had been banished in 1784 for his writings. As a member of the
Executive Council, he urged upon his colleagues the attack upon
Geneva, and orders to that effect were given to Montesquieu by
Servan, the Minister of War. Geneva appealed for aid to Zurich
and Berne under a treaty of 1584, and prepared for defence. A
treaty was signed, October 22, 1792, between Montesquieu and the
Republic of Geneva, slightly modified by a fresh treaty signed
on November 2. By its terms the French troops were to withdraw,
and the Swiss troops, sent by the cantons of Zurich and Berne,
were to evacuate Geneva by December 1, 1792. Clavière committed
suicide in 1793.
596.
_To Lord Sheffield._
October 13th, 1792.
[Sidenote: GENEVA THREATENED.]
*Since my last of the 6th, our attack is not more imminent, and our
defence is most assuredly stronger, two very important circumstances,
at a time when every day is leading us, though not so fast as our
impatience could wish, towards the unwarlike month of November;
and we observe with pleasure that the troops of M. de Montesquiou,
which are chiefly from the southern provinces, will not chearfully
entertain the rigour of an Alpine Winter.
The 7th instant, M. de Chateauneuf, the French resident,[245] took
his leave with an haughty mandate, commanding the Genevois, as
they valued their safety and the friendship of the Republic, to
dismiss their Swiss allies, and to punish the Magistrates who had
traiterously proposed the calling in these foreign troops. It is
precisely the fable of the Wolves, who offered to make peace with
the sheep, provided they would send away their dogs. You know what
became of the sheep. This demand appears to have kindled a just and
generous indignation, since it announced an Edict of proscription;
and must lead to a Democratical revolution, which would probably
renew the horrid scenes of Paris and Avignon. A General assembly of
the Citizens was convened, the message was read, speeches were made,
oaths were taken, and it was resolved, with only three dissentient
votes, to live and dye in the defence of their country. The Genevois
muster above three thousand well-armed citizens; and the Swiss, who
may easily be encreased, in a few hours, to an equal number, add
spirit to the timorous, and confidence to the well-affected: their
arsenals are filled with arms, their magazines with ammunition, and
their granaries with corn. But their fortifications are extensive
and imperfect, they are commanded from two adjacent hills; a French
faction lurks in the City; the character of the Genevois is rather
commercial than military; and their behaviour, lofty promise, and
base surrender, in the year 1782,[246] is fresh in our memories.
In the meanwhile, 4000 French at the most are arrived in the
neighbouring camp, nor is there yet any appearance of mortars or
heavy artillery. Perhaps a haughty menace may be repelled by a firm
countenance.
[Sidenote: GIBBON PREPARED FOR FLIGHT.]
If it were worth while talking of justice, what a shameful attack
of a feeble unoffending state! On the news of their danger, all
Switzerland, from Schaffouse to the Pays de Vaud, has risen in
arms; and a French resident, who has passed through the country,
in his way from Ratisbon, declares his intention of informing and
admonishing the National convention. About eleven thousand Bernois
are already posted in the neighbourhood of Copet and Nyon; and new
reinforcements of men, artillery, &c., arrive every day. Another army
is drawn together to oppose Mr. de Ferrieres, on the side of Bienne
and the Bishoprick of Basle; and the Austrians in Swabia would be
easily persuaded to cross the Rhine in our defence. But we are yet
ignorant whether our sovereigns mean to wage offensive or defensive
War. If the latter, which is more likely, will the French begin the
attack? Should Geneva yield to fear or force, this country is open
to an invasion; and though our men are brave, we want Generals; and
I despise the French much less than I did two months ago. It should
seem* from Trevor's letters, who is indeed low-spirited, *that our
hopes from the King of Sardinia and the Austrians of Milan are faint
and distant; Spain sleeps, and the Duke of Brunzwick (amazement!)
seems to have failed in his great project. For my part, till Geneva
falls, I do not think of a retreat; but, at all events, I am provided
with two strong horses, and a hundred Louis in gold. Zurich would
be probably my winter quarters, and the society of the Neckers
would make any place agreable. Their situation is worse than mine:
I have no daughter ready to lye in;[247] nor do I fear the French
aristocrates on the road.
Adieu. Keep my letters; excuse contradictions and repetitions. The
Dutchess of Devonshire leaves us next week. Lady Elizabeth abhorrs
you.*
Ever yours,
E. G.
[245] At Geneva.
