names. Inform me of the professions, the principles, the plans,
the resources of these reformers. Will they heat the minds of the
people? Does the French democracy gain no ground? Will the bulk
of your party stand firm to their own interest, and that of their
country? Will you not take some active measures to declare your
sound opinions, and separate yourselves from your rotten members?
or if you allow them to perplex government, if you trifle with this
solemn business, if you do not resist the spirit of innovation in the
first attempt, if you admit the smallest and most specious change
in our parliamentary system, you are lost. You will be driven from
one step to another; from principles just in theory, to consequences
most pernicious in practice; and your first concessions will be
productive of every subsequent mischief, for which you will be
answerable to your country and to posterity. Do not suffer yourselves
to be lulled into a false security; remember the proud fabric of the
French Monarchy. Not four years ago it stood founded, as it might
seem, on the rock of time, force, and opinion, supported by the
triple Aristocracy of the Church, the Nobility, and the Parliaments.
They are crumbled into dust; they are vanished from the earth. If
this tremendous warning has no effect on the men of property in
England; if it does not open every eye, and raise every arm, you will
deserve your fate. If I am too precipitate, enlighten; if I am too
desponding, encourage me.
My pen has run into this argument; for, as much a foreigner as you
think me, on this momentous subject I feel myself an Englishman.
The pleasure of residing at Sheffield-place is, after all, the first
and the ultimate object of my visit to my native country. But when
or how will that visit be effected? Clouds and whirlwinds, Austrian
Croats, and Gallic cannibals, seem on every side to impede my
passage. You appear to apprehend the perils or difficulties of the
German road, and French peace is more sanguinary than civilized War.
I must pass through, perhaps, a thousand Republics or municipalities,
which neither obey nor are obeyed. The strictness of passports,
and the popular ferment, are much encreased since last summer:
Aristocrate is in every mouth, Lanterns hang in every street, and
an hasty word or a casual resemblance, may be fatal. Yet, on the
other hand, it is probable that many English, men, women, and
children, will traverse the country without any accident before next
September; and I am sensible that many things appear more formidable
at a distance than on a nearer approach. Without any absolute
determination, we must see what the events of the next three or
four months will produce. In the mean while, I shall expect with
impatience your next letter: let it be speedy; my answer shall be
prompt.
[Sidenote: GALLIC WOLVES PROWL ROUND GENEVA.]
You will be glad, or sorry, to learn that my gloomy apprehensions are
much abated, and that my departure, whenever it takes place, will
be an act of choice, rather than of necessity. I do not pretend to
affirm, that secret discontent, dark suspicion, private animosity,
are very materially asswaged; but we have not experienced, nor
do we now apprehend, any dangerous acts of violence, which may
compell me to seek a refuge among the friendly Bears,[221] and to
abandon my library to the mercy of the Democrates. The firmness
and vigour of Government have crushed, at least for a time, the
spirit of innovation; and I do not believe that the body of the
people, especially the Peasants, are disposed for a revolution.
From France, praised be the Demon of Anarchy! the insurgents of the
pays de Vaud could not at present have much to hope; and should the
_Gardes nationales_, of which there is little appearance, attempt
an incursion, the country is armed and prepared, and they would be
resisted with equal numbers and superior discipline. The Gallic
wolves that prowled round Geneva are drawn away, some to the south
and some to the north, and the late events in Flanders seem to have
diffused a general contempt, as well as abhorrence, for the lawless
savages, who fly before the enemy, hang their prisoners, and murder
their officers.[222] The brave and patient regiment of Ernest is
expected home every day, and as Bern will take them into present
pay, that veteran and regular corps will add to the security of our
frontier.
