CHAPTER XIX.

NEGROES AS SOLDIERS.

JUSTIFICATION OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT IN THE EMPLOYMENT OF

SLAVES AS SOLDIERS.--TRIALS OF THE NEGRO SOLDIER.--HE UNDERGOES

PERSECUTION FROM THE WHITE NORTHERN TROOPS, AND BARBAROUS

TREATMENT FROM THE REBELS.--EDITORIAL OF THE "NEW YORK TIMES" ON

THE NEGRO SOLDIER IN BATTLE.--REPORT OF THE "TRIBUNE" ON THE

GALLANT EXPLOITS OF THE 1ST SOUTH CAROLINA VOLUNTEERS.--NEGRO

TROOPS IN ALL THE DEPARTMENTS.--NEGRO SOLDIERS IN THE BATTLE OF

PORT HUDSON.--DEATH OF CAPTAIN ANDRE CALLIOUX.--DEATH OF

COLOR-SERGEANT ANSELMAS PLANCIANCOIS.--AN ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE

OF PORT HUDSON.--OFFICIAL REPORT OF GEN. BANKS.--HE APPLAUDS THE

VALOR OF THE COLORED REGIMENTS AT PORT HUDSON.--GEORGE H. BOKER'S

POEM ON "THE BLACK REGIMENT."--BATTLE OF MILLIKEN'S BEND, JUNE,

1863.--DESCRIPTION OF THE BATTLE.--MEMORABLE EVENTS OF JULY,

1863.--BATTLE ON MORRIS ISLAND.--BRAVERY OF SERGEANT CARNEY.--AN

ACCOUNT OF THE 54TH MASSACHUSETTS REGIMENT BY EDWARD L. PIERCE TO

GOVERNOR ANDREW.--DEATH OF COL. SHAW.--COLORED TROOPS IN THE ARMY

OF THE POTOMAC.--BATTLE OF PETERSBURG.--TABLE SHOWING THE LOSSES

AT NASHVILLE.--ADJT.-GEN. THOMAS ON NEGRO SOLDIERS.--AN EXTRACT

FROM THE "NEW YORK TRIBUNE" IN BEHALF OF THE SOLDIERLY QUALITIES

OF THE NEGROES.--LETTER RECEIVED BY COL. DARLING FROM MR. ADEN

AND COL. FOSTER PRAISING THE EMINENT QUALIFICATIONS OF THE NEGRO

FOR MILITARY LIFE.--HISTORY RECORDS THEIR DEEDS OF VALOR IN THE

PRESERVATION OF THE UNION.

All history, ancient and modern, Pagan and Christian, justified the

conduct of the Federal Government in the employment of slaves as

soldiers. Greece had tried the experiment; and at the battle of

Marathon there were two regiments of heavy infantry composed of

slaves. The beleaguered city of Rome offered freedom to her slaves who

should volunteer as soldiers; and at the battle of Cannae a regiment

of Roman slaves made Hannibal's cohorts reel before their unequalled

courage. When Abraham heard of the loss of his stock, he armed his

slaves, pursued the enemy, and regained his possessions. Negro

officers as well as soldiers had shared the perils and glories of the

campaigns of Napoleon Bonaparte; and even the royal guard at the Court

of Imperial France had been mounted with black soldiers. In two wars

in North America Negro soldiers had followed the fortunes of military

life, and won the applause of white patriots on two continents. So

then all history furnished a precedent for the guidance of the United

States Government in the Civil War in America.

But there were several aggravating questions which had to be referred

to the future. In both wars in this country the Negro had fought a

foreign foe--an enemy representing a Christian civilization. He had a

sense of security in going to battle with the colonial fathers; for

their sacred battle-songs gave him purpose and courage. And, again,

the Negro knew that the English soldier had never disgraced the

uniform of Hampden or Wellington by practising the cruelties of

uncivilized warfare upon helpless prisoners. In the Rebellion it was

altogether different. Here was a war between the States of one Union.

Here was a war between two sections differing in civilization. Here

was a war all about the _Negro_; a war that was to declare him forever

bond, or forever free. Now, in such a war the Negro appeared in battle

against his master. For two hundred and forty-three years the Negro

had been learning the lesson of obedience and obsequious submission to

the white man. The system of slavery under which he had languished had

destroyed the family relation, the source of all virtue, self-respect,

and moral growth. The tendency of slavery was to destroy the

confidence of the slave in his ability and resources, and to

disqualify him for those relations where the noblest passion of

mankind is to be exercised in an intelligent manner--_amor patriæ_.

Negro soldiers were required by an act of Congress to fight for the

Union at a salary of $10 per month, with $3 deducted for

clothing--leaving them only $7 per month as their actual pay. White

soldiers received $13 per month and clothing.[97]

The Negro soldiers had to run the gauntlet of the persecuting hate of

white Northern troops, and, if captured, endure the most barbarous

treatment of the rebels, without a protest on the part of the

Government--for at least nearly a year. Hooted at, jeered, and stoned

in the streets of Northern cities as they marched to the front to

fight for the Union; scoffed at and abused by white troops under the

flag of a common country, there was little of a consoling or inspiring

nature in the experience of Negro soldiers.

"But none of these things" moved the Negro soldier. His qualifications

for the profession of arms were ample and admirable. To begin with,

the Negro soldier was a patriot of the highest order. No race of

people in the world are more thoroughly domestic, have such tender

attachments to home and friends as the Negro race. And when his soul

was quickened with the sublime idea of liberty for himself and

kindred--that his home and country were to be rid of the triple curse

of slavery--his enthusiasm was boundless. His enthusiasm was not mere

animal excitement. No white soldier who marched to the music of the

Union possessed a more lofty conception of the sacredness of the war

for the Union than the Negro. The intensity of his desires, the

sincerity of his prayers, and the sublimity of his faith during the

long and starless night of his bondage made the Negro a poet, after a

fashion. To him there was poetry in our flag--the red, white, and

blue. Our national odes and airs found a response in his soul, and

inspired him to the performance of heroic deeds. He was always seeing

something "sublime," "glorious," "beautiful," "grand," and "wonderful"

in war. There was poetry in the swinging, measured tread of companies

and regiments in drill or battle; and dress parade always found the

Negro soldier in the height of his glory. His love of harmonious

sounds, his musical faculty, and delight of show aided him in the

performance of the most difficult manoeuvres. His imitativeness gave

him facility in handling his musket and sabre; and his love of

domestic animals, and natural strength made him a graceful cavalryman

and an efficient artilleryman.

The lessons of obedience the Negro had learned so thoroughly as a

slave were turned to good account as a soldier. He obeyed orders to

the letter. He never used his discretion; he added nothing to, he

subtracted nothing from, his orders; he made no attempt at reading

between the lines; he did not interpret--he _obeyed_. Used to outdoor

life, with excellent hearing, wonderful eyesight, and great vigilance,

he was a model picket. Heard every sound, observed every moving thing,

and was quick to shoot, and of steady aim. He was possessed of

exceptionally good teeth, and, therefore, could bite his cartridge and

hard tack. He had been trained to long periods of labor, poor food,

and miserable quarters, and therefore, could endure extreme fatigue

and great exposure.

His docility of nature, patient endurance, and hopeful disposition

enabled him to endure long marches, severe hardships, and painful

wounds. His joyous, boisterous songs on the march and in the camp; his

victorious shout in battle, and his merry laughter in camp proclaimed

him the insoluble enigma of military life. He never was discouraged;

_melancholia_ had no abiding place in his nature.

But how did the Negro meet his master in battle? How did he stand

fire? On the 31st of July, 1863, the "New York Times," editorially

answered these questions as follows:

"Negro soldiers have now been in battle at Port Hudson and at

Milliken's Bend in Louisiana; at Helena in Arkansas, at Morris

Island in South Carolina, and at or near Fort Gibson in the

Indian Territory. In two of these instances they assaulted

fortified positions and led the assault; in two they fought on

the defensive, and in one they attacked rebel infantry. In all of

them they acted in conjunction with white troops and under

command of white officers. In some instances they acted with

distinguished bravery, and in all they acted as well as could be

expected of raw troops.

"Some of these negroes were from the cotton States, others from

New England States, and others from the slave States of the

Northwest. Those who fought at Port Hudson were from New Orleans;

those who fought at Battery Wagner were from Boston; those who

fought at Helena and Young's Point were from the river counties

of Arkansas, Mississippi, and Tennessee. Those who fought in the

Indian Territory were from Missouri."

This is warm praise from a journal of the high, though conservative,

character of the "Times." Warmer praise and more unqualified praise of

the Negro soldier's fighting qualities could not be given. And it was

made after a careful weighing of all the facts and evidence supplied

from careful and reliable correspondents. But more specific evidence

was being furnished on every hand. The 1st South Carolina

Volunteers--the first regiment of Negroes existed during the

war,--commanded by Col. Thomas Wentworth Higginson, was the first

Black regiment of its character under the fire of the enemy. The

regiment covered itself with glory during an expedition upon the St.

John's River in Florida. The "Times" gave the following editorial

notice of the expedition at the time, based upon the official report

of the colonel and a letter from its special correspondent:

"THE NEGROES IN BATTLE.

"Colonel Higginson, of the 1st S. C. Volunteers, furnishes an

entertaining official report of the exploits of his black

regiment in Florida. He seems to think it necessary to put his

case strongly, and in rather exalted language, as well as in such

a way as to convince the public that negroes will fight. In this

expedition, his battalion was repeatedly under fire--had rebel

cavalry, infantry, and, says he, 'even artillery' arranged

against them, yet in every instance, came off with unblemished

honor and undisputed triumph. His men made the most urgent

appeals to him to be allowed to press the flying enemy. They

exhibited the most fiery energy beyond anything of which Colonel

Higginson ever read, unless it may be in the case of the French

Zouaves. He even says that 'it would have been madness to attempt

with the bravest white troops what he successfully accomplished

with black ones.' No wanton destruction was permitted, no

personal outrages desired, during the expedition. The regiment,

besides the victories which it achieved, and the large amount of

valuable property which it secured, obtained a cannon and a flag

which the Colonel very properly asks permission for the regiment

to retain. The officers and men desire to remain permanently in

Florida, and obtain supplies of lumber, iron, etc., for the

Government. The Colonel puts forth a very good suggestion, to the

effect that a 'chain of such posts would completely alter the

whole aspect of the war in the seaboard slave States, and would

accomplish what no accumulation of Northern regiments can so

easily effect.' This is the very use for negro soldiers suggested

in the Proclamation of the President. We have no doubt that the

whole State of Florida might easily be held for the Government in

this way, by a dozen negro regiments."[98]

On the 11th of February, 1863, the "Times" gave the following account

of the exploits of this gallant regiment in the following explicit

language:

"ACCOUNT OF A SUCCESSFUL EXPEDITION INTO GEORGIA AND FLORIDA WITH

A FORCE OF FOUR HUNDRED AND SIXTY-TWO OFFICERS AND MEN OF THE 1ST

SOUTH CAROLINA VOLUNTEERS.

