It is probable that this my fourth Letter may remain unopened in your

Pocket, but I shall leave that to Fate, & only think of convincing

you, that I still remember Lausanne & my promise. I like to let

People know how _unreasonable_ I am, & therefore I will tell you

I had faint hopes of finding a few Lines here, either written or

dictated by you. I frequently ask Mama, do you think they are talking

of us at Lausanne? & she generally answers--I daresay not; so I

should have had a great deal of satisfaction in shewing her, that you

thought so much of us as to make a _violent effort_ to tell us so.

We have proceeded on our journey with great success from Coblentz to

Brussells, & to-morrow go to Antwerp. We arrived here on Thursday

from Louvain--the Road was so bad & the Post-horses moved in such a

_Swiss_ manner, that we were four days coming from Cologne.

The first day we slept at Juliers, the second at Liège, the third

at Louvain, & the fourth (as I had the _honour_ of telling you) we

came to Brussells, & fortunately arrived at 'L'Imperatrice,' the only

Hotel where there was a single Room unoccupied, just as the Princesse

de Salms was moving off--& took possession of her apartments with

great satisfaction, as we expected Coblenz accomodations.

[Sidenote: THE SIGHTS OF BRUSSELS.]

We stayed but one night at Cologne, as the Maréchal de Castries was

not there, & the Town possessed no other Charms to tempt us to stay,

for it is the most dismal place I have seen. The Maréchal is here,

& Papa has had a long conference with him. Luckily for us, Papa has

neither met with a Quarter Master nor a Commercial man, nor a Farmer

here, so we have seen a great deal and been very much amused. We saw

the Palace of the Archduchess, a league out of Town, yesterday--&

it is fitted up with more Taste than any thing we have seen in

our travels. The rest of our time has been spent in Churches, the

Arsenal, & some good Collections of Pictures. I have not time to be

_prolix_ in my narration, which you will perhaps not be sorry for, as

you are not as fond of a long letter as I am. Mama is pretty well,

but will not be sorry to find herself at her own fire side again.

Remember us to those who remember our existence--you will not have

much trouble, for I suppose you will only deliver the message to

yourself--I suspect nobody else of thinking of us. Louisa desires I

will not forget her best Comp^{ts} to _M. Mentrond_; she does not

choose to suppose he can _forget her_. I expect to hear a great deal

of _Mrs. Wood_--or if any body else has supplied her place in your

_heart_. When you do write, if such an unlikely event should ever

take place, pray tell me something of everybody; I shall like to

see the names of those I was acquainted with, & while I read y^{r}

letter, shall fancy myself at Lausanne.

Believe me,

Ever sincerely y^{rs},

MARIA T. HOLROYD.

I write in such haste that you must excuse faults of Style, Writing,

&c.

578.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

Calais, 5th Nov., 1791.

After various and sundry embarrassments, here we are safe. The

pleasure of the visit being over and the sorrow of departure come

on, it naturally occurred in aid of my concern what a damned Fool

I was to undertake such an operation. To correct such cogitation,

the _distractions_ of the Rhine were some relief. The state of its

neighbourhood is at this time very interesting. It was curious to

find the Princes and prime Nobility of France thankfull to be allowed

to exist on a small angle formed by the Moselle and the Rhine. An

army of officers, but not a common man. For the sake of visiting

the Garrisons of Alsace, I went the whole length of that Province.

Levade's letters were of essential service to me. I thankfully wrote

to him when I had proceeded far down the Rhine. Probably I furnished

some details, with which he probably has furnished you. I know not

whether I mentioned that Huninge and Brisach are in good condition.

An incompleat Regiment of two battalions in each place and some

Dragoons, not sufficient garrisons, but some cantoned Troops might be

thrown in if required.

[Sidenote: MILITARY FORCES ON FRENCH FRONTIER.]

The Regulars at Strasburgh are 6760, including 1100 Horse and 1300

artillery. They say they have some 7000 National Guards, I doubt

it. They are the best I have seen; and yet they are very poor stuff

for Soldiers, and many are not cloathed. I dined with the Colonel

of Carbineers, and saw the finest regiment of France in detail,

and also a Swiss Regiment (Viguier), one of the best. Some of the

regiments are not more soldier-like than the National Guards. The

Democrates say that the officers, being Aristocrates, neglect the

men on purpose, and wish the regiments to be ruined; 40 officers had

quitted one regiment in Alsace. In short, only seven remained with

it, including the Colonel. The Park of Artillery at Strasburgh seems

very compleat. It is the second in the Kingdom. A Train is ready for

40 Battalions. The Province of Alsace is at least half Aristocrate.

I passed the evening and supped at the Mayor's while at Strasburgh.