I rejoyce that we have so little to say on that subject of Worldly
affairs.* Since the interest of the Yorkshire is due from the mouth
of February my complaints are silenced, but I am desirous of the
consummation of the business. You seem to applaud your good fortune
in finding an excellent settlement for £3000, with which you have
purchased three unexceptionable Debentures, but you forget to mention
who are my Creditors and in what part of the Globe my landed security
is placed. I must confess some fears of Ireland or the West Indies,
with neither of which I would willingly have any connection. As my
property is now divided, I should much wish that you would draw up
and sign a regular statement of the several objects, stating in
whose hands and where the respective title deeds are deposited. With
regard to those which are entrusted ----[223] it could not surely be
offensive to ask him for a written acknowledgment. I have no evidence
whatsoever to produce to his Executors; this thought sometimes
makes me rather uneasy. I thank you for the offer of supporting my
Credit at Gosling's; but the stream now begins to flow faster than
I draw, and they have been instructed to keep £500 India bonds from
your talons. Notwithstanding the Darrel's caution, I wish you had
seized the propitious moment when stocks were so ridiculously high.
I am much surprized to have no account whatsoever of the approach
of my Madeira, which has been so injudiciously paid for beforehand;
enquiries must be made. Will you likewise inform yourself of the
Wedgewood, why I have not been able to obtain their old account
which was solicited by letter, a strong measure from me, when I
paid Severy's bill two or three years ago? If they have waited
scandalously for their money, it is not my fault; but I do not like
it myself, as it is the only debt I have in the World. Mrs. Moss saw
my house and garden in a rainy day, and her passage was so rapid that
I could not even give her a dish of tea: she seems pleased with her
situation at Geneva.
*This summer we are threatened with an inundation, besides many
nameless English and Irish; the Dowager Lady Spencer is arrived, the
Dutchess of Ancaster is expected, but I am less anxious about those
matrons, than for the good Dutchess of Devonshire and the wicked
Lady Elizabeth Foster, who are on their march. Lord Malmsbury, the
_audacieux_ Harris,[224] will inform you that he has seen me: _him_ I
would have consented to keep.*
[Sidenote: THE DESTINY OF HIS LIBRARY.]
Before I absolutely conclude, I must animadvert on the whimsical
peroration of your last Epistle concerning the future fate of my
library,[225] about which you are so indignant. I am a friend
to the circulation of property of every kind, and besides the
pecuniary advantage of my poor heirs, I consider a public sale as
the most laudable method of disposing of it. From such sales my
books were chiefly collected, and when I can no longer use them they
will be again culled by various buyers according to the measure
of their wants and means. If indeed a true liberal public library
existed in London, I might be tempted to enrich the catalogue and
encourage the institution: but to bury my treasure in a _country_
mansion under the key of a jealous master! I am not flattered by
the Gibbonian collection, and shall own my presumptuous belief that
six quarto Volumes may be sufficient for the preservation of that
name. If however your unknown successor should be a man of learning,
if I should live to see the love of litterature dawning in your
grandson---- In the meanwhile I admire the firm confidence of our
friendship that you can insist, and I can demur, on a legacy of
fifteen hundred or two thousand pounds without the smallest fear of
offence.
*One word more before we part; call upon Mr. John Nichols,[226]
bookseller and printer, at Cicero's head, Red-Lion-passage,
Fleet-street, and ask him whether he did not, about the beginning of
March, receive a very polite letter[227] from Mr. Gibbon of Lausanne?
To which, either as a man of business or a civil Gentleman, he
should have returned an answer. My application related to a domestic
article in the Gentleman's magazine of August, 1788, (p. 698,)[228]
which had lately fallen into my hands, and concerning which I
requested some farther lights. Mrs. Moss delivered the letters into
my hands, but I doubt whether they will be of much service to me; the
work appears far more difficult in the execution than in the idea,
and as I am now taking my leave for some time of the library, I shall
not make much progress in the memoirs of P. P. till I am on English
ground. But is it indeed true, that I shall eat any Sussex pheasants
this autumn? The event is in the book of Fate, and I cannot unroll
the leaves of September and October. Should I reach Sheffield-place,
I hope to find the whole family in a perfect state of existence,
except a certain Maria Holroyd, my fair and _generous_ correspondent,
whose annihilation on proper terms I most fervently desire. I must
receive a copious answer before the end of next month, June, and
again call upon you for a map of your political World. The Chancellor
roars; does he break his chain? _Vale._*
[218] _The Jockey Club; or, A Sketch of the Manners of the
Age_ (Parts i., ii., iii.), by Charles Pigott, is an attack on
monarchy and aristocracy, a defence of the French Revolution, and
an appeal to Fox to use his influence in favour of France in a
war which is "the general cause of all human nature. It is the
cause of sovereigns and certain individuals enjoying exclusive
privileges to the injury of the rest, against the combined
immortal cause of the whole world."