"The bravery and good conduct of the regiment more than equalled

the high anticipations of its commander. The men were repeatedly

under fire,--were opposed by infantry, cavalry, and

artillery,--fought on board a steamer exposed to heavy musketry

fire from the banks of a narrow river,--were tried in all ways,

and came off invariably with honor and success. They brought away

property to a large amount, capturing also a cannon and a flag,

which the Colonel asks leave to keep for the regiment, and which

he and they have fairly won.

"It will not need many such reports an this--and there have been

several before it--to shake our inveterate Saxon prejudice

against the capacity and courage of negro troops. Everybody knows

that they were used in the Revolution, and in the last war with

Great Britain fought side by side with white troops, and won

equal praises from Washington and Jackson. It is shown also that

black sailors employed on our men-of-war, are valued by their

commanders, and are on equal terms with their white comrades. If

on the sea, why not on the land? No officer who has commanded

black troops has yet reported against them. They are tried in the

most unfavorable and difficult circumstances, but never fail.

When shall we learn to use the full strength of the formidable

ally who is only waiting for a summons to rally under the flag of

the Union? Colonel Higginson says: 'No officer in this regiment

now doubts that the successful prosecution of this war lies in

the unlimited employment of black troops.' The remark is true in

a military sense, and it has a still deeper political

significance.

"When General Hunter has scattered 50,000 muskets among the

negroes of the Carolinas, and General Butler has organized the

100,000 or 200,000 blacks for whom he may perhaps shortly carry

arms to New Orleans, the possibility of restoring the Union as it

was, with slavery again its dormant power, will be seen to have

finally passed away. The negro is indeed the key to success."[99]

So here, in the Department of the South, where General Hunter had

displayed such admirable military judgment, first, in emancipating the

slave, and second, in arming them; here where the white Union soldiers

and their officers had felt themselves insulted; and where the

President had disarmed the 1st regiment of ex-slaves and removed the

officer who had organized it, a few companies of Negro troops had

fought rebel infantry, cavalry, artillery, and guerillas, and put them

all to flight. They had invaded the enemy's country, made prisoners,

and captured arms and flags; and without committing a single

depredation. Prejudice gave room to praise, and the exclusive, distant

spirit of white soldiers was converted into the warm and close

admiration of comradeship. The most sanguine expectations and high

opinions of the advocates of Negro soldiers were more than realized,

while the prejudice of Negro haters was disarmed by the flinty logic

and imperishable glory of Negro soldiership.[100]

Every Department had its Negro troops by this time; and everywhere the

Negro was solving the problem of his military existence. At Port

Hudson in May, 1863, he proved himself worthy of his uniform and the

object of the most extravagant eulogies from the lips of men who were,

but a few months before the battle, opposed to Negro soldiers. Mention

has been made in another chapter of the Colored regiment raised in New

Orleans under General Butler. After remaining in camp from the 7th of

September, 1862, until May, 1863, they were quite efficient in the use

of their arms. The 1st Louisiana regiment was ordered to report to

General Dwight. The regiment was at Baton Rouge. Its commanding

officer, Colonel Stafford [white], was under arrest when the regiment

was about ready to go to the front.

The line officers assembled at his quarters to assure him that the

regiment would do its duty in the day of battle, and to tender their

regrets that he could not lead them on the field. At this moment the

color-guard marched up to receive the regimental flags. Colonel

Stafford stepped into his tent and returned with the flags. He made a

speech full of patriotism and feeling, and concluded by saying:

"_Color-guard, protect, defend, die for, but do not surrender these

flags!_" Sergeant Planciancois said: "Colonel, I will bring back these

colors to you in honor, or report to God the reason why!" Noble words

these, and brave! And no more fitting epitaph could mark the

resting-place of a hero who has laid down his life in defence of human

liberty! A king might well covet these sublime words of the dauntless

Planciancois!

PORT HUDSON.

It was a question of grave doubt among white troops as to the fighting

qualities of Negro soldiers. There were various doubts expressed by

the officers on both sides of the line. The Confederates greeted the

news that "niggers" were to meet them in battle with derision, and

treated the whole matter as a huge joke. The Federal soldiers were

filled with amazement and fear as to the issue.

It was the determination of the commanding officer at Port Hudson to

assign this Negro regiment to a post of honor and danger. The regiment

marched all night before the battle of Port Hudson, and arrived at one

Dr. Chambers's sugar house on the 27th of May, 1863. It was just 5 A.

M. when the regiment stacked arms. Orders were given to rest and

breakfast in one hour. The heat was intense and the dust thick, and so

thoroughly fatigued were the men that many sank in their tracks and

slept soundly.

Arrangements were made for a field hospital, and the drum corps

instructed where to carry the wounded. Officers' call was beaten at

5:30, when they received instructions and encouragement. "Fall in" was

sounded at 6 o'clock, and soon thereafter the regiment was on the

march. The sun was now shining in his full strength upon the field

where a great battle was to be fought. The enemy was in his

stronghold, and his forts were crowned with angry and destructive

guns. The hour to charge had come. It was 7 o'clock. There was a

feeling of anxiety among the white troops as they watched the

movements of these Blacks in blue. The latter were anxious for the

fray. At last the command came, "Forward, double-quick, march!" and on

they went over the field of death. Not a musket was heard until the

command was within four hundred yards of the enemy's works, when a

blistering fire was opened upon the left wing of the regiment.

Unfortunately Companies A, B, C, D, and E wheeled suddenly by the left

flank. Some confusion followed, but was soon over. A shell--the first

that fell on the line--killed and wounded about twelve men. The

regiment came to a right about, and fell back for a few hundred yards,

wheeled by companies, and faced the enemy again with the coolness and

military precision of an old regiment on parade. The enemy was busy at

work now. Grape, canister, shell, and musketry made the air hideous

with their noise. A masked battery commanded a bluff, and the guns

could be depressed sufficiently to sweep the entire field over which

the regiment must charge. It must be remembered that this regiment

occupied the extreme right of the charging line. The masked battery

worked upon the left wing. A three-gun battery was situated in the

centre, while a half dozen large pieces shelled the right, and

enfiladed the regiment front and rear every time it charged the

battery on the bluff. A bayou ran under the bluff, immediately in

front of the guns. It was too deep to be forded by men. These brave

Colored soldiers made six desperate charges with indifferent success,

because

"Cannon to right of them,

Cannon to left of them,

Cannon in front of them

Volleyed and thundered;

Stormed at with shot and shell."

The men behaved splendidly. As their ranks were thinned by shot and

grape, they closed up into place, and kept a good line. But no matter

what high soldierly qualities these men were endowed with, no matter

how faithfully they obeyed the oft-repeated order to "charge," it was

both a moral and physical impossibility for these men to cross the

deep bayou that flowed at their feet--already crimson with patriots'

blood--and capture the battery on the bluff. Colonel Nelson, who

commanded this black brigade, despatched an orderly to General Dwight,

informing him that it was not in the nature of things for his men to

accomplish any thing by further charges. "Tell Colonel Nelson," said

General Dwight, "I shall consider that he has accomplished nothing

unless he takes those guns." This last order of General Dwight's will

go into history as a cruel and unnecessary act. He must have known

that three regiments of infantry, torn and shattered by about fifteen

or twenty heavy guns, with an impassable bayou encircling the bluff,

could accomplish nothing by charging. But the men, what could they do?

"Theirs not to make reply,

Theirs not to reason why,

Theirs but to do and die."

DEATH OF CAPTAIN ANDRE CALLIOUX.

Again the order to charge was given, and the men, worked up to a

feeling of desperation on account of repeated failures, raised a cry

and made another charge. The ground was covered with dead and wounded.

Trees were felled by shell and solid shot; and at one time a company

was covered with the branches of a falling tree. Captain Callioux was

in command of Company E, the color company. He was first wounded in

the left arm--the limb being broken above the elbow. He ran to the

front of his company, waving his sword and crying, "Follow me." But

when within about fifty yards of the enemy he was struck by a shell

and fell dead in front of his company.

Many Greeks fell defending the pass at Thermopylæ against the Persian

army, but history has made peculiarly conspicuous Leonidas and his

four hundred Spartans. In a not distant future, when a calm and

truthful history of the battle of Port Hudson is written,

notwithstanding many men fought and died there, the heroism of the

"Black Captain," the accomplished gentleman and fearless soldier,

Andre Callioux, and his faithful followers, will make a most

fascinating picture for future generations to look upon and study.

DEATH OF COLOR-SERGEANT ANSELMAS PLANCIANCOIS.

"Colonel, I will bring back these colors to you in honor, or report to

God the reason why." It was now past 11 A.M., May 27, 1863. The men

were struggling in front of the bluff. The brave Callioux was lying

lifeless upon the field, that was now slippery with gore and crimson

with blood. The enemy was directing his shell and shot at the flags of

the First Regiment. A shell, about a six-pounder, struck the

flag-staff, cut it in two, and carried away part of the head of

Planciancois. He fell, and the flag covered him as a canopy of glory,

and drank of the crimson tide that flowed from his mutilated head.

Corporal Heath caught up the flag, but no sooner had he shouldered the

dear old banner than a musket ball went crashing through his head and

scattered his brains upon the flag, and he, still clinging to it, fell

dead upon the body of Sergeant Planciancois. Another corporal caught

up the banner and bore it through the fight with pride.

This was the last charge--the seventh; and what was left of this

gallant Black brigade came back from the hell into which they had

plunged with so much daring and forgetfulness seven times.

They did not capture the battery on the bluff it's true, but they

convinced the white soldiers on both sides that they were both willing

and able to help fight the battles of the Union. And if any person

doubts the abilities of the Negro as a soldier, let him talk with

General Banks, as we have, and hear "his golden eloquence on the black

brigade at Port Hudson."

A few days after the battle a "New York Times" correspondent sent the

following account to that journal:

"BATTLE OF PORT HUDSON.

"In an account of the Battle of Port Hudson, the 'Times'

correspondent says: 'Hearing the firing apparently more fierce

and continuous to the right than anywhere else, I hurried in that

direction, past the sugar house of Colonel Chambers, where I had

slept, and advanced to near the pontoon bridge across the Big

Sandy Bayou, which the negro regiments had erected, and where

they were fighting most desperately. I had seen these brave and

hitherto despised fellows the day before as I rode along the

lines, and I had seen General Banks acknowledge their respectful

salute as he would have done that of any white troops; but still

the question was--with too many,--"Will they fight?" The black

race was, on this eventful day, to be put to the test, and the

question to be settled--now and forever,--whether or not they are

entitled to assert their right to manhood. Nobly, indeed, have

they acquitted themselves, and proudly may every colored man

hereafter hold up his head, and point to the record of those who

fell on that bloody field.