He and his Lady (a clever dame) thorough Republicans. Observe the

Regulars in the two departments of the Rhine are commanded by a

German,[187] and the National Guards by a Lt.-Colonel who is a

Livonian. Mirabeau's Corps seems a miserable collection; several

deserters came from it while I was at Strasburgh. Finally I flattered

myself there would be a compleat _Brouillerie_ between the regulars

and the National Guards before I left that place. The officers of the

latter are naturally disposed to be very absurd. The double pay of

these troops _soldès_ is likely to have an excellent effect on the

_Troupes de ligne_. I found about 100 French officers at Manterin.

Towards 900 at Worms. Bouillé and a certain number are at Mayence.

Including upwards of 900 of the Gardes du Corps and near 20 Generals,

there are 2500 Officers at Coblentz. I was very graciously received

by the Princes. They give a supper every night, where I had the

amusement of being introduced to Marshal Broglie,[188] &c., &c. The

Prince of Condé and Duc de Bourbon were there on a visit. Romanzov

has brought credentials and two millions of livres French from

the Empress; Calonne is at Baths not far distant for his health;

Burke's son had been sometime at Coblentz and was gone to England

with Cazalés. Our King has written a very amicable letter to the

Princes promising neutrality. I went to Cologne to see the Marshal de

Castries. He was gone to Brussels, where I found him. At every inn I

found 20 or 30 French Officers, the road is covered with them from

Brussels to Coblentz. Nothing can be worse timed than this desertion.

It is a Phrenzy and was like wildfire. They would be much better

with their regiments and ready in the country to protect Friends

and to avail themselves of circumstances. The most sensible of the

French disapprove this migration. The officers leave their Regiments

without concert with the Princes, who have not lately encouraged it.

There seems to be no particular plan at present but to wait events. I

unfortunately missed the Abbé Maury passing to Coblentz. I wished to

know him. He is a Cardinal _in petto_. He is to have the Arch-Bishop

of Sens's Hat. The regular regiments were long ago ordered to be

completed to the war establishment, but on an average they have

not above half their complements, and on the frontier of the Low

Countries there is not an officer left except Soldiers of Fortune.

_L'Esprit de Revolution_ is not likely to flourish again for some

time in the Pais Bas. I found Imperial and Electoral troops in

possession of Liège, and new taxes laid to pay expenses, viz. on

Dogs, Servants, bachelors, &c. The Discontents in the Austrian

Netherlands are not likely to be of much consequence, a great part

of the country was miserably duped and the whole thrown into such an

execrable state, that none but the lowest of the creation can wish

for another experiment at a Revolution. The leading party among the

enemies of the House of Austria being Clergy and Aristocrates cannot

coalesce easily with the Democrates of France. All the Provinces

except Brabant are content. Many say a counter-revolution in France

is impossible, because the Mass of the People are of one mind. Not

near so much as the Austrian Netherlands were. There almost every

man was a Patriot, yet the moment an army appeared there was not a

struggle. The different extent of country, &c., prevent a correct

comparison.

However, it may be observed that France has not a neighbour that is

not unfriendly to the Revolution. I have the worst opinion of the

French Army. The National Guard behaved execrably at Nancy, where

alone they have been tried. We indeed were told the contrary. Some

Swiss officers (Democrates) who acted against the regiment of Chateau

Vieux[189] have given me details. You may be sure that the Regulars

and National Guards will not agree. I am satisfied that of those

officers who remain with the Regiments, almost all except soldiers of

fortune are aristocrates. The soldiers do _not desert_, but they say

they will go to Paris. They will enter into the _Gardes Nat. soldès_,

and they go where they please; nobody can stop them. Yet with such a

King the situation of the Aristocrates is very difficult. Divisions

will naturally take place, the Kingdom is _en traine_ to be torn to

pieces. A foreign army on the Frontier or advancing to Paris might

unite them, therefore it may be better to wait events. At the same

time I have not a notion that a French army would fight under its

present circumstances.

[Sidenote: THE MEETING AT PILNITZ.]

It was a comfort to see the excellent Bohemian and Hungarian Infantry

in the Austrian Netherlands. They are in fine order. The Treaty of

the 23rd of July last between the Emperor and the King of Prussia has

been well concealed.[190] It is defensive. The supposition is that

Prussia is dissatisfied with England. If Russia should accede to the

Treaty (which is not thought unlikely), we shall be compleatly left

in the lurch.