[246] At Geneva the Government was vested in the two hundred and
fifty citizens who composed the _Petit Conseil_ and the _Conseil
des Deux-Cents_. Against this hereditary oligarchy Rousseau gave
the signal of revolt by his _Lettres de la Montagne_ (1764).
Two parties were formed: one, the _Représentants_, demanding a
revision of the constitution; the other, _Négatifs_, opposing it.
In 1781 the popular party gained the upper hand. The aristocratic
party, appealing to the treaty of 1738, which only allowed
constitutional changes to be made with the sanction of France
and Sardinia, demanded the help of those two powers. A combined
Swiss, French, and Sardinian force was sent, and in July, 1782,
the popular party, who had promised to emulate the citizens
of Saguntum, surrendered the city without a struggle, and the
aristocratic constitution was restored. Brissot de Warville,
as _le Philadelphien à Genève_, and Mallet du Pan were both
eye-witnesses of the events of the revolution.
[247] Albert, the second son of Madame de Staël, was born at this
time.
597.
_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._
Sheffield Place, 17th Oct., '92.
I have not patience to talk with you on the state of things, I am
lamentably disappointed. De Custine's successful incursion[248] into
Germany, to which he seems to have been invited by the placing a
large Magazine with a small guard in an unarmed town within a day's
march of the large garrison of Landau. In short, that circumstance
and the negociations at St. Menehould and the retreat of the combined
armies[249] have totally deranged all my notions of dignity,
generalship, preponderance of military discipline, &c., &c., and all
my speculations, moral, religious, political, and military, are sent
into a troubled sea without rudder or compass. I had always some
anxiety concerning the subsistence of a very large army from the
Frontier to Paris, if the French should make up their mind to, and
they could, lay waste the country, destroying forage, &c.; but I had
never supposed the enterprise would end so abruptly in disgrace and
calamity. I now see no prospect of any speedy settlement of French
disturbances. The miscreants at Paris, encouraged by an appearance
of success, will be active to extend their mischiefs, and my
apprehensions are by no means quiet with respect to our own affairs.
Among the Dissenters it is thought there are a great many disposed to
change. I am very far from satisfied with Charles Fox, much less with
Gray, Lord Lauderdale, &c. Even in the trumpery town of Lewes there
are some who hold meetings and correspond with certain Societies
of the worst kind in the Borough, and of which you have probably
heard; one of the creatures at Lewes said lately that, if the French
business succeeded in any degree, it was perfectly sure that England
would be in the same state as France is now in, before the end of ten
years, and another declared that England would never do well until
5000 of the Nobility & Gentry were hung up.
[Sidenote: DISCONTENT IN IRELAND.]
Ireland is in no slight degree of alarm.[250] The Roman Catholicks
are much discontented. A ship-load of arms was lately landed for
the discontented in the North. They have the impudence to exercise
even in the neighbourhood of Drogheda. The natives return to their
old tricks of shooting _Christians_ in a most treacherous manner,
and even in what is called the most civilized parts, and of houghing
_Protestant cattle_. If the Government of Ireland continues to be
feeble and not to act with firmness it may be difficult to say how
matters will end--but there never was a time less favourable to the
insurrection of Roman Catholicks, than the moment when it will not be
possible for them to have assistance from foreign countries.
I am sorry the early meeting of Parliament which I announced to you,
is not confirmed, yet I think it would have been a wise measure
to have brought men together early, and not to have suffered the
impressions made by the extravagance and cruelty of the Jacobins to
wear out, or perhaps to receive a contrary direction. The worst cause
when it seems fortunate will find defenders perhaps, but certainly
will not want partisans.
Mrs. Moss[251] has sent us a curious account of the dismay which took
place in the Geneva State on the incursion into Savoy; but amidst
all the calamities, we are glad to find from her, you are in good
condition. I consider the French affairs so far out of the line of
common Politicks, that I wish the whole world to declare against
them, and run them down as pestiferous wolves, and therefore I wish
all Switzerland to join against them; but I doubt whether it will
be the policy of that country to engage in offensive war; and I
suppose Geneva will not admit Swiss troops, if it will bring on a
bombardment. I cannot conceive why some of the passes into Savoy were
not defended. I long to hear that the retreat of the French is cut
off. I am sorry I can see no prospect of the interference of this
country. I think we might at least tell them, they must not fit out
fleets against Nice or any place. Among many correspondents, and some
of them the best informed, I find there is not the most distant guess
of the intentions of Government. Perhaps they have no plan.