"'General Dwight, at least, must have had the idea, not only that

they were men, but something _more than men_, from the terrific

test to which he put their valor. Before any impression had been

made upon the earthworks of the enemy, and in full face of the

batteries belching forth their 62 pounders, these devoted people

rushed forward to encounter grape, canister, shell, and musketry,

with no artillery but two small howitzers--that seemed mere

pop-guns to their adversaries--and no reserve whatever.

"'Their force consisted of the 1st. Louisiana Native Guards (with

colored field-officers) under Lieut.-Colonel Bassett, and the 3d

Louisiana Native Guards, Colonel Nelson (with white

field-officers), the whole under command of the latter officer.

"'On going into action they were 1,080 strong, and formed into

four lines, Lieut.-Colonel Bassett, 1st Louisiana, forming the

first line, and Lieut.-Colonel Henry Finnegas the second. When

ordered to charge up the works, they did so with the skill and

nerve of old veterans, (black people, be it remembered who had

never been in action before,) but the fire from the rebel guns

was so terrible upon the unprotected masses, that the first few

shots mowed them down like grass and so continued.

"'Colonel Bassett being driven back, Colonel Finnegas took his

place, and his men being similarly cut to pieces, Lieut.-Colonel

Bassett reformed and recommenced; and thus these brave people

went in, from morning until 3:30 p.m., under the most hideous

carnage that men ever had to withstand, and that very few white

ones would have had nerve to encounter, even if ordered to.

During this time, they rallied, and _were ordered to make six

distinct charges_, losing thirty-seven killed, and one hundred

and fifty-five wounded, and one hundred and sixteen missing,--the

majority, if not all, of these being, in all probability, now

lying dead on the gory field, and without the rites of sepulture;

for when, by flag of truce, our forces in other directions were

permitted to reclaim their dead, the benefit, through some

neglect, was not extended to these black regiments.

"'The deeds of heroism performed by these colored men were such

as the proudest white men might emulate. Their colors are torn to

pieces by shot, and literally bespattered by blood and brains.

The color-sergeant of the 1st. La., on being mortally wounded,

hugged the colors to his breast, when a struggle ensued between

the two color-corporals on each side of him, as to who should

have the honor of bearing the sacred standard, and during this

generous contention one was seriously wounded. One black

lieutenant actually mounted the enemy's works three or four

times, and in one charge the assaulting party came within fifty

paces of them. Indeed, if only ordinarily supported by artillery

and reserve, no one can convince us that they would not have

opened a passage through the enemy's works.

"'Capt. Callioux of the 1st. La., a man so black that he actually

prided himself upon his blackness, died the death of a hero,

leading on his men in the thickest of the fight. One poor wounded

fellow came along with his arm shattered by a shell, and jauntily

swinging it with the other, as he said to a friend of mine:

"Massa, guess I can fight no more." I was with one of the

captains, looking after the wounded going in the rear of the

hospital, when we met one limping along toward the front. On

being asked where he was going, he said: "I been shot bad in the

leg, captain, and dey want me to go to de hospital, but I guess I

can gib 'em some more yet." I could go on filling your columns

with startling facts of this kind, but I hope I have told enough

to prove that we can hereafter rely upon black arms as well as

white in crushing this internal rebellion. I long ago told you

there was an army of 250,000 men ready to leap forward in defence

of freedom at the first call. You know where to find them and

what they are worth.

"'Although repulsed in an attempt which--situated as things

were--was all but impossible, these regiments, though badly cut

up, are still on hand, and burning with a passion ten times

hotter from their fierce baptism of blood. Who knows, but that it

is a black hand which shall first plant the standard of the

Republic upon the doomed ramparts of Port Hudson?"[101]

The official report of Gen. Banks is given in full. It shows the

disposition of the troops, and applauds the valor of the Colored

regiments.

"HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE GULF, }

"BEFORE PORT HUDSON, May 30, 1863. }

"_Major-General H: W. Halleck, General-in-Chief, Washington._

"GENERAL:--Leaving Sommesport on the Atchafalaya, where my

command was at the date of my last dispatch, I landed at Bayou

Sara at two o'clock on the morning of the 21st.

"A portion of the infantry were transported in steamers, and the

balance of the infantry, artillery, cavalry, and wagon-train

moving down on the west bank of the river, and from this to Bayou

Sara.

"On the 23d a junction was effected with the advance of

Major-General Augur and Brigadier-General Sherman, our line

occupying the Bayou Sara road at a distance five miles from Port

Hudson.

"Major-General Augur had an encounter with a portion of the enemy

on the Bayou Sara road in the direction of Baton Rouge, which

resulted in the repulse of the enemy, with heavy loss.

"On the 25th the enemy was compelled to abandon his first line of

works.

"General Weitzel's brigade, which had covered our rear in the

march from Alexandria, joined us on the 26th, and on the morning

of the 27th a general assault was made upon the fortifications.

"The artillery opened fire between 5 and 6 o'clock, which was

continued with animation during the day. At 10 o'clock Weitzel's

brigade, with the division of General Grover, reduced to about

two brigades, and the division of General Emory, temporarily

reduced by detachments to about a brigade, under command of

Colonel Paine, with two regiments of colored troops, made an

assault upon the right of the enemy's works, crossing Sandy

Creek, and driving them through the woods to their

fortifications.

"The fight lasted on this line until 4 o'clock, and was very

severely contested. On the left, the infantry did not come up

until later in the day; but at 2 o'clock an assault was opened on

the centre and left of centre by the divisions under

Major-General Augur and Brigadier-General Sherman.

"The enemy was driven into his works, and our troops moved up to

the fortifications, holding the opposite sides of the parapet

with the enemy on the right. Our troops still hold their position

on the left. After dark the main body, being exposed to a flank

fire, withdrew to a belt of woods, the skirmishers remaining

close upon the fortifications.

"In the assault of the 27th, the behavior, of the officers and

men was most gallant, and left nothing to be desired. Our limited

acquaintance of the ground and the character of the works, which

were almost hidden from our observation until the moment of

approach, alone prevented the capture of the post.

"On the extreme right of our line I posted the first and third

regiments of negro troops. The First regiment of Louisiana

Engineers, composed exclusively of colored men, excepting the

officers, was also engaged in the operations of the day. The

position occupied by these troops was one of importance, and

called for the utmost steadiness and bravery in those to whom it

was confided.

"It gives me pleasure to report that they answered every

expectation. Their conduct was heroic. No troops could be more

determined or more daring. They made, during the day, three

charges upon the batteries of the enemy, suffering very heavy

losses, and holding their position at nightfall with the other

troops on the right of our line. The highest commendation is

bestowed upon them by all the officers in command on the right.

Whatever doubt may have existed before as to the efficiency of

organizations of this character, the history of this day proves

conclusively to those who were in a condition to observe the

conduct of these regiments, that the Government will find in this

class of troops effective supporters and defenders.

"The severe test to which they were subjected, and the determined

manner in which they encountered the enemy, leave upon my mind no

doubt of their ultimate success. They require only good officers,

commands of limited numbers, and careful discipline, to make them

excellent soldiers.

"Our losses from the 23d to this date, in killed, wounded, and

missing, are nearly 1,000, including, I deeply regret to say,

some of the ablest officers of the corps. I am unable yet to

report them in detail.

"I have the honor to be, with much respect

"Your obedient servant,

"N. P. BANKS,

"_Major-General Commanding_."

The effect of this battle upon the country can scarcely be described.

Glowing accounts of the charge of the Black Regiments appeared in

nearly all the leading journals of the North. The hearts of orators

and poets were stirred to elegant utterance. The friends of the Negro

were encouraged, and their number multiplied. The Colored people

themselves were jubilant. Mr. George H. Boker, of Philadelphia, the

poet friend of the Negro, wrote the following elegant verses on the

gallant charge of the 1st Louisiana:

THE BLACK REGIMENT.

MAY 27, 1863.

BY GEORGE H. BOKER.

Dark as the clouds of even,

Ranked in the western heaven,

Waiting the breath that lifts

All the dread mass, and drifts

Tempest and falling brand

Over a ruined land;--

So still and orderly,

Arm to arm, knee to knee,

Waiting the great event,

Stands the black regiment.

Down the long dusky line

Teeth gleam and eyeballs shine;

And the bright bayonet,

Bristling and firmly set,

Flashed with a purpose grand,

Long ere the sharp command

Of the fierce rolling drum

Told them their time had come,

Told them what work was sent

For the black regiment.

"Now," the flag-sergeant cried,

"Though death and hell betide,

Let the whole nation see

If we are fit to be

Free in this land; or bound

Down, like the whining hound--

Bound with red stripes of pain

In our old chains again!"

Oh! what a shout there went

From the black regiment!

"Charge!" Trump and drum awoke,

Onward the bondmen broke;

Bayonet and sabre-stroke

Vainly opposed their rush.

Through the wild battle's crush,

With but one thought aflush,

Driving their lords like chaff,

In the guns' mouths they laugh;

Or at the slippery brands

Leaping with open hands,

Down they tear man and horse,

Down in their awful course;

Trampling with bloody heel

Over the crashing steel,

All their eyes forward bent,

Rushed the black regiment.

"Freedom!" their battle-cry--

"Freedom! or leave to die!"

Ah! and they meant the word,

Not as with us 't is heard,

Not a mere party-shout:

They gave their spirits out

Trusted the end to God,

And on the gory sod

Rolled in triumphant blood.

Glad to strike one free blow,

Whether for weal or woe;

Glad to breathe one free breath,

Though on the lips of death,

Praying--alas! in vain!--

That they might fall again,

So they could once more see

That burst to liberty!

This was what "freedom" lent

To the black regiment.

Hundreds on hundreds fell;

But they are resting well;

Scourges and shackles strong

Never shall do them wrong.

Oh, to the living few,

Soldiers, be just and true!

Hail them as comrades tried;

Fight with them side by side;

Never, in field or tent,

Scorn the black regiment!

The battle of Milliken's Bend was fought on the 6th of June, 1863. The

troops at this point were under the command of Brig.-Gen. E. S.