Maria has been alert and well-disposed to your correspondence. She

seemed pleased with the office, but she will expect an answer. She

has saved me from writing sooner. From Brussels we went to Antwerp,

Ghent, Bruges, Ostende, and Dunkirk to this place. Mi Ladi continues

the same. I should have stopped more than three days at Brussels if I

had not been afraid of the division of Mrs. Maynard. Say everything

kind for us to the de Severy family. If Mi Ladi does not reply

soon to the Fils, I shall. I found letters at Brussels by which I

learn that your £2000 is accepted by the Navigation Society, that

Mr. Taylor has found a mortgage for £5000 in Yorkshire. He says

somewhat of its being more convenient if the money is not paid till

a little time hence, and I also learn that my worldly affairs, and

the Navigation, have gone on as badly as might be expected from my

absence.

Remember us to Mrs. Grevers.

[187] The Baron de Luckner (1722-1794), a Bavarian, entered the

French service after the Seven Years' War, was made a marshal in

1791, and guillotined in 1794.

[188] The Duc de Broglie (1718-1804), one of the most

distinguished of the French generals during the Seven Years' War,

was made a marshal in 1759. Louis XVI. appointed him in 1789

Minister of War; but he was among the earliest of the _émigrés_.

He entered the Russian service in 1794.

[189] In August, 1790, the Swiss Regiment of Château-Vieux

mutinied at Metz, demanding arrears of pay. They fired upon

the National Guard, seized the regimental treasury, and killed

Desilles. The outbreak was quelled by Bouillé. Of the survivors

of the Regiment of Château-Vieux, twenty-three were hanged,

and forty-one sent to the galleys. These galley-slaves were

subsequently released; a _fête_ in their honour was decreed by

the Assembly; their chains hung up as trophies in the Jacobin

Club at Brest, and the men carried through Paris in triumph on

April 15, 1792.

[190] The meeting of the King Frederick William of Prussia and

the Emperor Leopold of Austria at Pilnitz in 1791, excited the

greatest interest in Europe. It was supposed at the time that the

second partition of Poland was there concerted. But no definite

declaration in common seems to have been signed at that time

by the two sovereigns, except an engagement to make certain

representations to the French Government as to Louis XVI., the

Monarchy, and the restoration of property to the _émigrés_, and

to invite an European concert for the purpose of enforcing these

representations.

579.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

[Incomplete in original.]

The increase of Mi Ladi's woman, and apprehensions thereon, made it

necessary to shorten my visits. You have heard of the little accident

on board the Packet. You know dear Puff has a great dislike to cats.

About midnight, midway between France and England, an hideous noise

like that of a cat in the act of being strangled was heard. Puff

barked and was furious. I looked out of my den, and beheld it was

an human kitten that proceeded from Mrs. Maynard who was prostrate

on the floor. My Lady also incumbent there. Maria contemplative and

Louisa astonished. Not a creature on board the Packet but ourselves

and the crew. We never know what we may come to, and above all we

should not have guessed that Mi Ladi was to become a mid-wife. The

mother and child could not have been better, (and have continued

so,) if all the obstetric Faculty of Paris and London had attended.

The mother was so well that she expressed the greatest anxiety to go

with us the day following above 80 miles across the country to this

place. We left her in good lodgings and in good care. The want of her

prevented the Ladies from passing two days at Lord Guilford's. We

found two letters from him at Dover and a dozen messages. I went and

had a pleasant dinner with him, and returned at night to the Ladies.

I must now come to the unpleasant part, your business. Immediately on

my return I wrote to Taylor about the £5000 mortgage. I have a letter

full of disappointment. The person to be paid off has accepted low

interest. He complains of being frequently thus treated. Don't bother

yourself. I still hope soon to settle the business.

I wrote you a long letter from Calais.

580.

_The Hon. Maria Holroyd to Edward Gibbon._

Sheffield Place, Nov. 13th, 1791.

It is with a mixture of satisfaction & regret, that I complete my

part of our engagement in writing this Letter. I find great pleasure

in being returned to dear, precious Sheffield, & in telling you so,

because I am sure you will be glad to hear we are safe and well;

but writing to you the last letter is like a second taking leave,

& tho' I have been near six weeks upon the journey from Lausanne,

that moment is still as fresh in my memory as it was the next day,

& the recollection of it as unpleasing. If I _dared_ I would ask to

be allowed to tell you we were alive, now & then when Papa & Mama

were in an idle mood, & to be allowed to _hope_ for an answer _once_

in _two_ or _three years_, in your own hand or not, as you thought

proper or found convenient.

