BATTLE OF LITTLE BIG HORN. The Dead Sioux.]
One band of soldiers was in rear of the Sioux. When this band
of soldiers charged, the Sioux fell back, and the Sioux and the
soldiers stood facing each other. Then all the Sioux became brave
and charged the soldiers. The Sioux went but a short distance before
they separated and surrounded the soldiers. I could see the officers
riding in front of the soldiers and hear them shouting. Now the
Sioux had many killed. [Pls. XLIV and XLV show the dead Sioux.]
The soldiers killed 136 and wounded 160 Sioux. The Sioux killed all
these different soldiers in the ravine. [Pl. XLVI shows the dead
cavalry of Custer’s battalion.]
[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVI
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIG HORN. Custer’s Dead Cavalry.]
The soldiers charged the Sioux camp farthest up the river. A
short time after the different soldiers charged the village below.
While the different soldiers and Sioux were fighting together the
Sioux chief said, “Sioux men, go watch the soldiers on the hill and
prevent their joining the different soldiers.” The Sioux men took
the clothing off the dead and dressed themselves in it. Among the
soldiers were white men who were not soldiers. The Sioux dressed in
the soldiers’ and white men’s clothing fought the soldiers on the
hill.
The banks of the Little Bighorn river were high, and the Sioux
killed many of the soldiers while crossing. The soldiers on the hill
dug up the ground [i. e., made earthworks], and the soldiers and
Sioux fought at long range, sometimes the Sioux charging close up.
The fight continued at long range until a Sioux man saw the walking
soldiers coming. When the walking soldiers came near the Sioux
became afraid and ran away. [Pls. XLVII and XLVIII show the Indians
leaving the battle ground.]
[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVII
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. INDIANS LEAVING BATTLE GROUND.]
[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVIII
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIG HORN. Indians Leaving Battle Ground.]
SECTION 3.
RECORD OF MIGRATION.
[Illustration: FIG. 796.--Record of Ojibwa migration.]
Fig. 796 is a pictorial account of the migrations of the Ojibwa, being a
reduced copy of a drawing made by Sika'ssigĕ'. The account, especially
in its commencement, follows the rule of all ancient history in being
mixed with religion and myth. The otter was the messenger of Mi'nabō'zho
and led the Âni'shinabē'g, who were the old or original people, the
ancestors of the Ojibwa, and also of some other tribes which they knew,
from an island, which was the imagined center of the world as bounded by
the visible horizon, to the last seats of the tribe before interference
by Europeans. The details of the figure were thus explained by the
draftsman:
_a._ The circle signifies the earth’s surface, bounded by
the horizon, as before described, and the dot in the center is
the imagined island or original home of the human race. _b._
A line separating the history of the Midē'wiwin, that is, the
strictly religious tradition from that of the actual migration as
follows: When the Otter had offered four prayers, which fact is
referred to by the spot _c_, he disappeared beneath the surface
of the water and went toward the west, in which direction the
Âni'shinabég followed him, and located at Ottawa island, _d_.
Here they erected the Midē'wigân and lived for many years.
Then the Otter again disappeared beneath the water, and it a
short time reappeared at A'wiat'ang (_e_), when the Midē'wiwin
was again erected and the sacred rites conducted in accordance
with the teachings of Mi'nabō'zho. Afterwards an interrupted
migration was continued, the several resting places being given
below in their proper order, and at each of them the rites of the
Midē'wiwin were conducted in all their purity. The next place to
locate at was Mi'shenama'kinagung--Mackinaw (_f_); then Ne'mikung
(_g_); Kiwe'winang' (_h_); Bâ'wating--Sault Ste. Marie (_i_);
Tshiwi'towi' (_j_); Nega'wadjĕ'ŭ--Sand mountain (_k_), northern
shore of Lake Superior; Mi'nisa'wik [Mi'nisa'bikkăng]--Island of
Rocks (_l_); Kawa'sitshĭŭwongk'--Foaming rapids (_m_); Mush'kisi'wi
[Mash'kisi'bi]--Bad river (_n_); Sha'gawâ'mikongk--“Long sand
bar beneath the surface” (_o_); Wikwe'dâ^nwong'ga^n--Sandy bay
(_p_); Neâ'shiwĭkongk'--Cliff point (_q_); Neta-wa-ya-sink--Little
point of sand bar (_r_); Â^n'nibis--Little elm tree
(_s_); Wikup'bi^n-mi^nsh--Little island basswood (_t_);
Makubi^n'-mi^nsh--Bear island (_u_); Shage'skike'-dawan'ga
(_v_); Ne'wigwas'sikongk--The place where bark is peeled (_w_);
Ta'pakwe'-ĭkak [Sa'apakwe'shkwa'okongk]--The place where lodge-bark
is obtained (_x_); Ne'uwesak'kudĕze'bi [Ne'wisak'udĕsi'bi]--Point
dead wood timber river (_y_); A^nibi'kanzi'bĭ [modern name
Ashkiba'gisi'bĭ] rendered by different authorities both as Fish
Spawn river, and “Green Leaf river” (_z_).
This locality is described as being at Sandy lake, Minnesota,
where the Otter appeared for the last time, and where the Midē'wigân
was finally established. The Ojibwa say that they have dispersed
in bands from La Pointe, as well as from Sandy lake, over various
portions of Minnesota and into Wisconsin, which final separation
into distinct bodies has been the chief cause of the gradual changes
found to exist in the ceremonies of the Midē'wiwin.
Reference may be made to a highly interesting record of migration in
Kingsborough, Codex Boturini, being a facsimile of an original Mexican
hieroglyphic painting from the collection of Boturini, in twenty-three
plates.
SECTION 4.
RECORD OF NOTABLE EVENTS.
In this group are presented some figures from the Dakota Winter Counts,
which record events of tribal or intertribal importance not included
under other heads.
[Illustration: FIG. 797.--Origin of Brulé Dakota.]
Fig 797.--The-people-were-burnt winter. Battiste Good’s Winter Count
1762-’63. He explains the origin of the title “Brulé” Dakota as follows:
Some of the Dakotas were living east of their present country, when a
prairie fire destroyed their entire village. Many of their children
and a man and his wife, who were on foot some distance away from the
village, were burned to death. Many of their horses were also burned to
death. All the people that could get to a long lake which was near by
saved themselves by jumping into it. Many of these were badly burned
about the thighs and legs, and this circumstance gave rise to the name,
si-can-gu, translated properly in to English as Burnt Thigh and by the
French abbreviated as Brulé, by which latter name they have since been
generally known.
[Illustration: FIG. 798.--Kiyuksas.]
Fig. 798.--The Oglalas engaged in a drunken brawl, which resulted in
a division of the tribe, the Kiyuksas (Cut-Offs) separating from the
others. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1841-’42.
[Illustration: FIG. 799.--First coming of traders.]
Fig. 799.--Nine white men came to trade with the Dakotas.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1800-’01.
The hatted head stands for a white man and also indicates that the eight
dots over it are for white men. According to this count the first whites
came in 1794-’95, and the party now depicted succeeded them and were the
first traders.
[Illustration: FIG. 800.--First coming of traders.]
Fig. 800.--The Good-White-Man came. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count,
1800-’01.
He was the first white man to trade and live with that division of the
Dakotas of which Cloud-Shield’s chart gives the early records.
[Illustration: FIG. 801.--First coming of traders.]
Fig. 801.--A trader brought the Dakotas their first guns. Cloud-Shield’s
Winter Count, 1801-’02.
[Illustration: FIG. 802.--First coming of traders.]
Fig. 802.--The Dakotas saw wagons for the first time. Red-Lake, a white
trader, brought his goods in them. American-Horse’s Winter Count,
1830-’31.
The earliest traders came by the river, in boats.
[Illustration: FIG. 803.--Boy scalped.]
Fig. 803.--Some Crows came to the Dakota camp and scalped a boy.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1862-’63.
This is represented also in the next figure.
[Illustration: FIG. 804.--Boy scalped alive.]
Fig. 804.--The Crows scalped an Oglala boy alive. American-Horse’s
Winter Count, 1862-’63.
This unusually cruel outrage renewed the violence of warfare between
Dakota and Absaroka.
[Illustration: FIG. 805.--Horses killed.]
Fig. 805.--All of Standing Bull’s horses were killed. Cloud-Shield’s
Winter Count, 1832-’33.
Hoof-prints, blood-stains, and arrows are shown under the horse. It may
be remarked with regard to the name-device for Standing-Bull, that the
quadruped can stand on two legs, but cannot run or even walk with that
limitation, so that the exhibition of two legs only may properly signify
standing, though for convenience the fore legs are depicted.
[Illustration: FIG. 806.--Annuities received.]
Fig. 806.--They received their first annuities at the mouth of Horse
creek. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1851-’52.
A one-point blanket is depicted and denotes dry goods. It is surrounded
by a circle of marks which represent the people.
[Illustration: FIG. 807.--Annuities received.]
Fig. 807.--Many goods were issued to the Dakotas at Fort Laramie.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1851-’52.
The goods were the first they received from the United States
Government. The blanket which is represented stands for the whole issue.
White-Cow-Killer calls it
“Large-issue-of-goods-on-the-Platte-river-winter.”
This is a more conventionalized form of the preceding figure.
[Illustration: FIG. 808.--Annuities received.]
Fig. 808.--The Dakotas received annuities at Raw-Hide Butte.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1856-’57.
The house and the blanket represent the agency and the goods.
[Illustration: FIG. 809.--Mexican blankets bought.]
Fig. 809.--The Dakotas bought Mexican blankets of John Richard, who
bought many wagon-loads of the Mexicans. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count,
1858-’59.
[Illustration: FIG. 810.--Wagon Captured.]
Fig. 810.--They captured a train of wagons near Tongue river. The men
who were with it got away. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1867-’68.
The blanket protruding from the front of the wagon represents the goods
found in the wagons.
[Illustration: FIG. 811.--Clerk killed.]
Fig. 811.--The Oglalas killed the Indian agent’s (Seville’s) clerk
inside the stockade of the Red Cloud agency at Fort Robinson, Nebraska.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1873-’74.
[Illustration: FIG. 812.--Flag staff cut down.]
Fig. 812.--The Oglalas at the Red Cloud agency, near Fort Robinson,
Nebraska, cut to pieces the flagstaff which had been cut and hauled
by order of their agent, but which they would not allow him to
erect, as they did not wish to have a flag flying over their agency.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1874-’75.
This was in 1874. The flag which the agent intended to hoist was lately
at the Pine ridge agency, Dakota.
[Illustration: FIG. 813.--Horses taken.]
Fig. 813.--Horses taken by United States government. The Flame’s Winter
Count, 1876-’77.