Dennis. The force consisted of the 23d Iowa, 160 men; 9th La., 500;

11th La., 600; 1st Miss., 150; total, 1,410. Gen. Dennis's report

places the number of his troops at 1,061; but evidently a clerical

error crept into the report. Of the force engaged, 1,250 were Colored,

composing the 9th and 11th Louisiana and the 1st Mississippi. The

attacking force comprised six Confederate regiments--about 3,000

men,--under the command of Gen. Henry McCulloch. This force, coming

from the interior of Louisiana, by the way of Richmond, struck the 9th

Louisiana and two companies of Federal cavalry, and drove them within

sight of the earthworks at the Bend. It was now nightfall, and the

enemy rested, hoping and believing himself able to annihilate the

Union forces on the morrow.

During the night a steamboat passed the Bend, and Gen. Dennis availed

himself of the opportunity of sending to Admiral Porter for

assistance. The gun-boats, "Choctaw" and "Lexington" were despatched

to Milliken's Bend from Helena. As the "Choctaw" was coming in sight,

at 3 o'clock in the morning, the rebels made their first charge on the

Federal earthworks, filling the air with their vociferous cries: "No

_quarter!_" to Negroes and their officers. The Negro troops had just

been recruited, and hence knew little or nothing of the manual or use

of arms. But the desperation with which they fought has no equal in

the annals of modern wars. The enemy charged the works with desperate

fury, but were checked by a deadly fire deliberately delivered by the

troops within. The enemy fell back and charged the flanks of the Union

columns, and, by an enfilading fire, drove them back toward the river,

where they sought the protection of the gun-boats. The "Choctaw"

opened a broadside upon the exulting foe, and caused him to beat a

hasty retreat. The Negro troops were ordered to charge, and it was

reported by a "Tribune" correspondent that many of the Union troops

were killed before the gun-boats could be signalled to "_cease

firing_." The following description of the battle was given by an

eye-witness of the affair, and a gentleman of exalted character:

"My informant states that a force of about one thousand negroes

and two hundred men of the Twenty-third Iowa, belonging to the

Second brigade, Carr's division (the Twenty-third Iowa had been

up the river with prisoners, and was on its way back to this

place), was surprised in camp by a rebel force of about two

thousand men. The first intimation that the commanding officer

received was from one of the black men, who went into the

colonel's tent and said: 'Massa, the secesh are in camp.' The

colonel ordered him to have the men load their guns at once. He

instantly replied: 'We have done did dat now, massa.' Before the

colonel was ready, the men were in line, ready for action. As

before stated, the rebels drove our force toward the gun-boats,

taking colored men prisoners and murdering them. This so enraged

them that they rallied and charged the enemy more heroically and

desperately than has been recorded during the war. It was a

genuine bayonet charge, a hand-to-hand fight, that has never

occurred to any extent during this prolonged conflict. Upon both

sides men were killed with the butts of muskets. White and black

men were lying side by side, pierced by bayonets, and in some

instances transfixed to the earth. In one instance, two men, one

white and the other black, were found dead, side by side, each

having the other's bayonet through his body. If facts prove to be

what they are now represented, this engagement of Sunday morning

will be recorded as the most desperate of this war. Broken limbs,

broken heads, the mangling of bodies, all prove that it was a

contest between enraged men: on the one side from hatred to a

race; and on the other, desire for self-preservation, revenge for

past grievances and the inhuman murder of their comrades. One

brave man took his former master prisoner, and brought him into

camp with great gusto. A rebel prisoner made a particular

request, that his own negroes should not be placed over him as a

guard. Dame Fortune is capricious! His request was _not_ granted.

Their mode of warfare does not entitle them to any privileges. If

any are granted, it is from magnanimity to a fellow-foe.

"The rebels lost five cannon, two hundred men killed, four

hundred to five hundred wounded, and about two hundred prisoners.

Our loss is reported to be one hundred killed and five hundred

wounded; but few were white men."[102]

Mr. G. G. Edwards, who was in the fight, wrote, on the 13th of June:

"Tauntingly it has been said that negroes won't fight. Who say

it, and who but a dastard and a brute will dare to say it, when

the battle of Milliken's Bend finds its place among the heroic

deeds of this war? This battle has significance. It demonstrates

the fact that the freed slaves will fight."

The month of July, 1863, was memorable. Gen. Mead had driven Lee from

Gettysburg, Grant had captured Vicksburg, Banks had captured Port

Hudson, and Gillmore had begun his operations on Morris Island. On the

13th of July the New York Draft Riot broke out. The Democratic press

had advised the people that they were to be called upon to fight the

battles of the "Niggers" and "Abolitionists"; while Gov. Seymour

"_requested_" the rioters to await the return of his adjutant-general

whom he had despatched to Washington to have the President suspend the

draft. The speech was either cowardly or treasonous. It meant, when

read between the lines, it is unjust for the Government to draft you

men; I will try and get the Government to rescind its order, and until

_then_ you are respectfully requested to suspend your violent acts

against _property_. But the riot went on. When the troops under Gen.

Wool took charge of the city, thirteen rioters were killed, eighteen

wounded, and twenty-four made prisoners. The rioters rose ostensibly

to resist the draft, but there were three objects before them:

robbery, the destruction of the property of the rich sympathizers with

the Union, and the assassination of Colored persons wherever found.

They burned the Colored Orphans' Asylum, hung Colored men to lamp

posts, and destroyed the property of this class of citizens with

impunity.

During these tragic events in New York a gallant Negro regiment was

preparing to lead an assault upon the rebel Fort Wagner on Morris

Island, South Carolina. On the morning of the 16th of July, 1863, the

54th Massachusetts--first Colored regiment from the North--was

compelled to fall back upon Gen. Terry from before a strong and fresh

rebel force from Georgia. This was on James Island. The 54th was doing

picket duty, and these early visitors thought to find Terry asleep;

but instead found him awaiting their coming with all the vigilance of

an old soldier. And in addition to the compliment his troops paid the

enemy, the gunboats "Pawnee," "Huron," "Marblehead," "John Adams," and

"Mayflower" paid their warmest respects to the intruders. They soon

withdrew, having sustained a loss of 200, while Gen. Terry's loss was

only about 100. It had been arranged to concentrate the Union forces

on Morris Island, open a bombardment upon Fort Wagner, and then charge

and take it on the 18th. The troops on James Island were put in motion

to form a junction with the forces already upon Morris Island. The

march of the 54th Mass., began on the night of the 16th and continued

until the afternoon of the 18th. Through ugly marshes, over swollen

streams, and broken dykes--through darkness and rain, the regiment

made its way to Morris Island where it arrived at 6 A.M. of the 18th

of July. The bombardment of Wagner was to have opened at daylight of

this day; but a terrific storm sweeping over land and sea prevented.

It was 12:30 P.M. when the thunder of siege guns, batteries, and

gunboats announced the opening of the dance of death. A semicircle of

batteries, stretching across the island for a half mile, sent their

messages of destruction into Wagner, while the fleet of iron vessels

battered down the works of the haughty and impregnable little fort.

All the afternoon one hundred great guns thundered at the gates of

Wagner. Toward the evening the bombardment began to slacken until a

death-like stillness ensued. To close this part of the dreadful

programme Nature lifted her hoarse and threatening voice, and a severe

thunder-storm broke over the scene. Darkness was coming on. The brave

Black regiment had reached Gen. Strong's headquarters fatigued,

hungry, and damp. No time could be allowed for refreshments. Col. Shaw

and Gen. Strong addressed the regiment in eloquent, inspiring

language. Line of battle was formed in three brigades. The first was

led by Gen. Strong, consisting of the 54th Massachusetts (Colored),

Colonel Robert Gould Shaw; the 6th Connecticut, Col. Chatfield; the

48th New York, Col. Barton; the 3d New Hampshire, Col. Jackson; the

76th Pennsylvania, Col. Strawbridge; and the 9th Maine. The 54th was

the only regiment of Colored men in the brigade, and to it was

assigned the post of honor and danger in the front of the attacking

column. The shadows of night were gathering thick and fast. Gen.

Strong took his position, and the order to charge was given. On the

brave Negro regiment swept amid the shot and shell of Sumter,

Cumming's Point, and Wagner. Within a few minutes the troops had

double-quicked a half mile; and but few had suffered from the heavy

guns; but suddenly a terrific fire of small arms was opened upon the

54th. But with matchless courage the regiment dashed on over the

trenches and up the side of the fort, upon the top of which Sergt. Wm.

H. Carney planted the colors of the regiment. But the howitzers in the

bastions raked the ditch, and hand-grenades from the parapet tore the

brave men as they climbed the battle-scarred face of the fort. Here

waves the flag of a Northern Negro regiment; and here its brave,

beautiful, talented young colonel, Robert Gould Shaw, was saluted by

death and kissed by immortality! Gen. Strong received a mortal wound,

while Col. Chatfield and many other heroic officers yielded a full

measure of devotion to the cause of the Union. Three other colonels

were wounded,--Barton, Green, and Jackson. The shattered brigade

staggered back into line under the command of Major Plympton, of the

3d New Hampshire, while the noble 54th retired in care of Lieutenant

Francis L. Higginson. The second brigade, composed of the 7th New

Hampshire, Col. H. S. Putnam; 626 Ohio, Col. Steele; 67th Ohio, Col.

Vorhees; and the 100th New York, under Col. Danby, was led against the

fort, by Col. Putnam, who was killed in the assault. So this brigade

was compelled to retire. One thousand and five hundred (1,500) men

were thrown away in this fight, but one fact was clearly established,

that Negroes could and would fight as bravely as white men. The

following letter, addressed to the Military Secretary of Gov. Andrew,

of Massachusetts, narrates an instance of heroism in a Negro soldier

which deserves to go into history:

"HEADQUARTERS 54TH MASSACHUSETTS VOLS. }

"MORRIS ISLAND, S. C., Oct. 15, 1863. }

"COLONEL: I have the honor to forward you the following letter,

received a few days since from Sergeant W. H. Carney, Company C,

of this regiment. Mention has before been made of his heroic

conduct in preserving the American flag and bearing it from the

field, in the assault on Fort Wagner on the 18th of July last,

but that you may have the history complete, I send a simple

statement of the facts as I have obtained them from him, and an

officer who was an eye-witness:

"When the Sergeant arrived to within about one hundred yards of

the fort--he was with the first battalion, which was in the

advance of the storming column--he received the regimental

colors, pressed forward to the front rank, near the Colonel, who

was leading the men over the ditch. He says, as they ascended the

wall of the fort, the ranks were full, but as soon as they

reached the top, 'they melted away' before the enemy's fire

'almost instantly.' He received a severe wound in the thigh, but

fell only upon his knees. He planted the flag upon the parapet,

lay down on the outer slope, that he might get as much shelter as

possible; there he remained for over half an hour, till the 2d

brigade came up. He kept the colors flying until the second

conflict was ended. When our forces retired he followed, creeping

on one knee, still holding up the flag. It was thus that Sergeant

Carney came from the field, having held the emblem of liberty

over the walls of Fort Wagner during the sanguinary conflict of

the two brigades, and having received two very severe wounds, one

in the thigh and one in the head. Still he refused to give up his

sacred trust until he found an officer of his regiment.