[219] On April 30, 1792, Mr. Grey, in consequence of a resolution
adopted by the "Friends of the People," gave notice of his
intention to move for an inquiry into the representative system.
On this notice a debate followed. Grey was supported by Fox.
Pitt, on the other hand, declared that if ever there was a time
when such a question should not be raised, the present was
that time. Burke spoke in the same sense, attacking Paine's
_Rights of Man_, and all clubs and societies which recommended
the principles of that work. On May 6, 1792, Grey presented a
petition from the "Friends of the People," in which the abuses of
the electoral system were exposed, and moved that it be referred
to a committee. After a debate of two nights, he found only
forty-one supporters.
[220] Gibbon probably refers to the "Friends of the People," an
association for the reform of the representative system, to which
Lord Lauderdale, Grey, Sheridan, Erskine, and twenty-five other
members of Parliament belonged.
[221] Berne.
[222] Dumouriez, in April, 1792, despatched three armies to
invade Belgium. The column directed against Tournay dispersed,
and murdered Dillon, their commander. That which marched against
Mons fled as soon as they came in sight of the Austrians near
Jemappes.
[223] Name erased.
[224] "Cet audacieux et rusé Harris" is the phrase used by
Mirabeau of Lord Malmesbury (_Cour de Berlin_, _Lettre_ xxxvii.,
vol. ii. p. 13).
[225] Gibbon's library at Lausanne was bought, in 1796, from
Lord Sheffield by Beckford for £950. Beckford shut himself up in
it "for six weeks, from early in the morning until night, only
now and then taking a ride," and read himself "nearly blind"
(Cyrus Redding's "Recollections of the Author of Vathek," _New
Monthly Magazine_, vol. lxxi. p. 307). Growing tired of it, he
gave it to Dr. Scholl, a physician at Lausanne. Miss Berry, who
visited the library in July, 1803 (_Journals and Letters_, vol.
ii. p. 260), says, "It is, of all the libraries I ever saw, that
of which I should most covet the possession--that which seems
exactly everything that any gentleman or gentlewoman fond of
letters could wish." "Gibbon's library," says Henry Mathews in
1818 (_Diary of an Invalid_, p. 318), "still remains, but it is
buried and lost to the world. It is the property of Mr. Beckford,
and lies locked up in an uninhabited house at Lausanne." In 1830
the library was divided into two parts. Half was sold for £500
to an English gentleman; the other half went at the same price
to a bookseller at Geneva. The half which was sold to an English
purchaser was, in 1876 (_Notes and Queries_, 5th series, vol.
v. p. 425), still kept together in the possession of a Swiss
gentleman near Geneva.
[226] John Nichols, F.S.A. (1745-1826), the author of numerous
works of great literary and historical value, and from 1778 to
1826 printer, proprietor, and, from 1792, sole manager of the
_Gentleman's Magazine_, to which he constantly contributed.
[227] The letter is published in the _Gentleman's Magazine_ for
January, 1794.
[228] The letter referred to in the _Gentleman's Magazine_ is
signed "N. S." It gives the Gibbon pedigree from 1596 down to the
historian. It no doubt at first attracted Gibbon's attention from
the circumstance of its immediately preceding a communication
entitled "Strictures on Some Passages in Mr. Gibbon's History."
The article in the _Gentleman's Magazine_ was by Sir Egerton
Brydges, whose grandmother was a Gibbon, the heiress of Edward
Gibbon of West Cliff, and first cousin to the South Sea director
who was the historian's grandfather. Gibbon's letter on the
subject to Sir Egerton Brydges is quoted by the latter in his
_Autobiography_ (vol. i. pp. 225-227).
590.
_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._
Your former letter said you should be very sure, very high & select.