This figure refers to the action of the military authorities of the
United States toward the Indian tribes which had been connected with
or suspected of favoring the outbreak which resulted in the defeat of
the force under Gen. Custer. A body of troops swept the reservations on
the Missouri river and took away all the ponies of the tribes, thereby
depriving them of their means of transportation for hostile purposes.
The hatted man with a star above his head is the brigadier-general in
command of the United States forces. The hoof prints without marks of
horseshoes indicate the Indian ponies as usual. The black blurs among
them probably refer to the considerable number of the ponies that fell
and died before they reached Bismark and other points of sale to which
they were driven. It was promised that the amount realized from the sale
of the drove should be returned to the owners, but the latter received
little.
CHAPTER XVII.
BIOGRAPHY.
Pictographs under this head may be grouped as: 1st. Continuous record
of events in life. 2d. Particular exploits or events. Pictographs of
both of these descriptions are very common. An excellent collection is
published in the George Catlin Indian Gallery in the U. S. National
Museum, with memoir and statistics by Thomas Donaldson, a part of the
Smithsonian Report for 1885, Pls. 100 to 110.
SECTION 1.
CONTINUOUS RECORD OF EVENTS IN LIFE.
An authentic and distinct example of a continuous record is the
following “autobiography,” which was prepared at Grand River, Dakota, in
1873, in a series of eleven drawings, by Running-Antelope, chief of the
Uncpapa Dakotas. Seven of these, regarded as of most interest, are now
presented. The sketches were painted in water colors and were made for
Dr. W. J. Hoffman, to whom the following interpretations were given by
the artist.
The record comprises the most important events in the life of
Running-Antelope as a warrior. Although frequently more than one person
is represented as slain, it is not to be inferred that all included in
the same figure were killed at one time unless it is so specified, but
that thus they were severally the victims of one expedition, of which
the warrior was a member or leader. The bird (_Falco cooperi?_) upon
the shield always borne by him, refers to the clan or band totem, while
the antelope always drawn beneath the horses, in the act of running,
identifies his personal name.
[Illustration: FIG. 814.--Killed two Arikara.]
Fig. 814.--Killed two Arikara Indians in one day. The lance held in
the hand, thrusting at the foremost of the enemy, signifies that
Running-Antelope killed him with that weapon; the left-hand figure was
shot, as is shown by the discharging gun, and afterwards struck with the
lance. This occurred in 1853.
[Illustration: FIG. 815.--Shot and scalped an Arikara.]
Fig. 815.--Shot and scalped an Arikara Indian in 1853. It appears that
the Arikara attempted to inform Running-Antelope of his being unarmed,
as the right hand is thrown outward with distended fingers, in imitation
of making the gesture for _negation, having nothing_.
[Illustration: FIG. 816.--Killed ten men and three women.]
Fig. 816.--Killed ten men and three squaws in 1856. The grouping of
persons strongly resembles the ancient Egyptian method of drawing.
[Illustration: FIG. 817.--Killed two chiefs.]
Fig. 817.--Killed two Arikara chiefs in 1856. Their rank is shown by the
appendages to the sleeve and coat, which are made of white weasel skins.
The arrow in the left thigh of the victor shows that he was wounded. The
scars remained distinct upon the thigh of Running-Antelope, showing that
the arrow had passed through it.
[Illustration: FIG. 818.--Killed one Arikara.]
Fig. 818.--Killed one Arikara in 1857. Striking the enemy with a bow is
considered the greatest insult that can be offered. See for a similar
concept among the eastern Algonquians (Leland, _b_). The act entitles
the warrior to count one _coup_ when relating his exploits in the
council chamber.
[Illustration: FIG. 819.--Killed two Arikara hunters.]
Fig. 819.--Killed two Arikara hunters in 1859. Both were shot, as is
indicated by the figure of a gun in contact with each Indian. The
cluster of lines drawn across the body of each victim represents the
discharge of the gun, and shows where the ball took effect. The upper
one of the two figures was in the act of shooting an arrow when he was
killed.
[Illustration: FIG. 820.--Killed five Arikara.]
Fig. 820.--Killed five Arikara in one day in 1863. The dotted line
indicates the trail which Running-Antelope followed, and when the
Indians discovered that they were pursued, they took shelter in an
isolated copse of shrubbery, where they were killed at leisure. The
five guns within the inclosure represent the five persons armed.
The Arikara are nearly always delineated in these pictures wearing the
topknot of hair, a fashion specially prevalent among the Absaroka,
though as the latter were the most inveterate enemies of the Sioux, and
as the word Palláni for Arikara is applied to all enemies, the Crow
custom may have been depicted as a generic mark.
Wiener (_e_) gives the following account of the tablet found at
Mansiche, reproduced as Fig. 821, one-fifth actual size:
[Illustration: FIG. 821.--Peruvian biography.]
It gives all the descriptive elements of the life of the
deceased; in fact his biography. He was a chieftain of royal blood
(vide the red planache with five double plumes). He commanded an
entire tribe. He had a military command (_v._ the mace which he
holds in his right hand). He had taken part in three battles (_v._
the three arms which three times proved his strength). He was a
judge in his district (_v._ the sign of the speaking-trumpet in the
center). He had under him four judges (_v._ the four signs of the
speaking-trumpet in the corners). He had during his administration
irrigated the country (_v._ the designs which surround the
painting); and he had constructed great buildings (_v._ the checkers
surrounding the meanders). He had busied himself besides all that in
the raising of cattle (_v._ the indications of llamas). He had lived
42 years (_v._ the blocks, which indicate years, just as the rings
indicate the age of trees). He had had five children, three sons and
two daughters (indicated by the little drops of sperm). Such is the
life of this person, written by ideography on a tablet, which at
first would be taken as a fantasy of an infant painter.
SECTION 2.
PARTICULAR EXPLOITS OR EVENTS.
[Illustration: FIG. 822.--Hunting record. Iroquois.]
In the Doc. Hist. N. Y. (_b_) is an illustration, presented here as Fig.
822, of an Iroquois “returning from hunting, who has slept two nights on
the hunting ground and killed three does; for when they are bucks they
add their antlers.”
From the same volume, page 9, the following extract is made, describing
Fig. 823:
[Illustration: FIG. 823.--Martial exploits. Iroquois.]
_b._ This is the way they mark when they have been to war,
and when there is a bar extending from one mark to the other it
signifies that, after having been in battle, he did not come back to
his village, and that he returned with other parties whom he met or
formed.
_c._ This arrow, which is broken, denotes that they were wounded
in this expedition.
_d._ Thus they denote that the belts which they gave to raise a
war party and to avenge the death of some one, belonging to them or
to some of the same tribe.
_e._ He has gone back to fight without having entered his
village.
_f._ A man whom he killed on the field of battle, who had a bow
and arrow.
_g._ These are two men, whom he took prisoners, one of whom had
a hatchet and the other a gun in his hand.
_gg._ This is a woman who is designated only by a species of
waistcloth.
Fig. 824 is taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the year
1853-’54.
He calls the year Cross-Bear-died-on-the-hunt winter.
[Illustration: FIG. 824.--Cross-Bear’s death.]
The character on the extreme left hand is a “travail,” and means they
moved; the buffalo, to hunt buffalo; the bear with mouth open and
paw advanced, cross-bear. The involute character frequently repeated
in Battiste’s record signifies pain in the stomach and intestines,
resulting in death. In this group of characters there is not only
the brief story, an obituary notice, but an ideographic mark for a
particular kind of death, a noticeable name-totem, and a presentation of
the Siouan mode of transportation.
The word “travail” may require explanation. It refers to the peculiar
sledge which is used by many tribes of Indians for the purpose of
transportation. It is used on the surface of the ground when not covered
with snow even more than when snow prevails. In print the word is more
generally found in the plural, where it is spelled “travaux” and
sometimes “travois.” The etymology of this word has been the subject
of much discussion. It is probably one of the words which descended in
corrupted form from the language of the Canadian voyageurs, and was
originally the French word “traineau,” with its meaning of sledge.
The corrupt form “travail” was retained by English speakers from its
connection with the sound of the word “travel.”
Fig. 825 is taken from a roll of birch bark, known to be more than
seventy years old, obtained in 1882 from the Ojibwa Indians at Red
Lake, Minnesota. The interpretation was given by an Indian from that
reservation, although he did not know the author nor the history of
the record. With one exception, all of the characters were understood
and interpreted to Dr. Hoffman, in 1883, by Ottawa Indians at Harbor
Springs, Michigan.
[Illustration: FIG. 825.--A dangerous trading trip.]
_a_ represents the Indian who visited a country supposed to have been
near one of the great lakes. He has a scalp in his hand which he
obtained from the head of an enemy, after having killed him. The line
from the head to the small circle denotes the name of the person, and
the line from the mouth to the same circle signifies (in the Dakota
method), “That is it,” having reference to proper names.
_b_, the enemy killed. He was a man who held a position of some
consequence in his tribe, as is indicated by the horns, marks used
by the Ojibwas among themselves for shaman, wabeno, etc. It has been
suggested that the object held in the hand of this figure is a rattle,
though the Indians, to whom the record was submitted for examination,
are in doubt, the character being indistinct.
_c_, three disks connected by short lines signify, in the present
instance, three nights, i. e., three black suns. Three days from home
was the distance the Indian _a_ traveled to reach the country for which
he started.
_d_ represents a shell, and denotes the primary object of the journey.
Shells were needed for making ornaments and to trade, and traffic
between members of the different and even distant tribes was common,
although attended with danger.
_e_, two parallel lines are here inserted to mark the end of the present
record and the beginning of another.
The following narrative of personal exploit was given to Dr. W. J.
Hoffman by “Pete,” a Shoshoni chief, during a visit of the latter to
Washington, in 1880. The sketch, Fig. 826, was drawn by the narrator,
who also gave the following explanation of the characters:
[Illustration: FIG. 826.--Shoshoni raid for horses.]
_a_, Pete, a Shoshoni chief; _b_, a Nez Percés Indian, one of the party
from whom the horses were stampeded, and who wounded Pete in the side
with an arrow; _c_, hoof-marks, showing course of stampede; _d_, lance,
which was captured from the Nez Percés; _e_, _e_, _e_, saddles captured;
_f_, bridle captured; _g_, lariat captured; _h_, saddle-blanket
captured; _i_, body-blanket captured; _j_, pair of leggings captured;
_k_, three single legs of leggings captured.
The figures in the following group represent some of the particular
exploits and events in life which have been considered by the recorders
of the Winter Counts of the Dakotas to be specially worthy of note:
[Illustration: FIG. 827.--Life risked for water.]
Fig. 827.--While surrounded by the enemy (Mandans) a Blackfeet Dakota
Indian goes at the risk of his life for water for the party. The-Flame’s
Winter Count, 1795-’96. The interpreter stated that this was near the
present Cheyenne agency, Dakota. In the original character there is a
bloody wound at the shoulder, showing that the heroic Indian was
wounded. He is shown bearing a water vessel.