"When he entered the field hospital, where his wounded comrades

were being brought in, they cheered him and the colors. Though

nearly exhausted with the loss of blood, he said: 'Boys, the old

flag never touched the ground.'

"Of him as a man and soldier, I can speak in the highest term of

praise.

"I have the honor to be, Colonel, very respectfully,

"Your most obedient servant,

"M. S. LITTLEFIELD,

"_Col. Comd'g 54th Reg't Mass. Vols._

"Col. A. G. BROWN, Jr., _Military Secretary to his Excellency

John A. Andrew, Mass._"

It was natural that Massachusetts should feel a deep interest in her

Negro regiment: for it was an experiment; and the fair name of the Old

Bay State had been committed to its keeping. Edward L. Pierce gave the

following account of the regiment to Gov. John A. Andrew:

"BEAUFORT, July 22, 1863.

"MY DEAR SIR: You will probably receive an official report of the

losses in the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts by the mail which leaves

to-morrow, but perhaps a word from me may not be unwelcome. I saw

the officers and men on James Island on the thirteenth instant,

and on Saturday last saw them at Brigadier-General Strong's tent,

as they passed on at six or half-past six in the evening to Fort

Wagner, which is some two miles beyond. I had been the guest of

General Strong, who commanded the advance since Tuesday. Colonel

Shaw had become attached to General Strong at St. Helena, where

he was under him, and the regard was mutual. When the troops left

St. Helena they were separated, the Fifty-fourth going to James

Island. While it was there, General Strong received a letter from

Colonel Shaw, in which the desire was expressed for the transfer

of the Fifty-fourth to General Strong's brigade. So when the

troops were brought away from James Island, General Strong took

this regiment into his command. It left James Island on Thursday,

July sixteenth, at nine P.M., and marched to Cole's Island, which

they reached at four o'clock on Friday morning, marching all

night, most of the way in single file over swampy and muddy

ground. There they remained during the day, with hard-tack and

coffee for their fare, and this only what was left in their

haversacks; not a regular ration. From eleven o'clock of Friday

evening until four o'clock of Saturday they were being put on the

transport, the General Hunter, in a boat which took about fifty

at a time. There they breakfasted on the same fare, and had no

other food before entering into the assault on Fort Wagner in the

evening.

"The General Hunter left Cole's Island for Folly Island at six

A.M., and the troops landed at the Pawnee Landing about half-past

nine A.M., and thence marched to the point opposite Morris

Island, reaching there about two o'clock in the afternoon. They

were transported in a steamer across the inlet, and at five P.M.

began their march for Fort Wagner. They reached Brigadier-General

Strong's quarters, about midway on the island, about six or

half-past six, where they halted for five minutes. I saw them

here, and they looked worn and weary.

"General Strong expressed a great desire to give them food and

stimulants, but it was too late, as they were to lead the charge.

They had been without tents during the pelting rains of Thursday

and Friday nights. General Strong had been impressed with the

high character of the regiment and its officers, and he wished to

assign them the post where the most severe work was to be done,

and the highest honor was to be won. I had been his guest for

some days, and knew how he regarded them. The march across Folly

and Morris Islands was over a very sandy road, and was very

wearisome. The regiment went through the centre of the island,

and not along the beach where the marching was easier. When they

had come within about one thousand six hundred yards of Fort

Wagner, they halted and formed in line of battle--the Colonel

leading the right and the Lieutenant-Colonel the left wing. They

then marched four hundred yards further on and halted again.

There was little firing from the enemy at this point, one solid

shot falling between the wings, and another falling to the right,

but no musketry.

"At this point the regiment, together with the next supporting

regiments, the Sixth Connecticut, Ninth Maine, and others,

remained half an hour. The regiment was addressed by General

Strong and Colonel Shaw. Then at half-past seven or a quarter

before eight o'clock the order for the charge was given. The

regiment advanced at quick time, changed to double-quick when at

some distance on. The intervening distance between the place

where the line was formed and the Fort was run over in a few

minutes. When within one or two hundred yards of the Fort, a

terrific fire of grape and musketry was poured upon them along

the entire line, and with deadly results. It tore the ranks to

pieces and disconcerted some. They rallied again, went through

the ditch, in which were some three feet of water, and then up

the parapet. They raised the flag on the parapet, where it

remained for a few minutes. Here they melted away before the

enemy's fire, their bodies falling down the slope and into the

ditch. Others will give a more detailed and accurate account of

what occurred during the rest of the conflict.

"Colonel Shaw reached the parapet, leading his men, and was

probably killed. Adjutant James saw him fall. Private Thomas

Burgess, of Company I, told me that he was close to Colonel Shaw;

that he waved his sword and cried out: 'Onward, boys!' and, as he

did so, fell. Burgess fell, wounded, at the same time. In a

minute or two, as he rose to crawl away, he tried to pull Colonel

Shaw along, taking hold of his feet, which were near his own

head, but there appeared to be no life in him. There is a report,

however, that Colonel Shaw is wounded and a prisoner, and that it

was so stated to the officers who bore a flag of truce from us,

but I cannot find it well authenticated. It is most likely that

this noble youth has given his life to his country and to

mankind. Brigadier-General Strong (himself a kindred spirit) said

of him to-day, in a message to his parents: 'I had but little

opportunity to be with him, but I already loved him. No man ever

went more gallantly into battle. None knew but to love him.' I

parted with Colonel Shaw between six and seven, Saturday evening,

as he rode forward to his regiment, and he gave me the private

letters and papers he had with him, to be delivered to his

father. Of the other officers, Lieutenant-Colonel Hallowell is

severely wounded in the groin; Adjutant James has a wound from a

grape-shot in his ankle, and a flesh-wound in his side from a

glancing ball or piece of shell. Captain Pope has had a

musket-ball extracted from his shoulder. Captain Appleton is

wounded in the thumb, and also has a contusion on his right

breast from a hand-grenade. Captain Willard has a wound in the

leg, and is doing well. Captain Jones was wounded in the right

shoulder. The ball went through and he is doing well. Lieutenant

Homans wounded by a ball from a smooth-bore musket entering the

left side, which has been extracted from the back. He is doing

well.

"The above-named officers are at Beaufort, all but the last

arriving there on Sunday evening, whither they were taken from

Morris Island to Pawnee Landing, in the Alice Price, and thence

to Beaufort in the Cosmopolitan, which is specially fitted up for

hospital service and is provided with skilful surgeons under the

direction of Dr. Bontecou. They are now tenderly cared for with

an adequate corps of surgeons and nurses, and provided with a

plentiful supply of ice, beef and chicken broth, and stimulants.

Lieutenant Smith was left at the hospital tent on Morris Island.

Captain Emilio and Lieutenants Grace, Appleton, Johnston, Reed,

Howard, Dexter, Jennison, and Emerson, were not wounded and are

doing duty. Lieutenants Jewett and Tucker were slightly wounded

and are doing duty also. Lieut. Pratt was wounded and came in

from the field on the following day. Captains Russell and

Simpkins are missing. The Quartermaster and Surgeon are safe and

are with the regiment.

"Dr. Stone remained on the Alice Price during Saturday night,

caring for the wounded until she left Morris Island, and then

returned to look after those who were left behind. The Assistant

Surgeon was at the camp on St. Helena Island, attending to duty

there. Lieutenant Littlefield was also in charge of the camp at

St. Helena. Lieutenant Higginson was on Folly Island with a

detail of eighty men. Captain Bridge and Lieutenant Walton are

sick and were at Beaufort or vicinity. Captain Partridge has

returned from the North, but not in time to participate in the

action.

"Of the privates and non-commissioned officers I send you a list

of one hundred and forty-four who are now in the Beaufort

hospitals. A few others died on the boats or since their arrival

here. There may be others at the Hilton Head Hospital; and others

are doubtless on Morris Island; but I have no names or statistics

relative to them. Those in Beaufort are well attended to--just as

well as the white soldiers, the attentions of the surgeons and

nurses being supplemented by those of the colored people here,

who have shown a great interest in them. The men of the regiment

are very patient, and where their condition at all permits them,

are cheerful. They express their readiness to meet the enemy

again, and they keep asking if Wagner is yet taken. Could any one

from the North see these brave fellows as they lie here, his

prejudice against them, if he had any, would all pass away. They

grieve greatly at the loss of Colonel Shaw, who seems to have

acquired a strong hold on their affections. They are attached to

their other officers, and admire General Strong, whose courage

was so conspicuous to all. I asked General Strong if he had any

testimony in relation to the regiment to be communicated to you.

These are his precise words, and I give them to you as I noted

them at the time:

"'The Fifty-fourth did well and nobly, only the fall of Colonel

Shaw prevented them from entering the Fort. They moved up as

gallantly as any troops could, and with their enthusiasm they

deserve a better fate.' The regiment could not have been under a

better officer than Colonel Shaw. He is one of the bravest and

most genuine men. His soldiers loved him like a brother, and go

where you would through the camps you would hear them speak of

him with enthusiasm and affection. His wound is severe, and there

are some apprehensions as to his being able to recover from it.

Since I found him at the hospital tent on Morris Island, about

half-past nine o'clock on Saturday, I have been all the time

attending to him or the officers of the Fifty-fourth, both on the

boats and here. Nobler spirits it has never been my fortune to

be with. General Strong, as he lay on the stretcher in the tent,

was grieving all the while for the poor fellows who lay uncared

for on the battle-field, and the officers of the Fifty-fourth

have had nothing to say of their own misfortunes, but have

mourned constantly for the hero who led them to the charge from

which he did not return. I remember well the beautiful day when

the flags were presented at Readville, and you told the regiment

that your reputation was to be identified with its fame. It was a

day of festivity and cheer. I walk now in these hospitals and see

mutilated forms with every variety of wound, and it seems all a

dream. But well has the regiment sustained the hope which you

indulged, and justified the identity of fame which you trusted to

it.

"I ought to add in relation to the fight on James Island, on July

sixteenth, in which the regiment lost fifty men, driving back the

rebels, and saving, as it is stated, three companies of the Tenth

Connecticut, that General Terry, who was in command on that

Island, said to Adjutant James:

"'Tell your Colonel that I am exceedingly pleased with the

conduct of your regiment. They have done all they could do.'

