmeth.

MARSHALL.--_The Christian Advocate_; M. F. Jamison.

GALVESTON.--_Spectator_; Richard Nelson, Editor; $1.50 per year.

PALESTINE.--_Colored American Journal_; monthly; C. W. Porter, Editor.

VIRGINIA.

RICHMOND.--_Virginia Star_; Saturdays; four pages; size, 20 x 26;

subscription, $2.00; established, 1876; R. M. Green, M.D., O. M.

Stewart, and P. H. Woolfolk, Editors and Publishers; circulation, K.

RICHMOND.--_Industrial Herald_; John Oliver, Editor; $1.00 per year.

PETERSBURGH.--_The Lancet_; Geo. F. Bragg, Jr., Manager; $1.50 per

year; Saturdays.

WEST VIRGINIA.

WHEELING.--_The Weekly Times_; Welcome, Buckner, & Co., Publishers;

Geo. W. Welcome, Editor; 8 pages; $1.00 per annum.

* * * * *

NEGROES IN NORTHERN COLLEGES.

In response to a circular sent out, seventy Northern Colleges sent

information; and in them are at present one hundred and sixty-nine

Colored students. The exact number of graduates cannot be ascertained,

as these colleges do not keep a record of the nationality of their

students.

FOOTNOTES:

[145] Correspondence of American Revolution, vol. iii. p. 547.

CHAPTER XXIII.

HENRY HIGHLAND GARNET, D.D.

The career of this man, who died at Monrovia, Liberia, Feb. 14, 1882,

where he was the Minister of the United States, was extraordinary.

Grandson of a native African, brought over in a slave-trader, himself

born a slave, he was brought to Pennsylvania by his father, when he

fled from slavery in 1824. Next we find him, at the age of seventeen,

ridiculed for studying Greek and Latin; then mobbed in a New Hampshire

seminary; then dragged from a street car in Utica; then studying

theology with Dr. Beman in Troy, N. Y. Soon he was settled as a

minister; afterward he travelled in Great Britain and on the Continent

of Europe, and was sent by a Scottish Society as Presbyterian

missionary to Jamaica, West Indies. He returned to New York, and was

long the pastor of the Shiloh Presbyterian Church; his house escaping

the riots in 1863 "by the foresight of his daughter, who wrenched off

the door plate." He was the first Colored man who ever spoke in public

in the Capitol at Washington, having preached there Sunday, Feb. 12,

1865. In 1881 he was appointed Minister to Liberia. Dr. Garnet was

equal in ability to Frederick Douglass, and greatly his superior in

learning, especially excelling in logic and terse statement. We heard

him make a speech in 1865, which in force of reasoning, purity of

language, and propriety of utterance, was not unworthy of comparison

with a sermon of Bishop Thomson, or an address of George William

Curtis. As he was "a full-blooded Negro," he was a standing and

unanswerable proof that the race is capable of all that has

distinguished MAN. How much of history and progress could be crowded

in a memorial inscription for him! It might be something like this:

Born a slave in the country to which his grandfather was stolen away,

he competed, under the greatest disadvantages, with white men for the

prizes of life; attaining the highest intellectual culture, and a

corresponding moral elevation, his career commanded universal respect

in Europe and America, wherever he was known. He died the Minister of

the United States to a civilized nation in the land whence his

barbaric ancestors were stolen. To God, who "hath made of one blood

all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath

determined the times before appointed, and the bounds of their

habitation" (Acts xvii: 26), be the glory. "How unsearchable are His

judgments, and His ways past finding out!"

* * * * *

EBENEZER D. BASSETT.

One of the ablest diplomats the Negro race has produced is the

Honorable Ebenezer D. Bassett, for nearly nine years the Resident

Minister and Consul-General from the United States to Hayti. He was

born and educated in the State of Connecticut, and for many years was

the successful Principal of the Institute for Colored Youth at

Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. As a classical scholar and for proficiency

in the use of modern languages he has few equals among his race.

Returning to this country, after years of honorable service abroad, he

was promoted by the Haytian Government to the position of Consul at

New York City, and at present is serving the Republic of Hayti. As an

evidence of the high esteem in which he was held as an officer the

following documents attest:

(COPY.)