[Illustration: FIG. 828.--Runs by the enemy.]
Fig. 828.--Runs-by-the-Enemy. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure suggests a
feat of special courage and fleetness in making a circuit of a hostile
force.
[Illustration: FIG. 829.--Runs around.]
Fig. 829.--Runs-Around. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure seems to
indicate a warrior surrounded and shot at by a number of enemies, who
yet escapes by his swiftness.
[Illustration: FIG. 830.--Goes through the camp.]
Fig. 830.--Goes-through-the-Camp. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure notes
the successful passage of a spy through the enemy’s camp.
[Illustration: FIG. 831.--Cut through.]
Fig. 831.--Cut-Through. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here a footman cuts his way
through a line of hostile horsemen.
[Illustration: FIG. 832.--Killed in tipi.]
Fig. 832.--Paints-His-Face-Red, a Dakota, was killed in his tipi by the
Pawnees. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1837-’38. The right to paint the
face red was sometimes gained by providing the ceremonial requirements
for a commemoration of the dead, which were very expensive. There are
two facts depicted by the figure. The man and his tipi are surrounded by
a ring of enemies, who are shooting him, and, touched by the upper part
of the ring, is the bottom of another and more minute tipi, marked with
the sign of a fatal shot.
[Illustration: FIG. 833.--Killed in tipi.]
Fig. 833.--Paints-His-Cheeks-Red and his family, who were camping by
themselves, were killed by Pawnees. American-Horse’s Winter Count,
1837-’38. This character tells the same story as the one preceding, but
is more conventional.
[Illustration: FIG. 834.--Took the warpath.]
Fig. 834.--Spotted-Horse carried the pipe around and took the
warpath against the Pawnees to avenge the death of his uncle,
Paints-His-Cheeks-Red. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1838-’39. This
figure is the sequel to those immediately preceding.
[Illustration: FIG. 835.--White-Bull killed.]
Fig. 835.--White-Bull and many others were killed in a fight with the
Shoshoni. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1845-’46. This warrior seems to
have lost more than the normal quantity of scalp.
[Illustration: FIG. 836.--Brave-Bear killed.]
Fig. 836.--Brave-Bear was killed in a quarrel over a calf.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1854-’55. He was killed by enemies; hence
his scalp is gone.
[Illustration: FIG. 837.--Brave-Man killed.]
Fig. 837.--The-Brave-Man was killed in a great fight. Cloud-Shield’s
Winter Count, 1817-’18. The fight is shown by the arrows flying to and
from him. He is also scalped.
[Illustration: FIG. 838.--Crazy-Horse killed.]
Fig. 838.--A soldier ran a bayonet into Crazy-Horse and killed
him. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1877-’78. This was done in the
guard-house at Fort Robinson, Nebraska, September 5, 1877. The horse
in this instance does not distinctly exhibit the wavy lines shown
in several other representations of the chief which appear among
the illustrations of this paper. This omission is doubtless due to
carelessness of the Indian artist.
[Illustration: FIG. 839.--Killed for whipping wife.]
Fig. 839.--Striped-Face stabbed and killed his daughter’s husband for
whipping his wife. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1829-’30.
[Illustration: FIG. 840.--Killed for whipping wife.]
Fig. 840.--Spotted-Face stabs his daughter’s husband for whipping his
wife. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1829-’30. This is another form of the
preceding figure.
[Illustration: FIG. 841.]
Fig. 841.--Kaglala-kutepi, Shot-Close. The Oglala Roster. This may refer
to an incident in the warrior’s life in which he had a narrow escape,
or may, on the other hand, refer to his stealing upon and shooting from
near by at an enemy. The design, as often occurs, allows of double
interpretation. The close shooting is not accurate markmanship, but
with proximity as suggested by the arrow touching the head while still
near the bow. This figure may receive some interpretation from the one
following.
[Illustration: FIG. 842.]
Fig. 842.--The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1835-’36. A Minneconjou chief named
Lame-Deer shot an Assiniboin three times with the same arrow. He kept so
close to his enemy that he never let the arrow slip away from the bow
but pulled it out and shot it in again.
[Illustration: FIG. 843.--Lean-Wolf’s exploits.]
Fig. 843 consists of two stories pictured by Lean-Wolf, a Hidatsa chief,
showing the attack made by Sioux Indians in search of horses and the
result of the raid. In the upper figure, at the left end, is shown the
Sioux camp from which the trail of the horse thieves extends to near
the camp of the Hidatsa, at Fort Berthold, North Dakota. This village
is indicated by the circular dirt lodges within a square inclosure.
The Sioux captured some Indian horses and rode away, as indicated by
the prints of horse hoofs. A series of short lines from the Hidatsa
village indicates that Lean-Wolf and his companions followed on foot,
subsequently overtaking the Sioux, killing one and taking his scalp.
The scalp is shown above the figure of the human head, while the weapon
with which he struck the Sioux is also shown. This is the war club. The
lower division of the figure is similar to the upper. In the pursuit
of the Sioux, who had come to Fort Berthold on another occasion to
steal horses, Lean-Wolf assisted in capturing and killing three of the
marauders. In the left-hand group of the three human heads he is shown
to have killed an enemy; in the second he was the third to strike a
Sioux after he was shot, but took his scalp, and in the third, or right
hand, he was the fourth to strike the fallen enemy.
[Illustration: FIG. 844.--Record of hunt. Alaska.]
A record on ivory shown as Fig. 844 was obtained by Dr. Hoffman in San
Francisco, California, in 1882, and was interpreted to him by an Alaskan
native. The story represents the success of a hunt; the animals desired
are shown, as well as those which were secured.
The following is the explanation of the characters:
_a_, _b_, deer; _c_, porcupine; _d_, winter, or permanent, habitation.
The cross-piece resting upon two vertical poles constitutes the rack,
used for drying fish; _e_, one of the natives occupying the same lodge
with the recorder; _f_, the hunter whose exploits are narrated; _g_,
_h_, _i_, beavers; _j_, _k_, _l_, _m_, _n_, martens; _o_, a weasel,
according to the interpretation, although there are no specific
characters to identify it as different from the preceding; _p_, land
otter; _q_, a bear; _r_, a fox; _s_, a walrus; _t_, a seal; _u_, a wolf.
By comparing the illustration with the text it will be observed that all
the animals secured are turned toward the house of the speaker, while
the heads of those animals desired, but not obtained, are turned away
from it.
The following is the text in the Kiatéxamut dialect of the Innuit
language as dictated by the Alaskan, with his own literal translation
into English:
Huí-nu-ná-ga |huí-pu-qtú-a| pi-cú-qu-lú-a| mus'-qu-lí-qnut.|Pa-mú-qtu-līt'
I, (from) my place.|I went | hunting | (for) skins. |martens
(settlement.) | | | (animals)
ta-qí-mĕn,|a-mí-da-duk'|a-xla-luk',|á-qui-á-muk|pi-qú-a|a-xla-luk';
five, |weasel |one, |land otter |caught |one;
ku-qú-lu-hú-nu-mŭk'|a-xla-luk',|tun'-du-muk|tú-gu-qlí-u-gú|me-lú-ga-nuk',
wolf |one, |deer |(I) killed |two,
pé-luk |pi-naí-u-nuk,|nú-nuk |pit'-qu-ní, |ma-klak-muk'|pit'-qu-ní,
beaver |three, |porcupine|(I) caught none,|seal |(I) caught none,
a-cí-a-na-muk|pit'-qu-ni, |ua-qí-la-muk|pit'-qu-ní, |ta-gú-xa-muk|pit'-qu-ní.
walrus |(I) caught none,|fox |(I) caught none,|bear |(I) caught none.
CHAPTER XVIII.
IDEOGRAPHY.
The imagination is stimulated and developed by the sense of sight
more than by any other sense, perhaps more than by all of the other
senses combined. The American Indians, and probably all savages, are
remarkable for acute and critical vision, and also for their retentive
memory of what they have once seen. When significance is once attached
to an object seen, it will always be recalled, though often with false
deductions. Therefore, like deaf-mutes, who depend mainly on sight,
the American Indians have developed great facility in communicating
by signs, and also in expressing their ideas in pictures which are
ideographic though seldom artistic. This tendency has likewise affected
their spoken languages. Their terms express with wonderful particularity
the characters and relations of visible objects, and their speeches,
which are in a high degree metaphoric, become so by the figurative
presentation in words of such objects accompanied generally by imitative
signs for them, and often by their bodily exhibition.
The statement once made that the aboriginal languages of North America
are not capable of expressing abstract ideas is incorrect, but the
tendency to use tangible and visible forms for such ideas is apparent.
This practice was most marked in reference to religious subjects, which
were often presented under the veil of symbols, as has been the common
expedient of most peoples who have emerged from the very lowest known
stages of human culture, but have not attained the highest.
Many instances appear in this work in which pictures expressive of an
idea present more than mere portraitures of objects, which latter method
has been styled imitative or iconographic writing.
It is, however, impossible to classify with scientific precision the
pictured ideograms collected, for the reason that many of them occupy
intermediate points in any scheme that would be succinct enough to
be practically useful. In the arrangement of the present chapter the
division is made into: 1st. Abstract ideas expressed pictorially. 2d.
Signs, symbols, and emblems. 3d. Significance of colors. 4th. Gesture
and posture signs depicted. When any of the graphic representations of
ideas have become successful, i. e., commonly adopted, it soon becomes
more or less conventionalized. Chapter XIX is devoted specially to that
branch of the general subject.
SECTION 1.
ABSTRACT IDEAS EXPRESSED PICTORIALLY.
The first stage of picture-writing, as considered in the present
chapter, was the representation of a material object in such style or
connection as determined it not to be a mere portraiture of that object,
but figurative of some other object or person. This stage is abundantly
exhibited among the American Indians. Indeed, their personal and tribal
names thus objectively represented constitute the largest part of their
picture-writing so far thoroughly understood.
The second step was when a special quality or characteristic of an
object, generally an animal, became employed to express a general
quality, i. e., an abstract idea. It can be readily seen how, among
the Egyptians, a hawk with bright eye and lofty flight might be
selected to express divinity and royalty, and that the crocodile should
denote darkness, while a slightly further advance in metaphors made
the ostrich feather, from the equality of its filaments, typical of
truth. All peoples whose rulers used special objective designations of
their rank, made those objects the signs for power, whether they were
crowns or umbrellas, eagle feathers, or colored buttons. A horse meant
swiftness, a serpent life--or immortality when drawn as a circle--a
dog was watchfulness, and a rabbit was fecundity. It is evident from
examples given in the present paper that the American tribes at the
time of the Columbian discovery had entered upon this second step of
picture-writing, though with marked inequality between tribes and
regions in advance therein. None of them appear to have reached such
proficiency in the expression of connected ideas by picture, as is
shown in the sign-language existing among some of them, which may
be accounted for by its more frequent use required by the constant
meeting of many persons speaking different languages. There is no more
necessary connection between abstract ideas and sounds, the mere signs
of thought that strike the ear, than there is between the same ideas
and signs addressed only to the eye. The success and scope of either
mode of expression depends mainly upon the amount of its exercise, in
which oral language undoubtedly has surpassed both sign-language and
picture-writing.