"Yours truly,

"EDWARD L. PIERCE."[103]

The Negro in the Mississippi Valley, and in the Department of the

South had won an excellent reputation as a soldier. In the spring of

1864 Colored Troops made their _début_ in the army of the Potomac. In

the battles at Wilson's Wharf, Petersburg, Deep Bottom, Chapin's Farm,

Fair Oaks, Hatcher's Run, Farmville, and many other battles, these

soldiers won for themselves lasting glory and golden opinions from the

officers and men of the white organizations. On the 24th of May, 1864,

Gen. Fitz-Hugh Lee called at Wilson's Wharf to pay his respects to two

Negro regiments under the command of Gen. Wild. But the chivalry of

the South were compelled to retire before the destructive fire of

Negro soldiers. A "Tribune" correspondent who witnessed the engagement

gave the following account the next day:

"At first the fight raged fiercely on the left. The woods were

riddled with bullets; the dead and wounded of the rebels were

taken away from this part of the field, but I am informed by one

accustomed to judge, and who went over the field to-day, that

from the pools of blood and other evidences the loss must have

been severe. Finding that the left could not be broken, Fitz-Hugh

Lee hurled his chivalry--dismounted of course--upon the right.

Steadily they came on, through obstructions, through slashing,

past abattis without wavering. Here _one_ of the advantages of

colored troops was made apparent. They obeyed orders, and bided

their time. When well tangled in the abattis the death-warrant,

'Fire,' went forth. Southern chivalry quailed before Northern

balls, though fired by negro hands. Volley after volley was

rained upon the superior by the inferior race, and the chivalry

broke and tried to run."

On the 8th of June Gen. Gillmore, at the head of 3,500 troops, crossed

the Appomattox, and moved on Petersburg by turnpike from the north.

Gen. Kautz, with about 1,500 cavalry, was to charge the city from the

south, or southwest; and two gun-boats and a battery were to bombard

Fort Clinton, defending the approach up the river. Gillmore was

somewhat dismayed at the formidable appearance of the enemy, and,

thinking himself authorized to use his own discretion, did not make an

attack. On the 10th of June, Gen. Kautz advanced without meeting any

serious resistance until within a mile and one half of the city, drove

in the pickets and actually entered the city! Gillmore had attracted

considerable attention on account of the display he made of his

forces; but when he declined to fight, the rebels turned upon Kautz

and drove him out of the city.

Gen. Grant had taken up his headquarters at Bermuda Hundreds, whence

he directed Gen. Butler to despatch Gen. W. F. Smith's corps against

Petersburg. The rebel general, A. P. Hill, commanding the rear of

Lee's army, was now on the south front of Richmond. Gen. Smith moved

on toward Petersburg, and at noon of the 15th of June, 1864, his

advance felt the outposts of the enemy's defence about two and one

half miles from the river. Here again the Negro soldier's fighting

qualities were to be tested in the presence of our white troops. Gen.

Hinks commanded a brigade of Negro soldiers. This brigade was to open

the battle and receive the fresh fire of the enemy. Gen. Hinks--a most

gallant soldier--took his place and gave the order to charge the rebel

lines. Here under a clear Virginia sky, in full view of the Union

white troops, the Black brigade swept across the field in magnificent

line. The rebels received them with siege gun, musket, and bayonet,

but they never wavered. In a short time they had carried a line of

rifle-pits, driven the enemy out in confusion, and captured two large

guns. It was a supreme moment; all that was needed was the order, "On

to Petersburg," and the city could have been taken by the force there

was in reserve for the Black brigade. But he who doubts is damned, and

he who dallies is a dastard. Gen. Smith hesitated. Another assault was

not ordered until near sundown, when the troops cleared another line

of rifle-pits, made three hundred prisoners, and captured sixteen

guns, sustaining a loss of only six hundred. The night was clear and

balmy; there was nothing to hinder the battle from being carried on;

but Gen. Smith halted for the night--a fatal halt. During the night

the enemy was reënforced by the flower of Lee's army, and when the

sunlight of the next morning fell upon the battle field it revealed an

almost new army,--a desperate and determined enemy. Then it seems that

Gens. Meade and Hancock did not know that Petersburg was to be

attacked. Hancock's corps had lingered in the rear of the entire army,

and did not reach the front until dusk. Why Gen. Smith delayed the

assault until evening was not known. Even Gen. Grant, in his report of

the battle, said: "Smith, for some reason that I have never been able

to satisfactorily understand, did not get ready to assault the enemy's

main lines until near sundown." But whatever the reason was, his

conduct cost many a noble life and the postponement of the end of the

war.

On the 16th of June, 1864, Gens. Burnside and Warren came up. The 18th

corps, under Gen. Smith, occupied the right of the Federal lines, with

its right touching the Appomattox River. Gens. Hancock, Burnside, and

Warren stretched away to the extreme left, which was covered by

Kautz's cavalry. After a consultation with Gen. Grant, Gen. Meade

ordered a general attack all along the lines, and at 6 P.M. on the

16th of June, the battle of Petersburg was opened again. Once more a

division of Black troops was hurled into the fires of battle, and once

more proved that the Negro was equal to all the sudden and startling

changes of war. The splendid fighting of these troops awakened the

kindliest feelings for them among the white troops, justified the

Government in employing them, stirred the North to unbounded

enthusiasm, and made the rebel army feel that the Negro was the equal

of the Confederate soldier under all circumstances. Secretary Stanton

was in a state of ecstasy over the behavior of the Colored troops at

Petersburg, an unusual thing for him. In his despatch on this battle,

he said:

"The hardest fighting was done by the black troops. The forts

they stormed were the worst of all. After the affair was over

Gen. Smith went to thank them, and tell them he was proud of

their courage and dash. He says they cannot be exceeded as

soldiers, and that hereafter he will send them in a difficult

place as readily as the best white troops."[104]

The "Tribune" correspondent wrote on the day of the battle:

"The charge upon the advanced works was made in splendid style;

and as the 'dusky warriors' stood shouting upon the parapet, Gen.

Smith decided that 'they would do,' and sent word to storm the

first redoubt. Steadily these troops moved on, led by officers

whose unostentatious bravery is worthy of emulation. With a shout

and rousing cheers they dashed at the redoubt. Grape and canister

were hurled at them by the infuriated rebels. They grinned and

pushed on, and with a yell that told the Southern chivalry their

doom, rolled irresistibly over and into the work. The guns were

speedily turned upon those of our 'misguided brethren,' who

forgot that discretion was the better part of valor. Another

redoubt was carried in the same splendid style, and the negroes

have established a reputation that they will surely maintain.

"Officers on Gen. Hancock's staff, as they rode by the redoubt,

surrounded by a moat with water in it, over which these negroes

charged, admitted that its capture was a most gallant affair. The

negroes bear their wounds quite as pluckily as the white

soldiers."

Here the Colored Troops remained, skirmishing, fighting, building

earthworks, and making ready for the next assault upon Petersburg,

which was to take place on the 30th proximo. In the actions of the

18th, 21st, 23d, 24th, 25th, and 28th of June, the Colored Troops had

shared a distinguished part. The following letter on the conduct of

the Colored Troops before Petersburg, written by an officer who

participated in all the actions around that city, is worth its space

it gold:

"IN THE FIELD, NEAR PETERSBURG, VIRGINIA, }

"June 27, 1864. }

"The problem is solved. The negro is a man, a soldier, a hero.

Knowing of your laudable interest in the colored troops, but

particularly those raised under the immediate auspices of the

Supervisory Committee, I have thought it proper that I should

let you know how they acquitted themselves in the late actions in

front of Petersburg, of which you have already received newspaper

accounts. If you remember, in my conversations upon the character

of these troops, I carefully avoided saying anything about their

fighting qualities till I could have an opportunity of trying

them.

"That opportunity came on the fifteenth instant, and since, and I

am now prepared to say that I never, since the beginning of this

war, saw troops fight better, more bravely, and with more

determination and enthusiasm. Our division, commanded by General

Hinks, took the advance on the morning of the fifteenth instant,

arrived in front of the enemy's works about nine o'clock A.M.,

formed line, charged them, and took them most handsomely. Our

regiment was the first in the enemy's works, having better ground

to charge over than some of the others, and the only gun that was

taken on this first line was taken by our men. The color-sergeant

of our regiment planted his colors on the works of the enemy, a

rod in advance of any officer or man in the regiment. The effect

of the colors being thus in advance of the line, so as to be seen

by all, was truly inspiring to our men, and to a corresponding

degree dispiriting to the enemy. We pushed on two and a half

miles further, till we came in full view of the main defences of

Petersburg. We formed line at about two o'clock P.M.,

reconnoitred and skirmished the whole afternoon, and were

constantly subject to the shells of the enemy's artillery. At

sunset we charged these strong works and carried them. Major Cook

took one with the left wing of our regiment as skirmishers, by

getting under the guns, and then preventing their gunners from

using their pieces, while he gained the rear of the redoubt,

where there was no defence but the infantry, which, classically

speaking, 'skedaddled.' We charged across what appeared to be an

almost impassable ravine, with the right wing all the time

subject to a hot fire of grape and canister, until we got so far

under the guns as to be sheltered, when the enemy took to their

rifle-pits as infantrymen. Our brave fellows went steadily

through the swamp, and up the side of a hill, at an angle of

almost fifty degrees, rendered nearly impassable by fallen

timber. Here again our color-sergeant was conspicuous in keeping

far ahead of the most advanced, hanging on to the side of the

hill, till he would turn about and wave the stars and stripes at

his advancing comrades; then steadily advancing again, under the

fire of the enemy, till he could almost have reached their

rifle-pits with his flagstaff. How he kept from being killed I do

not know, unless it can be attributed to the fact that the party

advancing up the side of the hill always has the advantage of

those who hold the crest. It was in this way that we got such

decided advantage over the enemy at South Mountain. We took, in

these two redoubts, four more guns, making, in all, five for our

regiment, two redoubts, and part of a rifle-pit as our day's

work. The Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh United States colored troops

advanced against works more to the left. The Fourth United States

colored troops took one more redoubt, and the enemy abandoned the

other. In these two we got two more guns, which made, in all,

seven. The Sixth regiment did not get up in time, unfortunately,

to have much of the sport, as it had been previously formed in

the second line. We left forty-three men wounded and eleven

killed in the ravine, over which our men charged the last time.

Our loss in the whole day's operations was one hundred-and

forty-three, including six officers, one of whom was killed. Sir,

there is no underrating the good conduct of these fellows during

these charges; with but a few exceptions, they all went in as old

soldiers, but with more enthusiasm. I am delighted that our first

action resulted in a decided victory.