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, }

WASHINGTON, October 5, 1877. }

EBENEZER D. BASSETT, Esquire, etc., etc., etc.

SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch No. 529,

of the 23d August last, tendering your resignation of the office

of Minister Resident and Consul-General of the United States to

Hayti, and to inform you that it is accepted.

I cannot allow this opportunity to pass without expressing to you

the appreciation of the Department of the very satisfactory

manner in which you have discharged the duties of the mission at

Port au Prince during your term of office. This commendation of

your services is the more especially merited, because at various

times your duties have been of such a delicate nature as to have

required the exercise of much tact and discretion.

I enclose herewith a letter addressed by the President of the

United States to the President of Hayti, announcing your

retirement from the mission at Port au Prince, together with an

office copy of the same. You will transmit the latter to the

Minister of Foreign Affairs, and make arrangements for the

delivery of the original to the President when your successor

shall present his credentials.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

(Signed.) F. W. SEWARD, _Acting Secretary_.

(TRANSLATION.)

BOISROND CANAL, _President of the Republic of Hayti_,

_To His Excellency the President of the United States of America_.

GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND: Mr. Ebenezer D. Bassett, who has resided

here in the capacity of Minister of the United States, has placed

in my hands the letter by which your Excellency has brought his

mission to an end.

In taking leave of me in conformity with the wishes of your

Excellency, he has renewed the assurance of the friendly

sentiments which so happily exist on the part of the Government

and the people of the United States toward the Government and the

people of the Republic of Hayti.

I have not failed to request him to transmit to your Excellency,

the expression of my great desire to maintain always the

relations of the two Countries upon the footing of that cordial

understanding.

It is for me a pleasing duty to acknowledge fully to your

Excellency, the zeal and the intelligence with which Mr. Bassett

has fulfilled here the high and delicate functions that had been

entrusted to him.

I have, therefore, been happy to be able to testify to him

publicly before his departure, in the name of my fellow-citizens,

the esteem and sincere affection which his talents, his

character, his private and public conduct have won for him, as

well as the particular sentiments of friendship and gratitude I

personally entertain for him.

I pray God that He may have your Excellency always in His Holy

keeping.

Given at the National Palace of Port au Prince, the 29th day of

November, 1877.

Your Good Friend,

(Signed) BOISROND CANAL.

Countersigned.

(Signed.) F. CARRIE, _Secretary of State_.

* * * * *

COLORED SENATORS AND CONGRESSMEN.

UNITED STATES SENATORS.

HIRAM R. REVELS, United States Senator from Mississippi, was born in

Fayetteville, North Carolina, September 1, 1822; desiring to obtain an

education, which was denied in his native State to those of African

descent, he removed to Indiana; spent some time at the Quaker Seminary

in Union County; entered the Methodist ministry; afterward received

further instructions at the Clarke County Seminary, when he became

preacher, teacher, and lecturer among his people in the States of

Indiana, Illinois, Ohio, and Missouri; at the breaking out of the war,

he was ministering at Baltimore; he assisted in the organization of

the first two Colored regiments in Maryland and Missouri; during a

portion of 1863 and 1864 he taught school in St. Louis, then went to

Vicksburg, and assisted the provost marshal in managing the freedmen

affairs; followed on the heels of the army to Jackson; organized

churches, and lectured; spent the next two years in Kansas and

Missouri in preaching and lecturing on moral and religious subjects;

returned to Mississippi, and settled at Natchez; was chosen presiding

elder of the Methodist Church, and a member of the city council; was

elected a United States Senator from Mississippi as a Republican,

serving from February 25, 1870, to March 3, 1871; was pastor of a

Methodist Episcopal church at Holly Springs, Mississippi; removed to

Indiana, where he was pastor of the African Methodist Episcopal Church

at Richmond.

BLANCHE K. BRUCE, United States Senator from Mississippi, was born in

Prince Edward County, Virginia, March 1, 1841; as his parents were

slaves, he received a limited education; became a planter in

Mississippi in 1869; was a member of the Mississippi Levee Board, and

sheriff and tax-collector of Bolivar County from 1872 until his

election to the United States Senate from Mississippi, February 3,

1875, as a Republican, to succeed Henry R. Pease, Republican, and took

his seat March 4, 1875. His term of service expired March 3, 1881.