The examples now following in this chapter are by no means all the
graphic representations of abstract ideas collected. Indeed many others
are contained in the work under other headings, but the following are
selected for grouping here with an attempt at order. In the popular
definition, or want of definition, some of them would be classed as
symbols.
AFTER.
[Illustration: FIG. 845.--Charge after.]
Fig. 845.--Charge after; Red-Cloud’s Census.
Here is suggested the order in a charge upon an enemy, apparently a
Crow. The concept is not the general charge of a number of warriors upon
the Crows, but the succession between themselves of the men who made
that charge. The person whose name is represented probably followed in
but did not lead some celebrated charge.
[Illustration: FIG. 846.--Killed after.]
Fig. 846.--John Richard shot and killed an Oglala named Yellow-Bear,
and the Oglalas killed Richard before he could get out of the lodge;
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1871-’72. This occurred in the spring of
1872. As the white man was killed after the Indian, he is placed behind
him in the figure. The bear’s head is shown.
_AGE--OLD AND YOUNG._
OLD.
[Illustration: FIG. 847.--Old-Horse.]
Fig. 847.--Old-Horse; Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the old age is shown by
the wrinkles and projecting lips.
[Illustration: FIG. 848.--Old-Mexican.]
Fig. 848.--Old-Mexican; Red-Cloud’s Census. The man in European dress is
bent and supported by a staff, thus depicting the gesture-sign mentioned
in connection with Fig. 994. The Dakota had probably received his name
from killing an aged Mexican.
YOUNG.
[Illustration: FIG. 849.--Young-Rabbit.]
Fig. 849.--Young-Rabbit, a Crow, was killed in battle by Red-Cloud.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1861-’62. Here the youth of the Rabbit is
expressed by diminutive size and short legs.
[Illustration: FIG. 850.--Bad-Boy.]
Fig. 850.--Bad-Boy. Red-Cloud’s Census. The boyhood is expressed by the
short hair and short scalp lock.
BAD.
[Illustration: FIG. 851.--Bad-Horn.]
Fig. 851.--Bad-Horn. Red-Cloud’s Census. The bad quality of the horn is
expressed by its decayed and broken condition and its distorted curve.
[Illustration: FIG. 852.--Bad-Face.]
Fig. 852.--Bad-Face, a Dakota, was shot in the face. Cloud-Shield’s
Winter Count, 1794-’95. The bad face may have been broken out with
blotches of disease before the shot, or the scars may have been the
result of the shot, which gave occasion for a new name, as is common.
The idea of “bad” is often expressed by an abnormality, especially one
which disfigures.
[Illustration: FIG. 853.--Bad. Ojibwa.]
Fig. 853, taken from Copway (_d_), represents “bad.” The concept appears
to be the preponderance of “below” to “above.”
BEFORE.
[Illustration: FIG. 854.--Got there first.]
Fig. 854.--Got there first. Red-Cloud’s Census. The figure portrays a
successful escape of an unmounted Indian from a chase by enemies on
horseback. The chased man gets home to his tipi before being overtaken
by his pursuers, whose horses’ tracks are shown.
BIG.
[Illustration: FIG. 855.--Big-Turnip.]
Fig. 855.--Big-Turnip. Red-Cloud’s Census. The plant is also known as
the navet de prairie. The large size of the specimen, as compared with
the human head, is apparent.
[Illustration: FIG. 856.--Big-Crow.]
Fig. 856.--A Minneconjou Dakota, named Big-Crow, was killed by the Crow
Indians. Swan’s Winter Count, 1859-’60. He had received his name from
killing a Crow Indian of unusual size. The bird is portrayed much larger
than similar objects in the Winter Count, from which it is taken.
[Illustration: FIG. 857.--Grasp.]
Fig. 857.--Grasp. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the indication of size and
strength of the hand is suggested by one hand growing out from another,
a species of duplication. To have drawn two distinct hands would only
have been normal and not suggestive of unusual power of grip.
[Illustration: FIG. 858.--Big-Hand.]
Fig. 858.--Big-Hand. From Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the fingers are
widely separated and displayed.
[Illustration: FIG. 859.--Big-Thunder.]
Fig. 859.--Big-Thunder. From Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the size or power
is suggested by implication. The double or two-voiced thunder is big
thunder.
[Illustration: FIG. 860.--Big-Voice.]
Fig. 860.--Big-Voice. From Red-Cloud’s Census. In this figure there are
still more voices than in the preceding.
CENTER.
[Illustration: FIG. 861.--Center-Feather.]
Fig. 861.--Upi-Yaslate. Center-Feather. The Oglala Roster. This is the
indication of a particular feather, i. e., the middle tail feather
of a bird, probably of an eagle, the tail feathers of which bird are
represented in many pictographs in this paper. There was some reason for
the selection of the center feather for the name, and to indicate the
center three feathers were depicted with a line touching the middle one.
DEAF.
[Illustration: FIG. 862.--Deaf-Woman.]
Fig. 862.--Wi-nugin-kpa, Deaf-Woman. The Oglala Roster. The ears
are covered by a line, i. e., are closed, and the ear most in view
is connected with the crown of the head, to show that the name is
expressed.
DIRECTION.
This title has been selected as being the most comprehensive one for the
five following figures. The first shows a moccasin with a serpentine
track, at the farthest end of which is an angular design, indicating
leadership as well as the direction taken. This suggests the leader of
a war party conducting his band over an uncertain trail. The second is
explanatory of the first. That the chief goes in front is indicated in
a manner the reverse of that which would appear in the designs common
in our military text-books. He is supposed to be in the opening in
the angle of the advance and not at its apex. The third figure shows
a steadfast leadership in the determined straight direction of attack
against the enemy. This is still more ideographically represented by the
single strong straight line showing that he “Don’t turn” in the fourth
figure of this group.
[Illustration: FIG. 863.--Direction.]
Fig. 863.--Warrior. Red-Cloud’s Census. The name does not give any idea
of the design.
[Illustration: FIG. 864.--Goes-in-Front.]
Fig. 864.--Goes-in-Front. Red-Cloud’s Census.
[Illustration: FIG. 865.--Don’t-turn.]
Fig. 865.--Don’t-turn. Red-Cloud’s Census. This means that the warrior
don’t--that is, won’t--turn from his direct course.
[Illustration: FIG. 866.--Don’t-turn.]
Fig. 866.--Don’t-turn. Red Cloud’s Census. This figure is a variant
of the last, and a body of mounted men following the leader, all on
horseback as shown by the lunules.
[Illustration: FIG. 867.--Returning Scout.]
Fig. 867.--Tunweya-gli, Returning-Scout. The Oglala Roster. The
returning is ingeniously represented by the line curving backward and
returning to the point of starting. The two balls above the head are
simply two fixed points, which establish the course of the line.
DISEASE.
[Illustration: FIG. 868.--Whooping cough.]
Fig. 868.--Many had the whooping cough. American-Horse’s Winter Count,
1813-’14. The cough is represented by the lines issuing from the man’s
mouth, but the characteristics of the disease are better expressed in
the three charts of the Lone-Dog system, Figs. 196, 197, and 198.
[Illustration: FIG. 869.--Measles.]
[Illustration: FIG. 870.--Measles or smallpox.]
Fig. 869.--All the Dakotas had measles, very fatal. Swan’s Winter Count,
1818-’19. Battiste Good says: “Smallpox-used-them-up-again winter.”
They, i. e., the Dakotas, at this time lived on the Little White river,
about 20 miles above the Rosebud agency. The character in Battiste
Good’s chart is presented here in Fig. 870 as a variant.
[Illustration: FIG. 871.--Ate buffalo and died.]
[Illustration: FIG. 872.--Died of “whistle.”]
Fig. 871.--Dakota war party ate a buffalo and all died. Swan’s
Winter Count, 1826-’27. Battiste Good calls the same year,
“Ate-a-whistle-and-died winter,” Fig. 872, and explains that six Dakotas
on the warpath had nearly perished with hunger, when they found and ate
the rotting carcass of an old buffalo, on which the wolves had been
feeding. They were seized soon after with pains in the stomach, their
bellies swelled, and gas poured from the mouth and the anus, and they
“died of a whistle,” or from eating a whistle. The sound of gas escaping
from the mouth is illustrated in the figure. The character on the
abdomen and on its right may be considered to be the ideograph for pain
in that part of the body.
[Illustration: FIG. 873.--Smallpox.]
Fig. 873.--Many people died of smallpox. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count,
1782-’83. The charts all record two successive winters of smallpox, but
American-Horse makes the first year of the epidemic one year later than
that of Battiste Good, and Cloud-Shield makes it two years later.
[Illustration: FIG. 874.--Smallpox.]
Fig. 874.--Many died of smallpox. American-Horse’s Winter Count,
1780-’81. Here the smallpox marks are on the face and neck of a Dakota,
as indicated by the arrangement of the hair.
[Illustration: FIG. 875.--Smallpox. Mexican.]
Kingsborough (_e_) explains Fig. 875 by these words in the text: “In
the year of Seven Rabbits, or in 1538, many of the people died of the
smallpox.” This may be compared with the two preceding figures.
[Illustration: FIG. 876.--Died of cramps.]
Fig. 876.--Many died of the cramps. American-Horse’s Winter Count,
1849-’50. The cramps were those of Asiatic cholera, which was epidemic
in the United States at that time, and was carried to the plains by
the California and Oregon emigrants. The position of the man is very
suggestive of cholera.
[Illustration: FIG. 877.--Died in childbirth.]
Fig. 877.--Many women died in childbirth. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count,
1798-’99.
[Illustration: FIG. 878.--Died in childbirth.]
Fig. 878.--Many women died in childbirth. American-Horse’s Winter Count,
1792-’93.
[Illustration: FIG. 879.--Sickness. Ojibwa.]
Fig. 879, from Copway (_e_), represents sickness. It evidently refers to
the loss of flesh consequent thereon. The sick man is a European.
[Illustration: FIG. 880.--Sickness. Chinese.]
Edkins (_a_) gives Fig. 880 as “sickness,” and calls it a picture of a
sick man leaning against a support. All words connected with diseases
are arranged under this head.
FAST.
The following figures clearly indicate rapidity of motion:
[Illustration: FIG. 881.--Fast-Horse.]
Fig. 881.--Fast-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census.