[Sidenote: DISTRESSES UPON THE SEA.]

I was very glad Papa wrote a long letter from Calais, as his

information about things in general would be more interesting to you

than mine, as I suppose he gave you a full account of our route from

Brussells to Calais. I will only tell you that I was very much amused

at Antwerp, & that I _catch_ myself, now & then, _making believe_ to

know a good Picture from a bad one--having seen so many excellent

ones lately. We left Calais last Sunday at 9 in the morning, having

waited three days for a favorable wind, & at last in despair, set off

in a perfect Calm, which prolonged our passage 24 hours--which was

uncommonly tedious, & very bad luck, as our Passage from Brighton was

as tiresome in coming over. However to pass the time, or to diversify

the amusements of the Passage, which from the sickness of the Company

would have preserved some degree of sameness, Mrs. Maynard with

Mama's assistance, half way between Calais & Dover, presented the

cabbin boy with a _Sea Nymph_; which with its Mother are now _as well

as can be expected_, at Cap^n Sampson's house at Dover. I have heard

that Sailors, when they come from a voyage, find great pleasure in

talking of & recollecting Toils & Dangers past--such is our case;

for we have laughed very heartily here, at our Distresses upon the

Sea--which certainly at the time was no laughing matter.

We found the inhabitants of S. P. in excellent preservation & quite

rejoyced to see us returned--most of them, when we left England,

being convinced we should be all massacred by the National Assembly

in a very short time. I hope the quiet life of this place will soon

restore Mama's health & spirits, who desires her kindest remembrances

to you & those we love at Lausanne. Do not let anybody forget us, for

we forget nobody.

Ever much y^{rs},

M. T. HOLROYD.

581.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

Sheffield Place, 13th Dec., 1791.

My Lady is getting quite well. Bratts very fond of their Swiss Tour.

I have passed a week very pleasantly in London. King apparently

quite well. Lally a great favourite with Lord Loughborough. He

assisted at a copious dinner at Batt's, and said he never enjoyed

one more interesting. He saw Lord Guilford on his passage through

London, who was well pleased with him, as also is Douglas. Tell Mr.

Trevor good care will be taken of him. La Comtesse de Lally seems

to preserve a strict incognito. Lady Loughborough visits her. I

can only collect that she doth not appear to like to go out. It

is said, she has not confined her practices to Lally. Introduced

him to Burke, who says the said Lally persists in his errors, and

justifies all his mischievous conduct in the beginning, and the said

Burke is as ridiculous and as absurd as may be imagined.[191] I have

been presented to Cazalés (who resides with Burke), but I had not

an opportunity of seeing anything of him. England has supplied and

has been paid for 36,000 stand of arms for the Emigrants. The Corps

Diplomatique at London says that Spain has sent 5 millions of livres

to the Princes, and Portugal 4 millions--Berlin 2 millions.

I have expectation of seeing Batt and Lally here at Christmas. Tell

Levade I have only just learned where to find his son-in-law. I hope

also to see him here. People begin to talk of 3½ per Cent. for

money.

[191] In his _Letter to a Member of the National Assembly_, dated

January 19, 1791 (_Works_ (1855), vol. ii. pp. 546, 547), Burke

spoke severely of Mounier and Lally. He took up the position of

a French aristocrat, and treated the English Constitution as

unsuited to France. Lally replied to him in his _Lettre au très

hon. Edm. Burke, membre du parlement d'Angleterre_ (June 20,

1791), and in his _Seconde lettre_ in 1792. In these letters he

defended the aims of the constitutional reformers in France.

582.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

Sheffield Place, 25th Dec., 1791.

I am obliged to write to you, otherwise it would not be proper,

because we are determined to starve you into a more decent

deportment; not a fragment from you except the medley to Maria.

She has been so zealous in your service, that she deserved more

notice. The obligation to write is that a pipe of Madeira (which has

travelled and is very good) is ordered to set out for Lausanne by the

same consignment and way as the last, _ergo_ you must give notice to

your correspondent at Basle, &c.

[Sidenote: MARRIAGE, BATTLE, FIRE, AND SCANDAL.]

Nothing extraordinary has occurred in this family since my last.