I believe my last mentioned that I have been much employed, by an
attention to the poor refugees. Lally has been here and is gone, to
return in a few days with the princess d'Henin and the Pauline.[252]
We have had the most curious details, and just now, from some
respectable priests who were shut up with the Archbishop of Arles,
&c., when the latter were massacred. Possibly you may not have so
good an account at Lausanne, therefore I shall urge Maria to write it
to you. The late massacres[253] are infinitely more execrable than
any French or English paper have stated.
We are exceedingly sorry to hear by Mrs. Moss, that M. de Severy is
ill. You shall hear no more from hence untill you write to us.
[248] Adam de Custine (1740-1794), a veteran of the Seven Years'
and American Wars, commanded part of the French army of the
Rhine. He made himself master of Spire, Worms, Mayence, and
Frankfort; but was afterwards driven out of the two latter places
by the Prussians. He was executed at Paris January 3, 1794.
[249] The Prussian army, entangled in the wood of Argonne between
the Meuse and the Marne, were outgeneralled by Dumouriez and
Kellerman. The Duke of Brunswick, after the battle of Valmy
(September 20), opened negotiations with Dumouriez (September
22-28) at Ste. Menehould, and then (October 1) retreated across
the French frontier. The Austrians failed to take Lille, and,
at the approach of Dumouriez, retired into the Low Countries
(October 8). Dumouriez, following them, won the battle of
Jemappes (November 6), and overran Belgium. At the same time the
French troops were masters of Savoy and Nice, and of the country
between the Rhine and the Maine. Fox rejoiced at the flight of
the invaders. "No public event, not excepting Saratoga and York
Town, ever happened that gave me so much delight" (C. J. F. to
Lord Holland, October 12, 1792).
[250] The French Revolution had stirred the political spirit of
the Irish nation as, ten years before, it had been aroused by
the American War. It appealed most strongly to the people by the
abolition of tithes and all religious disqualifications. The
Presbyterians of the North were Republican in their sympathies,
and ready to make common cause with the Roman Catholics for the
repeal of all penal laws and the extension of the franchise. The
United Irishmen were the growth of this approximation of parties.
Among the Roman Catholics also there was a rapid spread of the
democratic spirit. The English Government was ready to grant a
liberal measure of Catholic relief and to extend the suffrage
to the Roman Catholics. At first the Irish Government strongly
opposed any change which threatened the maintenance of Protestant
ascendency. But the danger of union between the Protestant
Republicans and the Catholic democrats became apparent, when
the Catholic Convention met at Dublin in December, 1792, and a
Relief Bill, repealing many oppressive enactments and conceding
the franchise, was carried, almost without opposition, in the
beginning of 1793. The Roman Catholics, it may be added, were
excluded from the Irish Parliament in the reign of William III.
(3 W. & M. c. 2) and deprived of the franchise in that of George
II. (1 Geo. II. c. 9). Lord Sheffield, as a later letter shows,
agreed with the Lord Lieutenant, Lord Westmorland, in advocating
resistance to the Catholics "_in limine_ and _in toto_," and in
thinking that the suspicion, that the "British Government means
to take up the Catholics, and to play what is called a Catholic
game," would disastrously weaken the hold of the Government upon
the country. Burke (_Correspondence_, vol. iv. p. 32) seems to
suggest that Lord Sheffield was prejudiced by the possession of
Irish property in the county of Louth.
[251] Miss C. Moss, a frequent visitor at Sheffield Place.
[252] Mdlle. Pauline de Pully.
[253] The massacres of September, 1792.
598.
_To Lord Sheffield._
October 20th, 1792.
*Since my last, our affairs take a more pacific turn; but I will not
venture to affirm that our peace will be either safe or honourable.
Mr. de Montesquiou and three Commissioners of the Convention, who
are at Carrouge, have had several conferences with the Magistrates
of Geneva; several expresses have been dispatched to and from Paris,
and every step of the negotiation is communicated to the deputies of
Bern and Zurich. The French troops observe a very tolerable degree of
order and discipline: and no act of hostility has yet been committed
on the territory of Geneva.*
599.