[Illustration: FIG. 882.--Fast-Elk.]
Fig. 882.--Fast-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census.
FEAR.
The following ideograms for the concept of fear show respectively an
elk, a bear, and a bull surrounded by a circle of hunters. It would seem
that the latter were supposed to be afraid to attack the animals when
at bay in hand-to-hand fight, but stood off in a circle until they had
killed the enraged beast, or at least wounded it sufficiently to allow
of approach without danger.
[Illustration: FIG. 883.--Afraid-of-Elk.]
Fig. 883.--Afraid-of-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census.
[Illustration: FIG. 884.--Afraid-of-Bull.]
Fig. 884.--Afraid-of-Bull. Red-Cloud’s Census.
[Illustration: FIG. 885.--Afraid-of-Bear.]
Fig. 885.--Afraid-of-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census.
[Illustration: FIG. 886.--The Bear-stops.]
Fig. 886.--Matokinajin, The-Bear-Stops. The Oglala Roster. The bear is
surrounded by a circle of hunters, so is forced to stop. This figure is
in no essential respect different from the one preceding, yet the name
is suggestive of the converse of the fact expressed. In this case the
bear is forced to stop, and doubtless fear is exhibited by that animal
and not his hunters. Each of the ideas is appropriately expressed, the
point of consideration being changed.
[Illustration: FIG. 887.]
Fig. 887 is taken from Copway, loc. cit. It probably represents “fear,”
the concept being the imagined sinking or depression of the heart and
vital organs, as is correspondingly expressed in several languages.
FRESHET.
This small group shows the Dakotan modes of portraying the freshets
of the rivers on the banks of which they lived, which were often
disastrous. Each of the three figures pictures differently the same
event.
[Illustration: FIG. 888.--River freshet.]
Fig. 888.--“Many-Yanktonais-drowned winter.” The river bottom on a bend
of the Missouri river, where they were encamped, was suddenly submerged,
when the ice broke and many women and children were drowned. Battiste
Good’s Winter Count 1825-’26.
[Illustration: FIG. 889.--River freshet.]
Fig. 889.--Many of the Dakotas were drowned in a flood caused by a
rise in the Missouri river, in a bend of which they were encamped.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1825-’26. The curved line is the bend in
the river; the waved line is the water, above which the tops of the
tipis are shown.
[Illustration: FIG. 890.--River freshet.]
Fig. 890.--Some of the Dakotas were living on the bottom lands of the
Missouri river, below the Whetstone, when the river, which was filled
with broken ice, rose and flooded their village. Many were drowned or
else killed by the floating ice. Many of those that escaped climbed on
cakes of ice or into trees. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1825-’26.
GOOD.
[Illustration: FIG. 891.--Good weasel.]
Fig. 891.--Good-Weasel. Red-Cloud’s Census. The character is represented
with two waving lines passing upward from the mouth in imitation of the
gesture sign, good talk, as made by passing two extended and separated
fingers (or all fingers separated) upward and forward from the mouth.
This gesture is made when referring either to a shaman or to a Christian
clergyman. It is connected with the idea of “mystic” frequently
mentioned in this work.
HIGH.
Various modes of delineating this idea are represented as follows:
[Illustration: FIG. 892.--Top-man.]
Fig. 892.--Top-man. Red-Cloud’s Census. This character for Top-man, or
more properly “man above,” is drawn a short distance above a curved
line, which represents the character for sky inverted. The gesture for
sky is sometimes made by passing the hand from east to west, describing
an arc. Other pictographs for sky are shown in Fig. 1117.
[Illustration: FIG. 893.--High-Cloud.]
Fig. 893.--High-Cloud. Red-Cloud’s Census. The light and horizontal
character of the cloud suggests that it is one of those classed by
meteorologists as belonging to the higher regions of the atmosphere.
This differs from all the varieties of clouds depicted in the Dakotan
system.
[Illustration: FIG. 894.--High-Bear.]
Fig. 894--High-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. The length of the line and the
animal’s stretch of attitude suggest the altitude.
[Illustration: FIG. 895.--High-Eagle.]
Fig. 895.--High-Eagle. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here there is an additional
suggestion of elevation from the upward angle or pointer delineated
below the eagle’s body and in front of its legs.
[Illustration: FIG. 896.--Wolf on height.]
Fig. 896.--Wolf-stands-on-a-hill. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the
following representation of the same name show variation in execution.
The first, which is faint, as if distant vertically, is connected with
a straight line. The second shows the hill, appearing from vertical
distance too small to be the support of the wolf, which requires an
imaginary support for its hind legs.
[Illustration: FIG. 897.--Wolf on height.]
Fig. 897.--Wolf-stands-on-hill. Red-Cloud’s Census.
LEAN.
In the five figures next following the leanness of the several animals
is objectively portrayed. In Fig. 903 the idea is conveyed of “nothing
inside.”
[Illustration: FIG. 898.--Lean-Skunk.]
Fig. 898.--Lean-Skunk. Red-Cloud’s Census.
[Illustration: FIG. 899.--Lean-Dog.]
Fig. 899.--Lean-Dog. Red-Cloud’s Census.
[Illustration: FIG. 900.--Lean-Bear.]
Fig. 900.--Lean-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. This bear being excessively
hungry is rendered ferocious by devouring unpalatable provender.
[Illustration: FIG. 901.--Lean-Elk.]
Fig. 901.--Lean-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census.
[Illustration: FIG. 902.--Lean-Bull.]
Fig. 902.--Lean-Bull. Red-Cloud’s Census.
[Illustration: FIG. 903.--Lean-Wolf.]
The original of Fig. 903 was made by Lean-Wolf, second chief of the
Hidatsa, in 1881, and represents the method which he had employed to
designate himself for many years past. During his boyhood he had another
name. This is a current, or perhaps it may be called cursive, form of
the name, which is given more elaborately in Fig. 548.
LITTLE.
[Illustration: FIG. 904.--Little-Ring.]
Fig. 904.--Little-Ring. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the six following
figures express smallness by their minute size relative to the other
characterizing figures among nearly three hundred in the census.
[Illustration: FIG. 905.--Little-Ring.]
Fig. 905.--Little-Ring. Red-Cloud’s Census.
[Illustration: FIG. 906.--Little-Crow.]
Fig. 906.--Little-Crow. Red-Cloud’s Census.
[Illustration: FIG. 907.--Little-Cloud.]
Fig. 907.--Little-Cloud. Red-Cloud’s Census.
[Illustration: FIG. 908.--Little-Dog.]
Fig. 908.--Little-Dog. Red-Cloud’s Census.
[Illustration: FIG. 909.--Little-Wolf.]
Fig. 909.--Little-Wolf. Red-Cloud’s Census.
[Illustration: FIG. 910.--Little-Bear.]
Fig. 910.--Little-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census.
[Illustration: FIG. 911.--Little-Elk.]
Fig. 911.--Little-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here there is an ideogram
explained by the sign-language for small, little, as follows:
Hold imaginary object between left thumb and index; point (carrying
right index close to tips) to the last. In the original appears a small
round spot over the back of the deer representing the imaginary point
made in the gesture.
[Illustration: FIG. 912.--Little-Beaver.]
Fig. 912.--Little-Beaver and three other white men came to trade.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1797-’98. In this figure the man is small
and the beaver abnormally large.
[Illustration: FIG. 913.--Little-Beaver.]
Fig. 913.--Little-Beaver’s trading house was burned down.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1808-’09. The beaver is not comparatively
so large as in the preceding figure, but still much too large for a
proper proportion with the human head. It is indicated that the man is
small.
[Illustration: FIG. 914.--Little-Beaver.]
Fig. 914.--Little-Beaver’s house was burned. Cloud-Shield’s Winter
Count, 1809-’10. White-Cow-Killer says, “Little-Beaver’s (the white man)
house-burned-down winter.” This is a third method of representing the
same name.
[Illustration: FIG. 915.--Little-Moon.]
Fig. 915.--Little-Moon. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure shows a phase of
the moon when the bright part of its disk is small.
LONE.
[Illustration: FIG. 916.--Lone-woman.]
Fig. 916.--Winyan-isnala, Lone-Woman. The Oglala Roster. It is possible
that the single straight line above the woman’s head shows unity,
loneliness, or independence, as it may be interpreted.
[Illustration: FIG. 917.--Lone-Bear.]
Fig. 917.--Lone-Bear was killed in battle. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count,
1866-’67. This figure is perhaps to be explained by the one preceding.
The bear is drawn sitting upright and solitary, not standing as it would
be with the device turned, feet to ground, as might be suspected to be
the intended attitude instead of that here shown.
MANY, MUCH.
In the two following figures the idea of “many” is conveyed by
repetition.
In the third, Fig. 920, the representation is that of a heap, for much.
[Illustration: FIG. 918.--Many-Shells.]
Fig. 918.--Many-Shells. Red Cloud’s Census.
[Illustration: FIG. 919.--Many deer.]
Fig. 919.--General Maynadier made peace with the Oglalas and Brulés.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1865-’66. The general’s name (the sound
of which resembles the words “many deer”) is indicated by the two deer
heads connected with his mouth by lines. The pictographers represented
his name in the same manner as they do their own. It is not an example
of rebus, but of misunderstanding the significance of the word as
spoken and heard by such Indians as had some knowledge of English. The
official interpreters would be likely to commit the error as they seldom
understand more than the colloquial English phrases.
[Illustration: FIG. 920.--Much snow.]
Fig. 920 is taken from the winter count of Battiste Good for the year
1841-’42. He calls the year “Pointer-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead
winter.” Also “Deep-snow winter.”
The extended index denotes the man’s name, “Pointer,” the circular line
and spots, deep snow.
The spots denoting snow occur also in other portions of this count, and
the circle, denoting much, is in Fig. 260 connected with a forked stick
and incloses a buffalo head to signify “much meat.” That the circle is
intended to signify much is made probable, by the fact that a gesture
for “much” is made by passing the hands upward from both sides and
together before the body, describing the upper half of a circle, i. e.,
showing a heap.
[Illustration: FIG. 921.-Great, much.]
Fig. 921, from Copway, gives the character meaning “great,” really
“much.” See the above mentioned gesture.
OBSCURE.
[Illustration: FIG. 922.--Ring-Cloud.]
Fig. 922.--Ring-Cloud. Red-Cloud’s Census. The semicircle for cloud
is the reverse in execution to that shown in Fig. 893. The ring is
partially surrounded by the cloud.
[Illustration: FIG. 923.--Cloud-Ring.]
Fig. 923.--Cloud-Ring. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the outline of the ring
is intentionally contorted and blurred, thus becoming obscure.
[Illustration: FIG. 924.--Fog.]