UNITED STATES CONGRESSMEN.

RICHARD H. CAIN was born in Greenbrier County, Virginia, April 12,

1825. His father removed to Ohio in 1831, and settled in Gallipolis.

He had no education, except such as was afforded in Sabbath-school,

until after his marriage; entered the ministry at an early age; became

a student at Wilberforce University at Xenia, Ohio, in 1860, and

remained there for one year; removed, at the breaking out of the war,

to Brooklyn, New York, where he was a pastor for four years; was sent

by his Church as a missionary to the freedmen in South Carolina; was

chosen a member of the Constitutional Convention of South Carolina;

was elected a member of the State Senate from Charleston, and served

two years; took charge of a republican newspaper in 1868; was elected

a representative from South Carolina in the Forty-third Congress as a

Republican, receiving 66,825 votes against 26,394 for Lewis E.

Johnson, and was again elected to the Forty-fifth Congress as a

Republican, receiving 21,385 votes against 16,074 votes for M. P.

O'Connor, Democrat.

* * * * *

ROBERT C. DE LARGE was born at Aiken, South Carolina, March 15, 1842;

received such an education as was then attainable; was a farmer; was

an agent of the Freedmen's Bureau from May, 1867, to April, 1868, when

he was elected a member of the State Constitutional Convention; was a

member of the House of Representatives of the State Legislature in

1868, 1869, and 1870; was one of the State Commissioners of the

Sinking Fund; was elected in 1870 State Land Commissioner, and served

until he was elected a representative from South Carolina in the

Forty-second Congress as a Republican, receiving 16,686 votes, against

15,700 votes for C. C. Bowen, Independent Republican; was appointed a

trial justice, which office he held when he died at Charlestown, South

Carolina, February 15, 1874.

* * * * *

ROBERT BROWN ELLIOTT was born at Boston, Massachusetts, August 11,

1842; received his primary education at private schools; in 1853

entered High Holborn Academy in London, England; in 1855 entered Eton

College, England, and graduated in 1859; studied law, and practises

his profession; was a member of the State Constitutional Convention of

South Carolina in 1868; was a member of the House of Representatives

of South Carolina from July 6, 1868, to October 23, 1870; was

appointed on the 25th of March, 1869, assistant adjutant-general,

which position he held until he was elected a representative from

South Carolina in the Forty-second Congress as a Republican, receiving

20,564 votes against 13,997 votes for J. E. Bacon, Democrat, serving

from March 4, 1871, to 1873, when he resigned; and was re-elected to

the Forty-third Congress as a Republican, receiving 21,627 votes

against 1,094 votes for W. H. McCan, Democrat, serving from December

1, 1873, to May, 1874, when he resigned, having been elected sheriff.

* * * * *

JERE HARALSON was born in Muscogee County, Georgia, April 1, 1846, the

slave property of John Walker; after Walker's death, was sold on the

auction-block in the city of Columbus, and bought by J. W. Thompson,

after whose death he became the property of J. Haralson, of Selma, and

so remained until emancipated in 1865; received no education until

after he was free, when he instructed himself; was elected to the

State House of Representatives of Alabama in 1870; was elected to the

State Senate of Alabama in 1872; was elected a representative from

Alabama in the Forty-fourth Congress as a Republican, receiving 19,551

votes against 16,953 votes for F. G. Bromberg, Democrat, serving from

December 6, 1875, to March 3, 1877; was defeated by the Republican

candidate for the Forty-fifth Congress, receiving 8,675 votes against

9,685 votes for Charles L. Shelley, Democrat, and 7,236 votes for

James T. Rapier, Republican.