_The Hon. Maria Holroyd to Edward Gibbon._
Oct. 24th, '92.
[Sidenote: THE ARMÉE MONTESQUIEU.]
The amiable family at S. P. being infinitely delighted with your
welcome dispatch, & still more so with the promise of writing _every
week_, have had a dispute amongst themselves, who was to have the
honor of answering you, & reminding you of that promise. I have
gained permission to be the happy person, & happy I shall think
myself, if you should direct _one_ of the promised Letters to me. We
talk and think of nothing but foreign news, & Mama is very abusive
of the Jacobins. Massacres have sometimes enraged me a little, but I
have borne every thing with tolerable patience, except that Wretches,
who have no other idea of liberty, than the liberty of murdering
defenceless prisoners, should dare to think of attacking a Nation,
whose Ideas of freedom are not so _refined_ as theirs, & whose valour
is almost proverbial. Though I am perfectly satisfied that the
tricolor Banner will never be erected in the town of Lausanne, yet I
am very anxious to hear what becomes of the _Armée Montesquiou_. I am
always wishing myself the guardian Angel of the Pais de Vaud. If I
was, I am sure I should be inspired to do wonders. But, alas! I am a
poor Mortal, & can only assist that Country by my best Wishes for its
safety & prosperity.
How I wish you had let us remain & vegetate in our own little Island.
I should have felt no other Interest in what is passing in your part
of the World, than joy that you would be obliged to return to your
native Country. You have likewise to answer for making me disatisfied
with the famous Lakes & Rivers in the County of Sussex; & for
shewing me a Country to which no other can compare, & which to see
again I would give all my share of My lord's Sheep and Oxen, Ponds
& Rivers. I do not know how to reconcile my wishes for the peace
of Switzerland, with those for your return to England--as you seem
resolved not to indulge us with your company, unless you are forced
from your residence by a few thousand Marseillois. I cannot tell
you how much I was disappointed when I was obliged to give up all
expectation of seeing you this year. I wrote to Angletine a fortnight
ago. I am very sorry indeed to hear her father is in a bad state of
health. I hope you will be able to give a good Account of him, when
you write next. Pray remember me to them very particularly, though
I wish you had never made me acquainted with people I may probably
never see again & yet cannot forget.
Papa is gone down the River Ouse, & ordered me to give you an
account of the Emigrants; he would not think I had obeyed him very
exactly, if he was to see my Letter--he would probably call it Stuff
and Nonsense. I hope _you_ will not, tho' I always feel myself so
unworthy to write to you, that I generally suspect my poor Letters
meet with a degree of criticism I am sure they cannot bear.
[Sidenote: DISTRESS OF FRENCH REFUGEES.]
Now for Papa's Emigrants. The Duc de Liancourt,[254] who will have
(when he can get it) the most considerable estate in France by the
death of the Duc de Rochefoucauld, has been waiting for some weeks to
come here, till Arthur Young should find it convenient to set off,
as he had offered the Duke a seat in his Post chaise; he is in such
distressed circumstances that his present plan is to go & settle in
America. Mad^e. de Biron, who came over with so much difficulty and
danger, that she lost her senses from fright and alarm, is returned
to France to avoid the confiscation of her Estates. The same reason
existing for her remaining there when she left the Country, it seems
an extraordinary resolution to take, her returning, when she will
be in as great danger as before. Mad^e. d'Henin[255] is settled at
Richmond, & Mad^{lle}. de Pully is arrived in England--we expect them
here every day. Lally told us, when he was here, D. of Fitzjames[256]
was living in Germany upon _quinze sous par jour_, & saving out of
that pittance to send something to her sons in the Army. A great
number of french Priests have landed on our Coast.[257] I suppose my
lord informed you of the arrival of two here who had escaped from the
Massacre at _les Carmes_--the detail of the death of the Archbishop
of Arles is horrid, but too long for a Letter. The subscriptions in
London are very great--one for the Clergy only, amounts to £12,000,
& that for both Clergy and Laity to upwards of £4000. The latter has
enabled some Swiss officers to reach their own Country, who intended
to beg their way thro' Holland, & supports some french Ladies of
fashion who had nothing but what they got by their needlework. Burke
& Papa have had a vigorous correspondence on the subject--the former
is very indignant that a case he had drawn up about Atheists calling
themselves Philosophers in France was not received.