Fig. 924.--Fog. Red-Cloud’s Census. The obscurity here can only be
appreciated by comparison with the other figures of the chart. The
outline is drawn broad and with a blurred and in part double line, and
there is no distinguishing mark of identity, as if to suggest that the
man was so much obscured in the fog as not to be recognizable.
OPPOSITION.
The following two figures, 925 and 926, are introduced to show the
opposition in attitude, which would not be understood without knowledge
of the fact that these are perhaps the only instances in a collection
of nearly three hundred in which the characterizing faces are turned to
the right, all others being turned to the left. This shows the opposite
of normality, i. e., opposition, as suggested in each case, with a
different shade of meaning.
[Illustration: FIG. 925.--Kills-Back.]
Fig. 925.--Kills-Back. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the backward concept is
presented by the unusual attitude. The coup stick or lance is supposed
to be wielded in the reverse manner.
[Illustration: FIG. 926.--Keeps-the-Battle.]
Fig. 926.--Keeps-the-Battle. Red-Cloud’s Census. The concept is that of
stubborn retreat while fighting against the advancing foe.
[Illustration: FIG. 927.--Keeps-the-Battle.]
Fig. 927.--Keeps-the-Battle. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is the same name
as the preceding, but the opposition suggested is that which is usual
in pictographs of a battle, with the important addition of the opposed
arrow points being attached together by striking the same object, and
possibly being connected by an imaginary knot. This keeps or continues
the struggle.
[Illustration: FIG. 928.--His-Fight.]
Fig. 928.--Okicize-tawa, His-Fight. The Oglala Roster. The opposed guns
and tracks indicate the fight in which this warrior was conspicuous and
probably victorious. This figure is introduced here as typical of simple
opposition in battle.
[Illustration: FIG. 929.--River fight.]
Fig. 929.--Battiste Good’s Winter Count, 1836-’37. An encounter is
represented between two tribes, separated by the banks of a river, from
which arrows are fired across the water at the opposing party. The
vertical lines represent the banks, while the opposing arrows denote a
fight or an encounter.
POSSESSION.
[Illustration: FIG. 930.--Owns the arrows.]
Fig. 930.--Owns-the-Arrows. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a common mode of
expressing possession by exhibition in hand.
[Illustration: FIG. 931.--Has something sharp.]
Fig. 931.--Pesto-yuha, Has-something-sharp (weapon). Oglala Roster. The
weapon or sharp utensil is held in front to denote its possession.
PRISONER.
This group shows the several modes of expressing the idea of a prisoner.
[Illustration: FIG. 932.--Prisoner. Dakota.]
Fig. 932.--The Ponkas attacked two lodges of Oglalas, killed some of
the people, and made the rest prisoners. The Oglalas went to the Ponka
village a short time afterward and took their people from the Ponkas.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1802-’03.
In the figure an Oglala has a prisoner by the arm leading him away. The
arrow indicates that they were ready to fight. The hand grasping the
fore arm is the ideogram of prisoner.
[Illustration: FIG. 933.--Takes enemy.]
Fig. 933.--Takes-Enemy. Red-Cloud’s Census. This man is represented
as not killed nor even wounded. He is touched by the coup stick or
feathered lance, when he can not escape, and becomes a prisoner.
Lafitau (_d_) gives the following account descriptive of Fig. 934, which
reminds of the classic Roman parade of prisoners in triumph:
[Illustration: FIG. 934.--Iroquois triumph.]
Those who have charge of the prisoners prepare them for this
ceremony, which is a sort of triumph, having for them something of
glory and of sorrow at the same time; for, whether it is desired
to do them honor or to enhance the triumph of the conquerors, they
paint their faces black and red as on a solemn feast day. Their
heads are decorated with a crown, embellished with feathers; in the
left hand is placed a white stick covered with swan skin, which
is a sort of commander’s baton or scepter, as if they represented
the chief of the nation [sic] or the nation itself which had been
vanquished; in the right hand is placed the rattle, and around the
neck of the most prominent of the slaves the wampum necklace which
the war chief has given or received when he raised the party and
on which the other warriors have sealed their engagement. But if
on one hand the prisoners are honored, on the other, to make them
feel their miserable situation, they are deprived of everything
else; so that they are left entirely naked and made to walk with the
arms tied behind the back above the elbow.
[Illustration: FIG. 935.--Prisoners. Dakota.]
Fig. 935 is taken from Mrs. Eastman (_d_), and shows a Dakota method of
recording the taking of prisoners. _a_ and _c_ are the prisoners, _a_
being a female as denoted by the presence of mammæ, and _c_ a male; _b_
is the person making the capture. It is to be noted that the prisoners
are without hands, to signify their helplessness.
In Doc. Hist. New York (_c_) is the following description of Fig. 936:
[Illustration: FIG. 936.--Prisoners. Iroquois.]
On their return, the Iroquois, if they have prisoners or scalps,
paint the animal of the tribe to which they belong rampant (debout),
with a staff on the shoulder along which are strung the scalps they
may have and in the same number. After the animal are the prisoners
they have made, with a chichicois (or gourd filled with beans which
rattle) in the right hand. If they be women, they represent them
with a cadenette or queue and a waistcloth.
_a._ This is a person returning from war who has taken a
prisoner, killed a man and woman, whose scalps hang from the end of
a stick that he carries. _b._ The prisoner. _c._ Chichicois (or a
gourd), which he holds in the hand. _d._ These are cords attached to
his neck, arms, and girdle. _e._ This is the scalp of a man; what is
joined on one side is the scalp-lock. _f._ This is the scalp of a
woman; they paint it with the hair thin.
[Illustration: FIG. 937.--Prisoners. Mexico.]
The expression prisoner and slave are often convertible. The following
from Kingsborough (_f_), explaining this illustration reproduced as Fig.
937, refers in terms to slavery. “The figures are those of the wife and
son of a cacique who rebelled against Montezuma, and who, having been
conquered, was strangled. The ‘collars’ upon their necks show that they
have been reduced to slavery.”
SHORT.
[Illustration: FIG. 938.--Short-Bull.]
Fig. 938.--Short-Bull. Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 16. The buffalo is
markedly short even to distortion.
SIGHT.
[Illustration: FIG. 939.--Sees-the-Enemy.]
Fig. 939.--Sees-the-Enemy. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this collection the
eye is not indicated except where that organ is directly connected with
the significance of the name. Here its mere presence suggests that
vision is the subject matter. But, in addition, the object above the
head is probably a hand mirror, which by its reflection is supposed to
“see” the objects reflected. The plains Indians make use of such mirrors
not only in their face painting but in flash signaling.
[Illustration: FIG. 940.--Crier.]
Fig. 940.--In a fight with the Mandans, Crier was shot in the head with
a gun. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1827-’28. This figure is introduced
to present another rare instance in which the eye is delineated. Here
the act is that of weeping.
[Illustration: FIG. 941.--Comes-in-Sight.]
Fig. 941.--Comes-in-Sight. Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 235. Distant objects,
probably buffalo or other animals of the chase, are observed coming into
the line of vision.
[Illustration: FIG. 942.--Bear-comes-out.]
Fig. 942.--Bear-comes-out. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the bear is supposed
to come into sight through a hole in the tipi.
[Illustration: FIG. 943.--Bear-comes-out.]
Fig. 943.--Bear-comes-out. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure is explained
by the one preceding. Only half of the bear--the fore part--is to
be seen as if emerging through some orifice. Heads and other parts
of animals are frequently portrayed as signifying the whole, by
synechdoche, but in this case the presentation of the head and
forequarters has special significance.
[Illustration: FIG. 944.]
Fig. 944.--Taken from Copway, p. 136, is the character which is employed
to represent “see.”
SLOW.
[Illustration: FIG. 945.--Slow-Bear.]
Fig. 945.--Slow-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this figure the bear seems
to be in backing or retrograde motion, which is slower than any normal
advance, and is therefore ideographically suggestive of slowness.
TALL.
[Illustration: FIG. 946.--Tall-Man.]
Fig. 946.--Tall-Man. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the five following
animal figures show length and individual height objectively.
[Illustration: FIG. 947.--Tall-White-Man.]
Fig. 947.--Wasicun-wankatuya, Tall-White-Man. The Oglala Roster. The hat
shows the man of European origin, but his figure is large in the face
and short in the legs; so not tall in a usual sense. He was probably
killed by the Oglala.
[Illustration: FIG. 948.--Tall-White-Man.]
Fig. 948.--Tall-White-Man. Red-Cloud’s Census. This expresses the height
much more graphically than the one preceding.
[Illustration: FIG. 949.--Long-Panther.]
Fig. 949.--Long-Panther. Red-Cloud’s Census.
[Illustration: FIG. 950.--Tall-Panther.]
Fig. 950.--Tall-Panther. Red-Cloud’s Census.
[Illustration: FIG. 951.--Tall-Bull.]
Fig. 951.--Tall-Bull was killed by white soldiers and Pawnees on the
south side of the South Platte river. American-Horse’s Winter Count,
1869-’70. The combined arrangement of the human head and the buffalo so
as to produce the effect of abnormal height in the latter is ingenious.
The plan of this chart did not allow of long lines above the head, so
the effect is attained by comparison of the standing buffalo with the
height of the man.
[Illustration: FIG. 952.--Tall-Pine.]
Fig. 952.--Tall-Pine. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this as in the two next
figures the length of the trunk of the tree is apparent.
[Illustration: FIG. 953.--Long-Pine.]
Fig. 953.--Long-Pine was killed in a fight with the Crows.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1879-’80. The absence of his scalp
denotes that he was killed by an enemy. The fatal wound was made with
the bow and arrow.
[Illustration: FIG. 954.--Long-Pine.]
Fig. 954.--Long-Pine, a Dakota, was killed by Dakotas, perhaps
accidentally or perhaps in a personal quarrel. Cloud-Shield’s Winter
Count, 1846-’47. He was not killed by a tribal enemy, as he has not lost
his scalp.
TRADE.
[Illustration: FIG. 955.--Trade.]
Fig. 955.--They were compelled to sell many mules and horses to enable
them to procure food, as they were in a starving condition. They
willingly gave a mule for a sack of flour. American-Horse’s Winter
Count, 1868-’69. The mule’s halter is connected with two sacks of flour.
[Illustration: FIG. 956.--Trade.]
Fig. 956 is taken from Prince Maximilian, of Wied’s (_h_) Travels. The
cross signifies, I will barter or trade. Three animals are drawn on the
right hand of the cross; one is a buffalo (probably albino); the two
others, a weasel (_Mustela Canadensis_) and an otter. The pictographer
offers in exchange for the skins of these animals the articles which
he has drawn on the left side of the cross. He has there, in the first
place, depicted a beaver very plainly, behind which there is a gun;
to the left of the beaver are thirty strokes, each ten separated by a
longer line; this means: I will give thirty beaver skins and a gun for
the skins of the three animals on the right hand of the cross.