* * * * *

JOHN R. LYNCH was born in Concordia Parish, Louisiana, September 10,

1847, a slave; and he remained in slavery until emancipated by the

results of the Rebellion, receiving no early education; a purchaser of

his mother carried her with her children to Natchez, where, when the

Union troops took possession, he attended evening school for a few

months, and he has since by private study acquired a good English

education; he engaged in the business of photography at Natchez until

1869, when Governor Ames appointed him a justice of the peace; he was

elected a member of the State Legislature from Adams County, and

re-elected in 1871, serving the last term as Speaker of the House; was

elected a representative from Mississippi in the Forty-third Congress

as a Republican, receiving 15,391 votes against 8,430 votes for H.

Cassidy, Sr., Democrat; and was re-elected to the Forty-fourth

Congress as a Republican (defeating Roderick Seals, Democrat), serving

from December 1, 1873, to March 3, 1877.

* * * * *

CHARLES E. NASH was born at Opelousas, Louisiana; received a

common-school education at New Orleans; was a bricklayer by trade;

enlisted as private in the Eighty-third Regiment, United States

Chasseurs d'Afrique, April 20, 1863, and was promoted until he became

acting sergeant-major of the regiment; lost a leg at the storming of

Fort Blakely, and was honorably discharged from the army May 30, 1865;

was elected a representative from Louisiana in the Forty-fourth

Congress as a Republican, receiving 13,156 votes against 12,085 votes

for Joseph M. Moore, Democrat, serving from December 6, 1875, to March

3, 1877; was defeated as the Republican candidate for the Forty-fifth

Congress, receiving 11,147 votes against 15,520 votes for Edward White

Robertson, Democrat.

* * * * *

JOSEPH H. RAINEY was born at Georgetown, South Carolina (where both of

his parents were slaves, but, by their industry, obtained their

freedom), June 21, 1832; although debarred by law from attending

school he acquired a good education, and further improved his mind by

observation and travel; his father was a barber, and he followed that

occupation at Charlestown till 1862, when, having been forced to work

on the fortifications of the Confederates, he escaped to the West

Indies, where he remained until the close of the war, when he returned

to his native town; he was elected a delegate to the State

Constitutional Convention of 1868, and was a member of the State

Senate of South Carolina in 1870, resigning when elected a

representative from South Carolina in the Forty-first Congress as a

Republican (to fill the vacancy caused by the non-reception of B. F.

Whittemore), by a majority of 17,193 votes over Dudley, Conservative;

was re-elected to the Forty-second Congress, receiving 20,221 votes

against 11,628 votes for C. W. Dudley, Democrat; was re-elected to the

Forty-third Congress, receiving 19,765 votes, being all that were

cast; was re-elected to the Forty-fourth Congress, receiving 14,370

votes against 13,563 votes for Samuel Lee, Republican; was re-elected

to the Forty-fifth Congress, receiving 18,180 votes against 16,661

votes for J. S. Richardson, Democrat, serving from March 4, 1869.

* * * * *

ALONZO J. RANSIER was born at Charlestown, South Carolina, in January,

1834; was self-educated; was employed as shipping-clerk in 1850 by a

leading merchant, who was tried for violation of law in "hiring a

Colored clerk," and fined one cent with costs; was one of the foremost

in the works of reconstruction in 1865; was a member of a convention

of the friends of equal rights in October, 1865, at Charlestown, and

was deputed to present the memorial there framed to Congress; was

elected a member of the State Constitutional Convention of 1868; was

elected a member of the House of Representatives in the State

Legislature in 1869; was chosen chairman of the State Republican

Central Committee, which position he held until 1872; was elected a

presidential elector on the Grant and Colfax ticket in 1868; was

elected lieutenant-governor of South Carolina in 1870 by a large

majority; was president of the Southern States Convention at Columbia

in 1871; was chosen a delegate to, and was a vice-president of, the

Philadelphia Convention which nominated Grant and Wilson in 1872; and

was elected a representative from South Carolina in the Forty-third

Congress as a Republican, receiving 20,061 votes against 6,549 votes

for W. Gurney, Independent Republican, serving from December 1, 1873,

to March 3, 1875.