My Lady is better. We expect Batt to-morrow, probably Lally, and

also Mr. Levade's son-in-law, with whom I have corresponded. The

Duchess of York[192] almost smothered the French Revolution in this

country; Lord Cornwallis's operations[193] almost suppressed the

Duchess of York, and I daresay the Duke of Richmond's fire[194]

has afforded some relief to Lord Cornwallis. I should be happy to

furnish you with as much scandal as possible, but I know of no event

of the kind worth record, unless Lady Belmore's[195] trip to the

Continent incontinently with Lord Ancrum should be deemed so, and

Lady Tyrconnell's[196] Flight to Glamis Castle with Lord Strathmore.

These amiable women have left behind them grown daughters. May the

Mamas----

I have secured for you the famous Shakespear; Boydel[197] is

satisfied that I subscribed for two setts. It is by far the finest

book ever printed. I have your first number and 5 large and 5 small

prints in my possession, but I shall not send them--you must come for

them.

As you care nothing about the good of the nation, it is almost

unnecessary to mention that the gross produce of the Permanent

Revenue last year, including Land and Malt, amounted to £20,355,380

exclusive of fines, forfeitures, Taxes on Places, First Fruits,

&c., amounting to £125,476 and the profit of the Lottery. The Gross

Excise last year £9,054,850, encrease this year £1,200,000, of which

£800,000 are old and £400,000 new Duties. The British Shipping has

increased 318,522 tons since 1773. The whole tonnage of France is not

much more than a fourth more. Their tonnage in 1787 was little more

than a fifth of ours.

Lord Cornwallis[198] has been marching about in Tippoo's country

for six weeks to prove that it was not the monsoon that obliged

him to quit Seringapatam. Was it not a curious omission to have

neither a minister nor a spy in the Maratta Camp, and was it not

an extraordinary folly to risk an engagement for the purpose of

besieging Seringapatam 9 days before there was an absolute famine

in the English Camp? Abercrombie's cattle were all swept away by

Tippoo's General, and neither Abercrombie nor any of his officers

have a second coat or shirt.

We never had cavalry in an Indian Army before. It was the great

strength of this famous army. It is all ruined.

[192] On October 1, 1791, the Duke of York was married at Berlin

to the Princess Frederica of Prussia. On November 23 they were

remarried, at seven o'clock in the evening, at "the Queen's

house" in London.

[193] In India against Tippoo. See note at the end of the letter.

[194] Between 9 and 12 a.m. on December 21, 1791, the Duke of

Richmond's house in Privy Gardens, now called Whitehall Gardens,

was almost completely destroyed by fire.

[195] Henrietta, daughter of John, second Earl of Buckinghamshire

(born 1762), married, in 1780, Armar Corry, Earl of Belmore, from

whom she was divorced in 1792. She afterwards, April 16, 1793,

married William, Earl of Ancram.

[196] The Countess of Tyrconnel, the second wife of the Earl

of Tyrconnel, was the youngest daughter of Lord Delaval, and

therefore a niece of the notorious Sir Francis Delaval. Rumour

had coupled her name with that of the Duke of York (Wraxall's

_Posthumous Memoirs_, vol. iii. p. 192).

[197] John Boydell, in 1786, began to prepare his illustrated

edition of Shakespeare, and built a gallery in Pall Mall for the

exhibition of the pictures painted for the work. The work was

published in eighteen parts, of which the first appeared in 1791,

and the whole was completed in 1802.

[198] The third Mysore war began with the invasion of the

protected district of Travancore in 1789 by Tippoo, who laid

waste the Carnatic almost to the gates of Madras. The war lasted

for three years. Lord Cornwallis, in April and May, 1791,

advanced from Bangalore to Seringapatam, and drove Tippoo's

army before him into the capital (May 15). General Abercromby,

advancing towards the same point from the west, reached

Periapatnam. But, owing to the difficulty of crossing the swollen

Cavery, the two forces could not unite. A few days later, the

heavy rains and want of provisions compelled Cornwallis (May

26) to retire, leaving the greater part of his heavy artillery.

At the same time Abercromby retreated to Tellicherry on the

east coast. Near Bangalore, Cornwallis unexpectedly encountered

the Mahratta horse advancing to his assistance. In the autumn

and winter months many hill-forts were reduced on the road to

Seringapatam, and on February 5, 1792, Cornwallis once more

arrived before its walls. Tippoo, on March 18, 1792, signed a

peace by which he surrendered half his territories, paid a war

indemnity, and gave up two of his sons as hostages for the due

performance of the treaty.

583.

_To Lord Sheffield._

Lausanne, December 28th, 1791.

[Sidenote: THE DEMON OF PROCRASTINATION.]

Private Letters of Edward Gibbon (1753-1794) Volume 2 (of 2) · 第 25 / 41 段