You now say you are not merchants, &c. General Bude[229] (a Genevois)
recommended Dergueuse. The Duke of Leeds, hearing that he was known
to me, desired Glover to enquire of me by letter. I advised Leigneur
not to propose or trouble himself about terms, but to let General
Bude do whatever was necessary of that kind. He has been at Moins
sometime. He came from thence here, and is much pleased with his good
fortune. Lord Carnarvon is older than we imagined. If there are the
means at Lausanne of interesting Genl. Bude in favour of S[every], it
might be usefull. I should make an agreement for S. or not according
to the rank or character of the Principles; but I really do not
know what salary should be thought of--you should give me some hint
thereon. When I answered Glover, I told him if he should hear of any
considerable Family who wished to have a friend to attend a son, that
you and I could recommend one that would be very desireable. You are
so awkward and careless about letters that I do not like to write to
you except about matters that might be published at Charing-cross.
As to your £3000 debentures, I apprehend I have explained them to
you before. Hammersley's Banking House has advanced £40,000 on Lord
Barrymore's Estate in Ireland (£10,000 per annum at least); they have
6 per cent., and have raised the money by Debentures, giving the
same security and £20,000 in the funds in addition. Their house and
the £20,000 answerable for the interest. It is thought an _excellent
thing_, and Pelham transferred it to me as a Friend. If you do not
like it at any time you may have premium on selling. I wish you to
indulge your own notions as to this matter and not to mind mine. I
am not fond of being responsible as to other property than land. The
Debentures are in the custody of Goslings, to enable them to receive
at Hammersley's the interest half yearly.
[Sidenote: GIBBON'S TABBY APPREHENSIONS.]
Your Tabby apprehensions about your writings are silly enough--you
have none except the mortgage on Buriton and Newhaven, and those
being blended in your conveyance of the Estates, the Title of the
purchaser and your security are the same, and if your counterpart
were lost, the Title of the Purchaser would be your security. The
Mortgage Deeds of Buriton are in my archive, very properly as
Trustee. Instead of your curious notion of sending the writings in
Batt's custody for the sake of safety to Lausanne, it will be better
to send them in their Box to Gosling's Iron-room, to appease your
fears. I had settled with Batt to examine the List when I go next to
Town. Your Navigation Mortgage is in Gosling's hands. I had lately
heard of a £3000 mortgage in this county that I thought would do, but
they talked of only 3½ per Ct.
I have had a new care lately which has occupied me as much as
possible. I mean the French clergy; above 1200 have landed in this
country. I have exerted myself in their favour; I have succeeded
pretty well in obviating prejudice in respect to the rise of
provisions by the arrival of so many friends. There is little in
respect to the arrival of so many popish priests.
Tell Lady Eliza I have written a very pretty letter long ago, & I am
surprised she has not received it.
[229] Probably General Budé, who is mentioned by Madame d'Arblay
as holding an appointment about the court at Windsor (_Diary and
Letters_, iii. 40).
591.
_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._
Sheffield Place, 30 July, 1792.
If I had not been bothered in a superlative degree since my return
from London with much company, Navigation and County Meetings, &c.,
I should have favoured you with my opinion on the state of things.
Twice each week I intended so to do at some length, and now I begin
just before I set out for the Camp at Bagshot.[230]
I have watched the origin, impression and progress of the French
Revolution, both in France and in the other Governments in Europe,
and I am fully convinced that if our Good Old Island had been drawn
into the torrent of the new Philosophy, Holland, Germany, Spain,
&c., would have followed her, and we should have seen all Europe
involved in the extravagances of irreligion, immorality, anarchy,
and barbarism. Our nature being at all times essentially the same, I
presume that after a certain period of ferociousness and horrors, a
resettlement of some sort, probably of the most despotic governments,
would have taken place. The devastation of the Species might be
repaired, and at the end of a couple of centuries it is possible that
Science, the fine Arts, and the politeness and gentleness of Society,
might again have been brought to the point at which they now are.
Perhaps you may recollect that on the Decline and Fall of the Roman
Empire a greater number of centuries were necessary for restoration.
I really believe there is nothing exaggerated in this speculation.
[Sidenote: OPPOSITION AND GOVERNMENT.]