* * * * *

JAMES T. RAPIER was born in Florence, Alabama, in 1840; was educated

in Canada; is a planter; was appointed a notary public by the governor

of Alabama in 1866; was a member of the first Republican Convention

held in Alabama, and was one of the committee that framed the platform

of the party; represented Lauderdale County in the Constitutional

Convention held at Montgomery in 1867; was nominated for secretary of

State in 1870, but defeated with the rest of the ticket; was appointed

assessor of internal revenue for the second collection-district of

Alabama in 1871; was appointed State commissioner to the Vienna

Exposition in. 1873 by the governor of Alabama; was elected a

representative from Alabama in the Forty-third Congress as a

Republican, receiving 19,100 votes against 16,000 votes for C. W.

Oates, Democrat, serving from December 1, 1873, to March 3, 1875; and

was defeated as the Republican candidate for the Forty-fourth

Congress, receiving 19,124 votes against 20,180 votes for Jeremiah N.

Williams, Democrat.

* * * * *

ROBERT SMALLS was born at Beaufort, South Carolina, April 5, 1839;

being a slave, was debarred by statute from attending school, but

educated himself with such limited advantages as he could secure;

removed to Charlestown in 1851; worked as a rigger, and led a

seafaring life; became connected in 1861 with "The Planter," a steamer

plying in Charlestown harbor as a transport, which he took over

Charlestown Bar in May, 1862, and delivered her and his services to

the commander of the United States blockading squadron; was appointed

pilot in the United States navy, and served in that capacity on the

monitor "Keokuk" in the attack on Fort Sumter; served as pilot in the

quartermaster's department, and was promoted as captain for gallant

and meritorious conduct December 1, 1863, and placed in command of

"The Planter," serving until she was put out of commission in 1866;

was elected a member of the State Constitutional Convention of 1868;

was elected a member of the State House of Representatives in 1868,

and of the State Senate (to fill a vacancy) in 1870, and re-elected in

1872; and was elected a representative from South Carolina in the

Forty-fourth Congress as a Republican, receiving 17,752 votes against

4,461 votes for J. P. M. Epping, Republican; and was re-elected to the

Forty-fifth Congress, receiving 19,954 votes against 18,516 votes for

G. D. Tillman, Democrat, serving from December, 6, 1875, to March 3,

1877; and is now a member.

* * * * *

JOSIAH T. WALLS was born at Winchester, Virginia, December 30, 1842;

received a common-school education; was a planter; was elected a

member of the State Constitutional Convention in 1868; was elected a

member of the State House of Representatives in 1868; was elected to

the State Senate 1869-1872; claimed to have been elected a

representative from the State-at-large to the Forty-second Congress as

a Republican, but the election was contested by his competitor, Silas

L. Niblack, who took the seat January 29, 1873; was re-elected for the

State-at-large, receiving 17,503 votes against 15,881 votes for

Niblack, Democrat; and was re-elected to the Forty-fourth Congress,

receiving 8,549 votes against 8,178 votes for Jesse J. Finley,

Democrat.

* * * * *

BENJ. STERLING TURNER was born in Halifax County, North Carolina,

March 17, 1825; was raised as a slave, and received no early

education, because the laws of that State made it criminal to educate

slaves; removed to Alabama in 1830, and, by clandestine study,

obtained a fair education; became a dealer in general merchandise; was

elected tax-collector of Dallas County in 1867, and councilman of the

city of Selma in 1869; was elected a representative from Alabama in

the Forty-second Congress as a Republican, receiving 18,226 votes

against 13,466 votes for S. J. Cumming, Democrat, serving from March

4, 1871, to March 3, 1873; was defeated as the Republican candidate

for the Forty-third Congress, receiving 13,174 votes against 15,607

votes for F. G. Bromberg, Democrat and Liberal and 7,024 votes for P.

Joseph, Republican.

* * * * *

JEFFERSON F. LONG, Macon, Georgia. Took his seat Feb. 24, 1871.

* * * * *

BUREAU OFFICER.

Honorable BLANCHE K. BRUCE, Register of the United States Treasury;

appointed by President James A. Garfield, 1881.

NEGROES IN THE DIPLOMATIC AND CONSULAR SERVICE OF THE UNITED STATES

GOVERNMENT.

_Hayti._--E. D. BASSETT, Pennsylvania, 1869-77.