"The commendations we have received from the Army of the Potomac,

including its general officers, are truly gratifying. Hancock's

corps arrived just in time to relieve us (we being out of

ammunition), before the rebels were reinforced and attempted to

retake these strong works and commanding positions, without which

they could not hold Petersburg one hour, if it were a part of

Grant's plan to advance against it on the right here.

"General Smith speaks in the highest terms of the day's work, as

you have doubtless seen, and he assured me, in person, that our

division should have the guns we took as trophies of honor. He is

also making his word good in saying that he could hereafter trust

colored troops in the most responsible positions. Colonel Ames,

of the Sixth United States colored troops, and our regiment, have

just been relieved in the front, where we served our tour of

forty-eight hours in turn with the other troops of the corps.

While out, we were subjected to some of the severest shelling I

have ever seen, Malvern Hill not excepted. The enemy got twenty

guns in position during the night, and opened on us yesterday

morning at daylight. Our men stood it, behind their works, of

course, as well as any of the white troops. Our men,

unfortunately, owing to the irregular features of ground, took no

prisoners. Sir, we can bayonet the enemy to terms on this matter

of treating colored soldiers as prisoners of war far sooner than

the authorities at Washington can bring him to it by negotiation.

This I am morally persuaded of. I know, further, that the enemy

won't fight us if he can help it. I am sure that the same number

of white troops could not have taken those works on the evening

of the fifteenth; prisoners that we took told me so. I mean

prisoners who came in after the abandonment of the fort, because

they could not get away. They excuse themselves on the ground of

pride; as one of them said to me: 'D----d if men educated as we

have been will fight with niggers, and your government ought not

to expect it.' The real fact is, the rebels will not stand

against our colored soldiers when there is any chance of their

being taken prisoners, for they are conscious of what they justly

deserve. Our men went into these works after they were taken,

yelling 'Fort Pillow!' The enemy well knows what this means, and

I will venture the assertion, that that piece of infernal

brutality enforced by them there has cost the enemy already two

men for every one they so inhumanly murdered."[105]

The 9th corps, under Burnside, containing a splendid brigade of

Colored Troops, had finally pushed its way up to one hundred and fifty

yards of the enemy's works. In the immediate front a small fort

projected out quite a distance beyond the main line of the enemy's

works. It was decided to place a mine under this fort and destroy it.

Just in the rear of the 9th corps was a ravine, which furnished a safe

and unobserved starting-point for the mine. It was pushed forward with

great speed and care. When the point was reached directly under the

fort, chambers were made to the right and left, and then packed with

powder or other combustibles. It was understood from the commencement

that the Colored Troops were to have the post of honor again, and

charge after the mine should be sprung. The inspecting officer having

made a thorough examination of the entire works reported to Gen.

Burnside that the "Black Division was the fittest for this perilous

service." But Gen. Grant was not of the same opinion. Right on the eve

of the great event he directed the three white commanders of divisions

to _draw lots_--who should _not_ go into the crater! The lot fell to

the poorest officer, for a dashing, brilliant movement, in the entire

army; Gen. Ledlie.

The mine was to be fired at 3:30 A.M., on the morning of the 30th of

July, 1864. The match was applied, but the train did not work. Lieut.

Jacob Douty and Sergt. Henry Rees, of the 48th Pennsylvania, entered

the gallery, removed the hindering cause, and at 4:45 A.M. the match

was applied and the explosion took place. The fort was lifted into the

air and came down a mass of ruins, burying 300 men. Instead of a fort

there was a yawning chasm, 150 feet long, 25 feet wide, and about 25

or 30 feet deep. At the same moment all the guns of the Union forces

opened from one end of their line to the other. It was verily a

judgment morn. Confusion reigned among the Confederates. The enemy

fled in disorder from his works. The way to Petersburg was open,

unobstructed for several hours; all the Federal troops had to do was

to go into the city at a trail arms without firing a gun. Gen. Ledlie

was not equal to the situation. He tried to mass his division in the

mouth of the crater. The 10th New Hampshire went timidly into line,

and when moved forward broke into the shape of a letter V, and

confusion indescribable followed. Gens. Potter and Wilcox tried to

support Ledlie, but the latter division had halted after they had

entered the crater, although the enemy had not recovered from the

shock. Gen. Potter, by _some_ means, got his division out of the

crater and gallantly led a charge toward the crest, but so few

followed him that he was compelled to retire. After all had been lost,

after the rebels had regained their composure, Gen. Burnside was

_suffered_ to send in his "Black Division." It charged in splendid

order to the right of the crater toward the crest, but was hurled back

into the crater by a destructive fire from batteries and muskets. But

they rallied and charged the enemy again and again until nightfall;

exhausted and reduced in numbers, they fell back into the friendly

darkness to rest. The Union loss was 4,400 killed, wounded, and

captured. Again the Negro had honored his country and covered himself

with glory. Managed differently, with the Black Division as the

charging force, Petersburg would have fallen, the war would have ended

before the autumn, and thousands of lives would have been saved. But a

great sacrifice had to be laid upon the cruel altar of race prejudice.

In the battles around Nashville about 8,000 or 10,000 Colored Troops

took part, and rendered efficient aid. Here the Colored Troops, all of

them recruited from slave States, stormed fortified positions of the

enemy with the bayonet through open fields, and behaved like veterans

under the most destructive fire. In his report of the battle of

Nashville, Major-Gen. James B. Steedman said:

"The larger portion of these losses, amounting in the aggregate

to fully twenty-five per cent. of the men under my command who

were taken into action, it will be observed, fell upon the

Colored Troops. The severe loss of this part of my troops was in

the brilliant charge on the enemy's works on Overton Hill on

Friday afternoon. I was unable to discover that _color_ made any

difference in the fighting of my troops. All, white and black,

nobly did their duty as soldiers, and evinced cheerfulness and

resolution, such as I have never seen excelled in any campaign of

the war in which I have borne a part."[106]

The following table shows the losses in this action:

-------------------+--------+--------+--------+--------+-----------------

| Killed.|Wounded.|Missing.| Total. |

|--------+--------+--------+--------+

|Officers|Officers|Officers|Officers|

| | Men | | Men| | Men| | Men |

-------------------+--+-----+---+----+---+----+--+-----+-----------------

Fourteenth U. S. | | | | | | | | |}Organized as the

Colored Infantry | | 4 | | 41| | 20| | 65 |}First Colored

Forty-fourth U. S. | | | | | | | | |}Brigade,

Colored Infantry | 1| 2 | | 27| 2| 49| 3| 78 |}Colonel T. J.

Sixteenth U. S. | | | | | | | | |}Morgan,

Colored Infantry | | 1 | | 2| | | | 3 |}commanding.

Eighteenth U. S. | | | | | | | | |}

Colored Infantry | | 1 | | 5| | 3| | 9 |}

Seventeenth U. S. | | | | | | | | |}

Colored Infantry | 7| 14 | 4| 64| | | 6| 78 |}

| | | | | | | | |

Twelfth U. S. | | | | | | | | |{Organized as the

Colored Infantry | 3| 10 | 3| 99| | | 6| 109 |{Second Colored

Thirteenth U. S. | | | | | | | | |{Brigade, Col.

Colored Infantry | 4| 51 | 4| 161| | 1| 8| 213 |{C. K. Thompson,

One Hundredth U.S. | | | | | | | | |{commanding.

Colored Infantry | | 12 | 5| 116| | | 5| 128 |{

| | | | | | | | |

Eighteenth Ohio | | | | | | | | |}Included in the

Infantry | 2| 9 | 2| 38| | 9| 4| 56 |}Provisional

Sixty-eighth | | | | | | | | |}Division,

Indiana Infantry | | 1 | | 7| | | | 8 |}A. C.,

Provisional | | | | | | | | |}Brigadier-

Division, A. C. | 1| 19 | 3| 74| | 33| 4| 126 |}General Cruft,

| | | | | | | | |}commanding.

Twentieth Indiana | | | | | | | | |

Battery | | | 2| 6| | | 2| 6 |Captain Osborn.

|--+-----+---+----+---+----+--+-----+

Aggregate |18| 124 | 23| 640| 2| 115|38| 879 |

| | | | | | | | 38 |

| | | | | | | -----|

Total | | | | | | | | 917 |

-------------------+--+-----+---+----+---+----+--+-----+-----------------

At the battle of Appomattox a division of picked Colored Troops (Gen.

Birney[107]) accomplished some most desperate and brilliant fighting,

and received the praise of the white troops who acted as their

support.

From the day the Government put arms into the hands of Negro soldiers

to the last hour of the Slave-holders' Rebellion they rendered

effective aid in suppressing the rebellion and in saving the Union.

They fought a twofold battle--conquered the prejudices and fears of

the white people of the North and the swaggering insolence and lofty

confidence of the South.

As to the efficiency of Negroes as soldiers abundant testimony awaits

the hand of the historian. The following letter speaks for itself.

ADJ.-GEN. THOMAS ON NEGRO SOLDIERS.

"WAR DEP'T, ADJ.-GENERAL'S OFFICE, }

"WASHINGTON, May 30, 1864. }

"Hon. H. WILSON:

"DEAR SIR: On several occasions when on the Mississippi River, I

contemplated writing to you respecting the colored troops and to

suggest that, as they have been fully tested as soldiers, their

pay should be raised to that of white troops, and I desire now to

give my testimony in their behalf. You are aware that I have been

engaged in the organization of freedmen for over a year, and have

necessarily been thrown in constant contact with them.

"The negro in a state of slavery is brought up by the master,

from early childhood, to strict obedience and to obey implicitly

the dictates of the white man, and they are thus led to believe

that they are an inferior race. Now, when organized into troops,

they carry this habit of obedience with them, and their officers

being entirely white men, the negroes promptly obey their orders.

"A regiment is thus rapidly brought into a state of discipline.

They are a religious people--another high quality for making good

soldiers. They are a musical people, and thus readily learn to

march and accurately perform their manoeuvres. They take pride in

being elevated as soldiers, and keep themselves, as their camp

grounds, neat and clean. This I know from special inspection, two

of my staff-officers being constantly on inspecting duty. They

have proved a most important addition to our forces, enabling

the Generals in active operations to take a large force of white

troops into the field; and now brigades of blacks are placed with

the whites. The forts erected at the important points on the

river are nearly all garrisoned by blacks--artillery regiments

raised for the purpose,--say at Paducah and Columbus, Kentucky,

Memphis, Tennessee, Vicksburg and Natchez, Mississippi and most

of the works around New Orleans.