Having these opinions, I highly approved and cordially promoted the
conduct of Opposition at such a crisis. They have come to the Aid
of Government fairly and unreservedly, and many, even zealously,
particularly the Dukes of Portland, Devonshire, Lord Fitzwilliam,
Guilford, Spencer, Egremont, Ashburnham, Stormont, Loughborough,
Windham of Norfolk, Sir Gilbert Elliott, in short almost everybody
except about a score who had committed themselves with Mr. Grey,
many of whom are heartily sick of the business.[231] The attempt at
an Association has in truth had an excellent effect. It has alarmed,
roused and combined men in support of the Constitution and of good
order. It will at last appear that there exists no great object or
principle of party difference. It may lead to the formation of the
strongest administration this country has ever known, and at a time
when there should be no risk. It should be the first of all objects
in these feverish times to guard against all possibility of phrenzy.
At present there is very little amiss among men of property. The
Dissenters however wait a good occasion for some change.[232] The
great care should be to prevent the mass of the people from being
inflamed and made the tools of those who would risk anything to gain
certain points or situations. It is essential to engage, to occupy
the best of those.
There never was such an opportunity as at present of forming a
good administration. Several openings can be easily made in the
Cabinet and elsewhere without essential derangement. Lord Thurlow is
gone,[233] Lord Campden wishes to go, Marquis of Stafford is willing
to go, and Dundas is only _locum tenens_.[234] The concurrence in
favour of the Constitution has greatly softened the asperity of
party. I never observed so great a change, and I am convinced a
junction would be generally liked by the respectable men of all
parties and descriptions.
[Sidenote: CAN PITT AND FOX COMBINE?]
There is a difficulty and that is great. Whether insurmountable
I cannot say. How to arrange Pompey and Caesar--Pitt and Fox.
Government has candidly said it is not strong enough, the candour
of the avowal has tended rather to conciliate than to animate
opposition. Lord Loughborough has had a conversation with Pitt and
Dundas.[235] I scout the idea of the Party coming in without Fox. He
has behaved, at all times, honourably to them and they will behave
honourably towards him. Even if they were capable of quitting him, it
would be foolish to leave him to bear the discontent of the country.
Neither Fox nor Pitt should be suffered to be in that situation.
Even if the King were to send for the Duke of Portland and desire him
to form an administration, the best answer would be that he could
not, without Mr. Pitt, form one which would be sufficiently firm and
strong enough to carry on business as it should be, especially at
this time. Both parties are too strong to suffer Government to go on
efficaciously without them: but how to arrange Fox & Pitt, so that
one should not seem to yield too much to the other, there is the rub.
I should think it the most patriotick act to settle that matter. I
discover no animosity, no rancour, no interest likely to make the
parties disagree if once united, nothing that would dispose them to
circumvent. I think it the interest of both our Orators to unite.
I never supposed I should find it the wish of so many of the first
men of the Country as I do. It appears to me to be greatly Pitt's
interest. The regret of both King and Queen on the dismission of the
Chancellor is well known. If Pitt should make an handsome fair offer
to Fox (I do not know the latter is averse) and he should refuse,
especially after the late business of Grey, it will prejudice Fox
much with his party. If, on the other hand, Pitt should directly or
indirectly aim at excluding him, the overture that has been made and
the evident want of strength in Government would exasperate some,
and encourage others to a redoubled spirit of opposition. Pitt must
see that, if such an administration could be formed, there would be
scarce a great family in opposition, and that distinction of party
in that administration would soon be lost. Although the business is
difficult I do not think it impossible. It is rather suspended than
broke off. I should have supposed the Duke of Richmond most likely of
all to be averse to it, but I find him much disposed to a junction.
Maria amuses herself very much with my conciliating and amiable
moderation, but you will discover that my present disposition is
perfectly consistent with the opinion I always had of the advantage
to the Country at all times, and the necessity in these times, of a
firm and strong Government.
I have now inflicted on you and myself a large _dose_.
Give us intelligence of you forthwith. When you set out. Which road
you take. The French subject is too much to begin on. The Jacobins
are _au comble_. Such execrable animals should be extirpated.
Pray acquaint Lady Elizabeth that I have this moment rec^{d}. her
letter, that we wished it had been longer, and that I shall endeavour
to collect something for her amusement very speedily. Present my best
compliments also to the Duchess.
[230] A large number of troops were assembled at Bagshot Camp on
July 23, and were reviewed by the king on July 26, and engaged in
sham-fights on July 27, 30, 31.