The ideographic character of the design consists in the use of the
cross--being a drawing of the gesture-sign for “trade”--the arms being
interchanged in position. Of the two things each one is put in the place
before occupied by the other thing, the idea of exchange.
UNION.
The Dakotas often express this concept by uniting two or more figures by
a distinct inclusive line below the figures. This sometimes means family
relationship and sometimes common membership in the same tribe.
[Illustration: FIG. 957.--Brothers.]
Fig. 957.--Antoine Janis’s two boys were killed by John Richard.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1872-’73. The line of union shows them to
be intimately connected; in fact, they were brothers.
[Illustration: FIG. 958.--Same tribe.]
Fig. 958.--The Oglalas got drunk at Chug creek and engaged in a quarrel
among themselves, in which Red-Cloud’s brother was killed and Red-Cloud
killed three men. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1841-’42. The union line
shows that the quarrel was in the tribe.
[Illustration: FIG. 959.--Man and wife.]
Fig. 959.--Torn-Belly and his wife were killed by some of their own
people in a quarrel. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1855-’56. Here the man
and wife are united by the inclusive line.
[Illustration: FIG. 960.--Same tribe.]
Fig. 960.--Eight Minneconjou Dakotas were killed by Crow Indians at the
mouth of Powder river. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1805-’06. This device
is very frequently used to denote the death of the Dakotas. The black
strokes indicate the death of persons of the number delineated and the
union line shows that they were of the same tribe.
[Illustration: FIG. 961.--Same tribe.]
Fig. 961.--Blackfeet Dakotas kill three Rees. The-Flame’s Winter Count
for 1798-’99. Here the uniting line of death refers to others than
Dakotas, which does not often appear, but the principle is maintained
that the dead are of the same tribe.
WHIRLWIND.
[Illustration: FIG. 962.--Bear-Whirlwind.]
Fig. 962.--Mato-wamniyomni, Bear-Whirlwind. The Oglala Roster. This
figure shows over the bear’s head a variant of the character given in
Red-Cloud’s Census, Fig. 963. The figure appears, according to the
explanation given by several Oglala Dakota Indians, to signify the
course of a whirlwind with the transverse lines in imitation of the
circular movement of the air, conveying dirt and leaves, observed during
such aerial disturbances.
[Illustration: FIG. 963.--White-Whirlwind.]
Fig. 963.--Represents White-Whirlwind, above referred to, from
Red-Cloud’s Census. In this the designating character is more distinct.
[Illustration: FIG. 964.--Leafing.]
Fig. 964.--Leafing. Red-Cloud’s Census. This seems to be of the same
description. It is said to be drawn in imitation of a number of fallen
leaves packed against one another and whirled along the ground. It also
has reference to the season when leaves fall--autumn.
Mr. Keam’s MS. describing Fig. 965, says:
[Illustration: FIG. 965.--Whirlwind.]
It is a decoration of great frequency and consisting of the
single and double spirals. The single spiral is the symbol of
Ho-bo-bo, the twister, who manifests his power by the whirlwind. It
is also of frequent occurrence as a rock etching in the vicinity
of ruins, where also the symbol of the Ho-bo-bo is seen. But the
figure does not appear upon any of the pottery. The myth explains
that a stranger came among the people, when a great whirlwind blew
all the vegetation from the surface of the earth and all the water
from its courses. With a flint he caught these symbols upon a rock,
the etching of which is now in Keam’s Cañon, Arizona Territory. It
is 17 inches long and 8 inches across. He told them that he was the
keeper of breath. The whirlwind and the air which men breathe comes
from this keeper’s mouth.
[Illustration: FIG. 966.--Whirlwind.]
Fig. 966 is a copy of part of the decoration on a pot taken from a mound
in Missouri, published in Second Annual Report of the Bureau Ethnology,
Pl. LIII, fig. 11. On the authority of Rev. S. D. Hinman, it is the
conventional device among the Dakotas to represent a whirlwind.
WINTER--COLD--SNOW.
[Illustration: FIG 967.--Froze to death.]
Fig. 967.--Glue, an Oglala, froze to death on his way to a Brulé
village. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1791-’92. A glue-stick is
represented back of his head. Glue, made from the hoofs of buffalo, is
used to fasten arrowheads to the shaft and is carried about on sticks.
The cloud from which hail or snow is falling represents winter.
[Illustration: FIG. 968.--Froze to death.]
Fig. 968.--A Dakota, named Glue, froze to death. Cloud-Shield’s Winter
Count, 1820-’21. This figure is introduced to corroborate of the
preceding one as regards the name Glue. It gives another representation
of the glue stick.
[Illustration: FIG. 969.--Crows froze.]
Fig. 969.--A Dakota named Stabber froze to death. American-Horse’s
Winter Count, 1782-’83. The sign for winter is the same as before, but
doubled, as if of twofold power or excessively severe.
[Illustration: FIG. 970.--Froze to death.]
Fig. 970.--The winter was so cold that many crows froze to death.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1788-’89. White-Cow-Killer says
“Many-black-crows-died winter.”
The Crow falling stiff and motionless is a good symbol for the effect of
excessive cold.
[Illustration: FIG. 971.]
Fig. 971.--The snow was very deep. American-Horse’s Winter Count,
1827-’28. The piled-up snow around the bottoms of the tipis is graphic;
no other material than snow could make that kind of surrounding heap.
[Illustration: FIG. 972.--Cold, snow.]
Fig. 972.--From Copway, page 135, is the representation of “cold,”
“snow.”
[Illustration: FIG. 973.]
The Shoshoni and Banak sign for cold, winter, is: Clinch both hands and
cross the forearms before the breast with a trembling motion. It is
represented in Fig. 973. Cf. Battiste Good’s Winter count for 1747-’48
and 1783-’84.
[Illustration: FIG. 974.]
In Kingsborough (_g_) is the painting reproduced in Fig. 974 with this
description: “In the year of seven Canes and 1447 according to our
calculation, it snowed so heavily that lives were lost.”
[Illustration: FIG. 975.]
In the same work and volumes, p. 146 and Pl. 26, is the original of Fig.
975, with the explanation that: “In this year of seven Flints, or 1512,
there were heavy falls of snow.”
Wiener, op. cit., p. 762, gives the following description (condensed) of
Fig. 976, a remarkable example of ideography:
[Illustration: FIG. 976.--Peruvian garrison.]
This is on a cloth on which the eight fortresses of Paramonga
were presented. Between these bridges are drawn; these forts are of
three stages and on each stage is a representation of a man or of
two men. The men who are down on the plain had clothing of another
color and even another colored face from those who appear on the
different stages. Those who are on the plain at the foot of the
fortress have no arms, but they have highly developed ears. The
same is true of those who appear on the first stage. Those of the
following stage are provided with arms, and the ears are of normal
size. On the highest platform appear individuals with arms and they
have ears like those on the second stage. In the middle a figure
is provided with one arm and only one developed ear, which are on
opposite sides. The men without arms are also without weapons.
Those of the second stage carry at the height of the belt a kind of
hatchet and those of the upper platform have each a club.
Considering the character of the locality where this cloth was
found, the number of forts there, the marshy land which prevented
dry-shod communication between them, it can not be doubted that
the subject matter was the representation of that region, but this
representation is not a drawing on a plan, but is a description
which does not only treat of the nature of the place and of the
work that man raised there, but it also indicates the rôle that the
inhabitants played there.
The function of the men with exaggerated ears and no arms was that of
scouts. The armed men with normal ears were guards or warriors bearing
different weapons, ax and club, and differently uniformed. The highest
figure with one large ear was the chief of the garrison.
It will be noticed that the scouts have enormous feet which do not rest
on the ground. This in connection with their exaggerated ears implies
that their duty is to listen and when they hear the enemy not to engage
him, as they have no arms or weapons, but to fly to the headquarters
and make the report. The duty of the warriors is not to listen, so
their ears are not abnormal, but to fight, and therefore they have
arms, one of which is exposed and the other holds a weapon. Their feet
are attached to their several stations. The chief must both listen and
direct, wherefore he is drawn with one exaggerated ear and one arm. His
feet do not touch the platform, which signifies that he has no special
station, but must move wherever he is most needed.
SECTION 2.
SIGNS, SYMBOLS, AND EMBLEMS.
The terms sign, symbol, and emblem are often used interchangeably
and therefore incorrectly. Many persons ascribe an occult and mystic
signification to symbols, probably from their general religious and
esoteric employment. All characters in Indian picture-writing have been
loosely styled symbols, and, as there is no logical distinction between
the characters impressed with enduring form and when merely outlined
in the ambient air, all Indian gestures, motions, and attitudes,
intended to be significant, might with equal appropriateness be called
symbolic. But an Indian sign-talker or a deaf-mute represents a person
by mimicry, and an object by the outline of some striking part of
its form, or by the pantomime of some peculiarity in its actions or
relations. Their attempt is to bring to mind the person or thing through
its characteristics, not to distinguish the characteristics themselves,
which is a second step. In the same manner a simple pictorial sign
attempts to express an object, idea, or fact without any approach to
symbolism. Symbols are less obvious and more artificial than mere signs,
are not only abstract, but metaphysical, and often need explanation
from history, religion, and customs. They do not depict, but suggest
subjects; do not speak directly through the eye to the intelligence,
but presuppose in the mind knowledge of an event or fact which the
sign recalls. The symbols of the ark, dove, olive branch, and rainbow
would be wholly meaningless to people unfamiliar with the Mosaic or
some similar cosmology, as would the cross and the crescent be to those
ignorant of history.
The loose classification by which symbols would include every gesture or
pictorial sign that naturally or conventionally recalls a corresponding
idea, only recognizes the fact that every action and object can, under
some circumstances, become a symbol. And indeed lovers of the symbolic
live in, on, and by the symbols which they manufacture.
A curious instance of the successful manufacture of a symbol by the
ingenuity of one man is in the one now commonly pictured of a fish
to represent Christ. The fish for obvious reasons has been connected
with Eurasian mythology, and therefore was a heathen symbol many
centuries before the Christian era; indeed, probably before the creed
of the Israelites had become formulated. It was used metaphorically
or emblematically by the early Christians without the apparent
propriety of the lamb-bearing shepherd, the dove, and other emblems
or symbols found in the catacombs, and Didron (_b_) says that only
in the middle of the fourth century Optatus, bishop of Milesia, in
Africa, declared the significance of the letters of the Greek word for
fish, ΙΧΘΥΣ, to be the initials of Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς Θεοῦ Ὑιος Σωτηρ,
which acrostic was received with acclamation, and new characteristics
were from time to time invented, adding force to the thenceforth
commonly displayed symbol. It may be noted that when symbols, which
were generally religious, received acceptance, they were soon used
objectively as amulets or talismans.