I do not dare _expect_, but I will _hope_ to hear from you. Will you
be so good as to remember me to M. & M^e. Levade? Do you know where
the Legards and Grimstones are? Mama has some doubts, as to how she
shall receive you; if you are obliged to fly to England, I shall be
too well pleased with the effect to think of the cause.
Mama desires a great many pretty things to you. She is quite well &
in good spirits; how unlucky we could not say the same last year.
Louisa is still at Bath. I am in hopes of paying her a visit there
next month. She _raves_ about Switz. _almost_ as much as me.
[254] The Duc de Liancourt (1747-1827) took the title of
Rochefoucault-Liancourt on succeeding to his cousin, the Duc
de la Rochefoucault who was murdered at Gisors in September,
1792. He had been a distinguished member of the Feuillants, or
constitutional reformers. He escaped to England and thence to
the United States. On his return to France he occupied himself
with philanthropic works and the management of his estates. Both
he and his cousin were generous patrons of Arthur Young during
his travels in France (1787-89), and promoted that revival
of agriculture at the close of the eighteenth century which
corresponded with the similar movement in England.
[255] The Princesse d'Hénin was rescued from Paris by Madame de
Staël (Forneron, _Hist. des Emigrés_, vol. i. p. 244). It was at
her house that Malouet, La Fayette, and the Constitutionnels had
planned an escape for Louis XVI. in May, 1792.
[256] The Duchess of Fitzjames was the daughter of the Comte
de Thiars, and _dame de palais_ in the household of Marie
Antoinette. Charles, her eldest son, died with the army of the
princes. Edward, her second son, who succeeded to the title,
distinguished himself by his oratorical powers in the Chamber of
Peers at the Restoration, and in that of the Deputies under Louis
Philippe.
[257] On September 17, 1792, seventy-six French priests, and
among them the Bishop of Avranches, landed at Hastings.
600.
_To Lord Sheffield._
October 27.
*My usual temper very readily admitted the excuse, that it would
be better to wait another week, till the final settlement of our
affairs. The treaty is signed between France and Geneva; and the
ratification of the Convention is looked upon as assured, if any
thing can be assured in that wild Democracy.[258] On condition that
the Swiss Garrison, with the approbation of Berne and Zurich, be
recalled before the first of December, it is stipulated that the
independence of Geneva shall be preserved inviolate; that M. de
Montesquiou shall immediately send away his heavy artillery; and
that no French troops shall approach within ten leagues of the
city. As the Swiss have acted only as auxiliaries, they have no
occasion for a direct treaty; but they cannot prudently disarm,
till they are satisfied of the pacific intentions of France; and
no such satisfaction can be given till they have acknowledged the
new Republic, which they will probably do in a few days, with a
deep groan of indignation and sorrow; it has been cemented with
the blood of their countrymen! But when the Emperor, the King of
Prussia, the first General, and the first army in Europe have
failed, less powerful states may acquiesce, without dishonour, in
the determination of fortune. Do you understand this most unexpected
failure? I will allow an ample share to the badness of the roads
and the weather, to famine and disease, to the skill of Dumourier,
a heaven-born General, and to the enthusiastic ardour of the new
Romans; but still, still there must be some secret shameful cause at
the bottom of this strange retreat.[259]
[Sidenote: A TUTORSHIP FOR SEVERY.]
We are now delivered from the impending terrors of siege and
invasion. The Geneva _Emigrés_, particularly the Neckers, are
hastening to their homes; and I shall not be reduced to the hard
necessity of seeking a winter azylum at Zurich or Constance: but I
am not pleased with our future prospects. It is much to be feared
that the present Government of Geneva will be soon modelled after
the French fashion; the new Republic of Savoy is forming on the
opposite bank of the lake; the Jacobin Missionaries are powerful and
zealous; and the Malcontents of this country, who begin again to rear
their heads, will be surrounded with temptations, and examples, and
allies. I know not whether the pays de Vaud will long adhere to the
dominion of Berne; or whether I shall be permitted to end my days in
this little paradise, which I have so happily suited to my taste and
circumstances.
Last Monday only I received your letter, which had strangely loitered
on the road since its date of the 29th of September. There must
surely be some disorder in the posts, since the Eliza departed
indignant at never having heard from you.*