"Experience proves that they manage heavy guns very well. Their

fighting qualities have also been fully tested a number of times,

and I am yet to hear of the first case where they did not fully

stand up to their work. I passed over the ground where the 1st

Louisiana made the gallant charge at Port Hudson, by far the

stronger part of the rebel works. The wonder is that so many have

made their escape. At Milliken's Bend where I had three

incomplete regiments,--one without arms until the day previous to

the attack,--greatly superior numbers of the rebels charged

furiously up to the very breastworks. The negroes met the enemy

on the ramparts, and both sides freely used the bayonet--a most

rare occurrence in warfare, as one of the other party gives way

before coming in contact with the steel. The rebels were defeated

With heavy loss. The bridge at Moscow, on the line of railroad

from Memphis to Corinth, was defended by one small regiment of

blacks. A cavalry attack of three times their number was made,

the blacks defeating them in three charges made by the Rebels.

"They fought them hours till our cavalry came up, when the defeat

was made complete, many of the dead being left on the field.

"A cavalry force of three hundred and fifty attacked three

hundred rebel cavalry near the Big Black with signal success, a

number of prisoners being taken and marched to Vicksburg. Forrest

attacked Paducah with 7,500 men. The garrison was between 500 and

600, nearly 400 being colored troops recently raised. What troops

could have done better? So, too, they fought well at Fort Pillow

till overpowered by greatly superior numbers.

"The above enumerated cases seem to me sufficient to demonstrate

the value of the colored troops.

"I have the honor to be, very respectfully,

"Your obedient servant,

"L. THOMAS, _Adj.-General_.

In regard to the conduct of the Colored Troops at Petersburg, a

correspondent to the "Boston Journal" gave the following account from

the lips of Gen. Smith:

"A few days ago I sat in the tent of Gen. W. F. Smith, commander

of the 18th Corps, and heard his narration of the manner in

which Gen. Hinks' division of colored troops stood the fire and

charged upon the Rebel works east of Petersburg on the 16th of

June. There were thirteen guns pouring a constant fire of shot

and shell upon those troops, enfilading the line, cutting it

lengthwise and crosswise, 'Yet they stood unmoved for _six

hours_. Not a man flinched. [These are the words of the General.]

It was as severe a test as I ever saw. But they stood it, and

when my arrangements were completed for charging the works, they

moved with the steadiness of veterans to the attack. I expected

that they would fall back, or be cut to pieces; but when I saw

them move over the field, gain the works and capture the guns, I

was astounded. They lost between 500 and 600 in doing it. There

is material in the negroes to make the best troops in the world,

if they are properly trained.'

"These are the words of one of the ablest commanders and

engineers in the service. A graduate of West Point, who, earlier

in the war, had the prejudices which were held by many other men

against the negro. He has changed his views. He is convinced, and

honorably follows his convictions, as do all men who are not

stone blind or perversely wilful."[108]

Gen. Blunt in a letter to a friend speaks of the valor of Colored

Troops at the battle of Honey Springs. He says:

"The negroes (1st colored regiment) were too much for the enemy,

and let me here say that I never saw such fighting as was done by

that negro regiment. They fought like veterans, with a coolness

and valor that is unsurpassed. They preserved their line perfect

throughout the whole engagement, and although in the hottest of

the fight, they never once faltered. Too much praise cannot be

awarded them for their gallantry. The question that negroes will

fight is settled, besides they make better soldiers in every

respect, than any troops I have ever had under my command."[109]

The following from the Washington correspondent of the "New York

Tribune" is of particular value:

"In speaking of the soldierly qualities of our colored troops, I

do not refer specially to their noble action in the perilous edge

of battle; that is settled, but to their docility and their

patience of labor and suffering in the camp and on the march.

"I have before me a private letter from a friend, now Major in

one of the Pennsylvania colored regiments, a portion of which I

think the public should find in your columns. He says in

speaking of service in his regiment: 'I am delighted with it. I

find that these colored men learn every thing that pertains to

the duties of a soldier much faster than any white soldiers I

have ever seen. The reason is apparent,--not that they are

smarter than white men, but they feel promoted; they feel as

though their whole sphere of life was advanced and enlarged. They

are willing, obedient, and cheerful; move with agility, and _are

full of music_, which is almost a _sine qua non_ to soldierly

bearing.'

"Soon after the letter of which the above is an extract was

written, the regiment was ordered to the field from which the

Major writes again: 'The more I know and see of these negro

regiments, the more I am delighted with the whole enterprise. It

is truly delightful to command a regiment officered as these are.

In all my experience I have never known a better class of

officers.... I have charge of the school of non-commissioned

officers here. I drill them once a day and have them recite from

the oral instructions given them the day before. I find them more

anxious to learn their duties and more ready to perform them when

they know them than any set of non-commissioned officers I ever

saw.... There is no discount on these fellows at all. Give me a

thousand such men as compose this regiment and I desire no

stronger battalion to lead against an enemy that is at once their

oppressors and traitors to my, and my soldiers' country.'

"This testimony is worth a chapter of speculation. The Major

alludes to one fact above, moreover, to which the public

attention has not been often directed--the excellent and able men

who are in command of our colored troops. They are generally men

of heart--men of opinions--men whose generous impulses have not

been chilled in 'the cold shade of West Point.'

"The officer from whose letter I have quoted was a volunteer in

the ranks of a Pennsylvania regiment from the day of the attack

on Sumter until August, 1862. His bravery, his devotion to the

principles of freedom, his zeal in the holy cause of his country

through all the campaigns of the calamitous McClellan, won the

regard and attention of our loyal Governor Curtin, who, with rare

good sense and discrimination, took him from the ranks and made

him first, Lieut.-Colonel, and then Colonel of a regiment in the

nine months' service. He carried himself through all in such a

manner as fully justified the Governor's confidence, and has

stepped now into a position where his patriotic zeal can

concentrate the valor of these untutored free men in defense of

our imperilled country. So long as these brave colored men are

officered by gallant, high-hearted, slave-hating men, we can

never despair of the Republic."[110]

Mr. D. Aden in a letter to Col. Darling, dated Norfolk, Va., Feb. 22,

1864, said:

"During the expedition last October to Charles City Court House,

on the Peninsula, the colored troops marched steadily through

storm and mud; and on coming up with the enemy, behaved as

bravely under fire as veterans. An officer of the 1st N. Y.

Mounted Rifles--a most bitter opponent and reviler of colored

troops--who was engaged in this affair, volunteered the statement

that they had fought bravely, and, in his own language, more

expressive than elegant, were 'bully boys'--which coming from

such a source, might be regarded as the highest praise.

"During the recent advance toward Richmond to liberate the Union

prisoners, the 4th, 5th, and 9th regiments formed part of the

expedition and behaved splendidly. They marched thirty miles in

ten hours, and an unusually small number straggled on the route."

Col. John A. Foster of the 175th New York, in January, 1864, wrote to

Col. Darling as follows:

"While before Port Hudson, during the siege of that place, I was

acting on Col. Gooding's staff, prior to the arrival of my

regiment at that place. On the assault of May 27, 1863, Col.

Gooding was ordered to proceed to the extreme right of our lines

and oversee the charge of the two regiments constituting the

negro-brigade, and I accompanied him.

"We witnessed them in line of battle, under a very heavy fire of

musketry, and siege and field pieces. There was a deep gully or

bayou before them, which they could not cross nor ford in the

presence of the enemy, and hence an assault was wholly

impracticable. Yet they made five several attempts to swim and

cross it, preparatory to an assault on the enemy's works; and in

this, too, in fair view of the enemy, and at short musket range.

Added to this, the nature of the enemy's works was such that it

allowed an enfilading fire. Success was impossible; yet they

behaved as cool as if veterans, and when ordered to retire,

marched off as if on parade. I feel satisfied that, if the

position of the bayou had been known and the assault made a

quarter of a mile to the left of where it was, the place would

have been taken by this negro brigade on that day.

"On that day I witnessed the attack made by the divisions of

Generals Grover and Paine, and can truly say I saw no steadier

fighting by those daring men than did the negroes in this their

first fight.

"On the second assault, June 14th, in the assault made by Gen.

Paine's division, our loss was very great in wounded, and, as

there was a want of ambulance men, I ordered about a hundred

negroes, who were standing idle and unharmed, to take the

stretchers and carry the wounded from the field. Under a most

severe fire of musketry, grape, and canister, they performed this

duty with unflinching courage and nonchalance. They suffered

severely in this duty both in killed and wounded; yet not a man

faltered. These men had just been recruited, and were not even

partially disciplined. But I next saw the negroes (engineers)

working in these trenches, under a heavy fire of the enemy. They

worked faithfully, and wholly regardless of exposure to the

enemy's fire."

Mr. Cadwallader in his despatch concerning the battle of

Spottsylvania, dated May 18th, says:

"It is a subject of considerable merriment in camp that a charge

of the famous Hampton Legion, the flower of Southern chivalry,

was repulsed by the Colored Troops of General Ferrero's

command."[111]

These are but a _few_ of the tributes that brave and true white men

cheerfully gave to the valor and loyalty of Colored Troops during the

war. No officer, whose privilege it was to command or observe the

conduct of these troops, has ever hesitated to give a full and

cheerful endorsement of their worth as men, their loyalty as

Americans, and their eminent qualifications for the duties and dangers

of military life. No history of the war has ever been written, no

history of the war ever can be written, without mentioning the

patience, endurance, fortitude, and heroism of the Negro soldiers who

prayed, wept, fought, bled, and died for the preservation of the Union

of the United States of America!

FOOTNOTES:

[97] This was remedied at length, after the 54th Massachusetts

Infantry had refused pay for a year, unless the regiment could be

treated as other regiments. Major Sturges, Agent for the State of

Massachusetts, made up the difference between $7 and $13 to disabled

and discharged soldiers of this regiment, until the 15th June, 1864,

when the Government came to its senses respecting this great injustice

to its gallant soldiers.

[98] Times, Feb. 10, 1863.

[99] Times, Feb. 11, 1863.

[100] For the official report of Colonel Higginson and the war

correspondent, see Rebellion Records, vol. vii. Document, pp. 176-178.

[101] New York Times, June 13, 1863.

[102] Rebellion Records, vol. vii. Doc. p. 15.

[103] Rebellion Recs., vol. vii. Doc., p. 215, 216.

[104] Herald, June 18, 1864.

[105] Rebellion Recs., vol. xi. Doc. pp. 580, 581.

[106] Rebellion Recs., vol. xi. Doc., p. 89.

[107] I remember now, as I was in the battle of Appomattox Court

House, that Gen. Birney was relieved just after the battle of

Farmville, because he refused to march his division in the rear of all

the white troops. It was doubtless Gen. Foster who led the Colored

Troops in the action at Appomattox.

[108] Tribune, July 26, 1864.

[109] Tribune, August 19, 1863.

[110] New York Tribune, Nov. 14, 1863.

[111] New York Herald, May 20, 1864.