_Hayti._--JOHN M. LANGSTON, District of Columbia, Minister Resident

and Consul-General to Hayti, 1877.

_Liberia._--J. MILTON TURNER, Missouri.

_Liberia._--JOHN H. SMYTH, North Carolina. Reappointed in 1882.

_Liberia._--HENRY HIGHLAND GARNET, New York, Minister Resident and

Consul-General to Liberia.

* * * * *

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNORS.

The following Colored men were Lieutenant-Governors during the years

of reconstruction. At the head of them all for bravery, intelligence,

and executive ability stands Governor Pinchback. One of the first men

of his race to enter the army in 1862 as captain, when the conflict

was over and his race free, he was the first Colored man in Louisiana

to enter into the work of reconstruction. He has been and is a power

in his State. He is true to his friends, but a terror to his enemies.

A sketch of his life would read like a romance.

_Louisiana._ _South Carolina._ _Mississippi._

OSCAR J. DUNN, ALONZO J. RANSIER, ALEX. DAVIS.

P. B. S. PINCHBACK, RICHARD H. GLEAVES,

C. C. ANTOINE.

INDEX.

Acvis, Capt., his opinion of John Brown, 225.

Adams, C. F., advocates the education of Negroes, 158.

Adams, John, first Colored teacher in the D. C., 183.

Adams, John Quincy, remarks on the death of William Costin, 192.

Adams, Rufus, opposes school for Colored children in Conn., 150.

Aden, D., letter on the bravery of Negro troops, 348.

Africa, imported slaves ordered to be returned to, 12;

agents appointed by the United States for that purpose, 13;

proposed colony of free Negroes on the coast, 51;

a line of war steamers to be established, to suppress the

slave-trade, promote commerce, and colonize the coast, 53-55;

colonization of, by Negroes, opposed, 70;

the "Amistad" captives returned to, 93-96;

number of slaves imported from, 544.

African Methodist Episcopal Church, origin, growth, organization,

and influence, 135, 452;

numerical and financial strength, missionary and educational

spirit, 455-458;

publishing house, periodicals, and papers, 458, 459;

report of Wilberforce University for 1876, 455, 456;

list of the faculty, 460;

report and general statement, 462-464;

list of bishops, 464.

African School Association established, 157.

Aggressive Anti-Slavery Party, the, 50.

Alabama, formation of the territory of, the most cruel of slave

States, 3;

slave population, 1820, 22;

1830, 1840, 99;

1850, 100;

education of Negroes prohibited, 148;

recedes from the Union, 232;

number of Negro troops furnished by, 299;

represented in Congress by Negroes, 382;

comparative statistics of education, 388;

institution for the instruction of Negroes, 392;

ratifies the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution of the

U. S., 422.

Albany Atlas and Argus (The) denounces the Rev. Justin D. Fulton

for his views on slavery, 243.

Alexander, Francis A., his testimony in regard to the Fort Pillow

massacre, 372.

Allegheny City, Pa., Avery College founded, 177.

Allen, Rev. Richard, founder of the African Methodist Episcopal

Church, 452;

mentioned, 458;

first bishop of the Church, 459.

Alton, Ill., mob destroy printing-press, 51.

Ambush, James Enoch, founds the Wesleyan Seminary, 194.

American Anti-Slavery Society, organized, 43;

influence of, 79, 80.

American Colonization Society, organized, list of officers, 52;

commended, 68;

protest against the colonization of Negroes in Liberia, 69, 70,

73, 76.

American Missionary Association establish the first school for

freedmen, at Fortress Monroe, 393.

"Amistad" captives, natives of Africa, sail from Havana on the

Spanish slaver "Amistad," cruelly treated, take possession

of the ship, alter her course for Africa, 93;

captured by a United States vessel and carried to New London,

Conn., their trial and release, tour through the United

States, 94;

return to Africa, 96.

Anderson, Rev. Duke William, Colored Baptist minister, birth,

early life, and education, 476-478;

farmer, teacher, preacher, and missionary, 479-492;

his influence in the West, 493-496;

pastor of the 19th Street Baptist Church at Washington,

occupies various positions of trust, 497;

builds a new church, 498;

death and funeral, 499, 500;

resolutions on his death, 500-503.

Anderson, Ransom, testimony in regard to the Fort Pillow massacre,

365.

Andrew, Gov. John A., authorizes the raising of Negro regiments, 289.

Andrew, William, representative of Attleborough, Pa., in the first

conference of the African M. E. Church, 452.

Anti-slavery, societies formed, 20;

sentiment at the North, 22;

agitation, 1825-1850, 31-36;

speeches in the Legislature of Virginia, 33-35;

methods, 37-60;

antiquity of, sentiment, 38;

newspapers established, 38, 39, 41;

Garrison, leader of the, movement, 39;

National Convention, number of societies in the United States,

1836, 44;

Sumner's speech before the Whig party, 45;

heterodox party, 48;

economic party, 49;

aggressive party, 50;

colonization society, 51;

American colonization society, 52;

underground railroad organization, 58;

literature, 59, 60;

efforts of free Negroes, 61-81;

New England, Society, dissolution of Negro societies, 79;

convention of the women of America, 80;

prejudice against admitting Negroes into white societies, 81;

friends of, instruct the "Amistad" captives, 94;

the cause benefited by their stay in the United States, 96;

violent treatment of, orators, 97;

opposed, 98;

John C. Calhoun opposed to, 104.

Appleton, John W. M., superintends the enlistment of Negro regiment

in Mass., 289.

Appomattox, Va., bravery of Negro troops at the battle of, 344.

Arkansas, territory organized, 15;

slave population, 1820, 22;

1830, 1840, 99;

1850, 100;

opposed to the education of Negroes, 149;

number of Negro troops furnished by, 299;

comparative statistics of education, 388;

institutions for the instruction of Negroes, 392;

ratifies the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution of the U. S.,

422.

Asbury, Francis, member of the first American Methodist Conference,

446;

and bishop of the Church, 468.

Ashley, James M., opposes the return of fugitive slaves, 246.

Ashum Institute, founded, list of trustees, 178.

Attucks Guards, a Colored militia company, organized, 145.

Auchmuty, Rev. Samuel, teaches Negro slaves in New York, 165.

Auld, Hugh, master of Frederick Douglass, 431, 432.

Austin, James T., signs memorial against the increase of slavery, 16.

Avery, Rev. Charles, founder of the Avery College, 177.

Baily, Frederick, see Douglass, Frederick.

Ball, Flamen, counsel for the Colored people in Cincinnati, 172.

Baltimore, Md., anti-slavery newspaper published, 38;

cargo of slaves sent to New Orleans, to be sold, 40;

Democratic and Whig conventions held at, 1852, 1853, 106;

St. Frances Academy founded, 160;

the Wells school established, 161.

Bancroft, George, views on the Declaration of Independence, 32.

Banks, Maj.-Gen. N. P., orders the enlistment of Negro troops, 290;

official report on the battle of Port Hudson, 322;

commends the Negro troops for their bravery, 323.

Baptist Church, Colored, organized, 135;

the members an intelligent and useful people, 475;

their leading ministers, 476;

sketch of Duke William Anderson, 476-503;

Leonard Andrew Grimes, 504-515.

Barclay, David, donates money to the Quakers, 174.

Barclay, Rev. Henry, advocates the education of Negro slaves, 165.

Bartram, Col. Nelson B., description of Colored regiment commanded

by, 292.

Bassett, Lieut.-Col. Chauncey J., commands the 1st La. regiment of

Colored troops at the battle of Port Hudson, 320.

Bassett, E. D., appointed U. S. minister to Hayti, 423.

Beams, Charlotte, establishes a school for Colored children, 213.

Beaufort, S. C., military savings bank for Negroes established, 403.

Beauregard, Gen. G. T., urges passage of the bill for the execution

of prisoners, 270.

Bell, George, former slave, founds a Colored school, 182.

Becraft, Maria, sketch of, 195, 196.

Benezet, Anthony, establishes Colored school in Philadelphia, 1750,

172;

his will, donating money for education of the Colored people, 173;

death, 174.

Bennington, Vt., anti-slavery newspaper published, 39.