This chapter is not intended to be a treatise on symbolism, but it
is proper to mention the distinction in the writer’s mind between a
pictorial sign, an emblem, and a symbol; though it is not easy to
preserve accurate discrimination in classification of ideographic
characters. To partly express the distinction, nearly all of the
characters in the Winter Counts in this work are regarded as pictorial
signs, and the class represented by tribal and clan designations,
insignia, etc., is considered to belong to the category of emblems.
There is no doubt, however, that true symbols exist among the Indians,
as they must exist to some extent among all peoples not devoid of poetic
imagination. Some of them are shown in this work. The pipe is generally
a symbol of peace, although in certain positions and connections it
signifies preparation for war, and, again, subsequent victory. The
hatchet is a common symbol for war, and joined hands or approaching
palms denote peace. The tortoise has been clearly used as a symbol
for land, and many other examples can be admitted. Apart from the
exaggerations of Schoolcraft, true symbolism is found among the Ojibwa,
of which illustrations are presented. The accounts of the Zuñi, Moki,
and Navajo, before mentioned, show the constant employment of symbolic
devices by those tribes which are notably devoted to mystic ceremonies.
Nevertheless the writer’s personal experience is that when he has at
first supposed a character to be a genuine symbol, better means of
understanding has often proved it to be not even an ideograph, but a
mere objective representation. In this connection the remarks on the
circle, in Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for 1811-’12, and those on the cross
infra, may be in point.
The connection, to the unlettered Indian, between printed words,
pictures, and signs, was well illustrated through the spontaneous
copial, by a Cheyenne, of the ornate labels on packages of sugar and
coffee, which he had seen at a reservation, and the lines of which he
rather skillfully and very ingeniously repeated on a piece of paper when
sending to a post-trader to purchase more of the articles. The printed
label was to him the pictorial sign for those articles.
The following remarks are quoted from D’Alviella (_a_):
There is a symbolism so natural, that, like certain implements
peculiar to the stone age, it does not belong to any particular
race, but constitutes a characteristic trait of mankind at a certain
phase of its development. Of this class are representations of
the sun by a disk or radiating face, of the moon by a crescent,
of the air by birds, of water by fishes or a broken line, of
thunder by an arrow or a club, etc. We ought, perhaps, to add a
few more complicated analogies, as those which lead to symbolizing
the different phases of human life by the growth of a tree, the
generative forces of nature by phallic emblems, the divine triads
by an equilateral triangle, or in general by any triple combination
the members of which are equal, and the four principal directions
of space by a cross. How many theories have been built upon the
presence of the cross as an object of veneration among nearly all
the peoples of the Old and New Worlds? Roman Catholic writers have
justly protested, in recent years, against attributing a pagan
origin to the cross of the Christians, because there were cruciform
signs in the symbolism of religions anterior to Christianity. It is
also right, by the same reason, to refuse to accept the attempts to
seek for infiltrations of Christianity in foreign religions because
they also possess the sign of redemption. * * * Nearly all peoples
have represented the fire from the sky by an arm and, sometimes
also, by a bird of strong and rapid flight. It was symbolized among
the Chaldeans by a trident. Cylinders going back to the most ancient
ages of Chaldean art exhibit a water jet gushing from a trident
which is held by the god of the sky or of the storm. The Assyrian
artist who first, on the bas-reliefs of Nimroud or Malthai, doubled
the trident or transformed it into a trifid fascicle, docile to the
refinements and elegancies of classic art, by that means secured for
the ancient Mesopotamian symbol the advantage over all the other
representations of thunder with which it could compete. The Greeks,
like the other Indo-European nations, seem to have represented
the storm-fire under the features of a bird of prey. When they
received the Asiatic figure of the thunderbolt, they put it in the
eagle’s claws and made of it the scepter of Zeus, explaining the
combination, after their habit, by the story of the eagles bringing
thunder to Zeus when he was preparing for the war against the
Titans. Latin Italy transmitted the thunderbolt to Gaul, where, in
the last centuries of paganism, it alternated on the Gallo-Roman
monuments with the two-headed hammer.
The emblem writers, so designated, have furnished an immense body of
literature, and apparently have considered such pictures as those of the
Winter Counts in the present work and also all symbols to be included in
their proper scope. The best summary on the subject is by Henry Greene
(_a_), from which the following condensed extract is taken:
Of the changes through which a word may pass the word emblem
presents one of the most remarkable instances. Its present
signification, type, or allusive representation is of comparatively
modern use, while its original meaning is obsolete. Among the Greeks
an emblem meant something thrown in or inserted after the fashion
of what we now call marquetry and mosaic work, or in the form of a
detached ornament to be affixed to a pillar, a tablet, or a vase,
and put off or on as there might be occasion.
Quintilian (lib. 2, cap. 4), in enumerating the arts of oratory
used by the pleaders of his day, describes some of them as in the
habit of preparing and committing to memory certain highly finished
clauses, to be inserted (as occasion might arise) like emblems in
the body of their orations. Such was the meaning of the term in the
classical ages of Greece and Rome; nor was its signification altered
until some time after the revival of literature in the fifteenth
century.
Thus, in their origin, emblems were the figures or ornaments
fashioned by the tools of the artists, in metal or wood, independent
of the vase, or the column, or the furniture they were intended to
adorn; they might be affixed or detached at the promptings of the
owner’s fancy. Then they were formed, as in mosaic, by placing side
by side little blocks of colored stone, or tiles, or small sections
of variegated wood. Raised or carved figures, however produced, came
next to be considered as emblems; and afterwards any kind of figured
ornament or device, whether carved or engraved or simply traced, on
the walls and floors of houses or on vessels of wood, clay, stone,
or metal.
By a very easy and natural step figures and ornaments of many
kinds, when placed on smooth surfaces, were named emblems; and as
these figures and ornaments were very often symbolical, i. e.,
signs or tokens of a thought, a sentiment, a saying, or an event,
the term emblem was applied to any painting, drawing, or print
that was representative of an action, of a quality of the mind,
or of any peculiarity or attribute of character. Emblems in fact
were and are a species of hieroglyphics, in which the figures or
pictures, besides denoting the natural objects to which they bear
resemblances, were employed to express properties of the mind,
virtues and abstract ideas, and all the operations of the soul.
The following remarks of the same author (_b_) are presented in this
connection, though they pass beyond the scope of either symbols or
emblems into other divisions of pictography, as classified in the
present work:
Coins and medals furnish most valuable examples of emblematical
figures; indeed some of the emblem writers, as Sambucus, in 1564,
were among the earliest to publish impressions or engravings of
ancient Roman money, on which are frequently given very interesting
representations of customs and symbolical acts. On Grecian coins
we find, to use heraldic language, that the owl is the crest of
Athens, a wolf’s head that of Argos, and a tortoise the badge of the
Peloponnesus. The whole history of Louis XIV and that of his great
adversary, William III, is represented in volumes containing the
medals that were struck to commemorate the leading events of their
reigns, and, though outrageously untrue to nature and reality by
the adoption of Roman costumes and classic symbols, they serve as
records of remarkable occurrences.
Heraldry throughout employs the language of emblems; it is the
picture-history of families, of tribes, and of nations, of princes
and emperors. Many a legend and many a strange fancy may be mixed
up with it, and demand almost the credulity of simplest childhood
in order to obtain our credence; yet in the literature of chivalry
and honors there are enshrined abundant records of the glory that
belonged to mighty names.
The custom of taking a device or badge, if not a motto, is
traced to the earliest times of history. It is a point not to be
doubted that the ancients used to bear crests and ornaments in the
helmets and on the shields; for we see this clearly in Virgil, when
he made the catalogue of the nations which came in favor of Turnus
against the Trojans, in the eighth book of the Æneid; Amphiaraus
then (as Pindar says), at the war of Thebes, bore a dragon on his
shield. Similarly Statius writes of Capaneus and of Polinices that
the one bore the Hydra and the other the Sphynx.
Emblems do not necessarily require any analogy between the objects
representing and the objects or qualities represented, but may arise
from pure accident. They may bear any meaning that men may choose to
attach to them, so their value still more than that of symbols depends
upon extrinsic facts and not intrinsic features. After a scurrilous jest
the beggar’s wallet became the emblem of the confederated nobles, the
Gueux of the Netherlands; and a sling, in the early minority of Louis
XIV, was adopted from the refrain of a song by the Frondeur opponents of
Mazarin.
The several tribal designations for Sioux, Arapaho, Cheyenne, etc., are
their emblems, precisely as the star-spangled flag is that of the United
States, but there is no intrinsic symbolism in them. So the designs for
individuals, when not merely translations of their names, are emblematic
of their family totems or personal distinctions, and are no more symbols
than are the distinctive shoulder-straps of an army officer.
The point urged is that while many signs can be used as emblems and both
can be converted by convention into symbols or be explained as such by
perverted ingenuity, it is futile to seek for that form of psychological
exuberance in the stage of development attained by the greater part of
the American tribes. All predetermination to interpret their pictographs
on the principles of symbolism as understood or pretended to be
understood by its admirers, and as are sometimes properly applied not
only to Egyptian hieroglyphics, but to Mexican, Maya, and some other
southern pictographs, results in mooning mysticism.
The following examples are presented as being either symbols or emblems,
according to the definition of those terms, and therefore appropriate
to this section. More will be found in Chapter XX, on Special
Comparisons, and indeed may appear under different headings; e. g.,
Battiste Good symbolizes hunting by a buffalo head and arrow, Fig. 321,
and war by a special head-dress, Fig. 395.
Sir A. Mackenzie (_c_) narrates that in 1793 he found among the
Athabascans an emblem of a country abounding in animals. This was a
small round piece of green wood chewed at one end in the form of a
brush, which the Indians use to pick the marrow out of bones.
Mr. Frank H. Cushing, in notes not yet reduced to final shape for
publication, gives two excellent examples of symbols among the Zuñi:
(1) The circle or halo around the sun is supposed to be and is
called by the Zuñi the House of the Sun-God. This is explained by
analogy. A man seeks shelter on the approach of a rainstorm. As
the sun circle almost invariably appears only with the coming of a
storm, the Sun, like his child, the man, seeks shelter in his house,
which the circle has thus come to be.
The influence of this simple inference myth on the folklore
of the Zuñi shows itself in the perpetuation, until within recent
generations, of the round sun towers and circular estufas so
intimately associated with sun worship, yet which were at first but
survivals of the round medicine lodge.
(2) The rainbow is a deified animal having the attributes of
a human being, yet also the body and some of the functions of a
measuring worm. Obviously, the striped back and arched attitude of
the measuring worm, its sudden appearance and disappearance among
the leaves of the plants which it inhabits, are the analogies on
which this personification is based. As the measuring worm consumes
the herbage of the plants and causes them to dry up, so the rainbow,
which appears only after rains, is supposed to cause a cessation
of rains, consequently to be the originator of droughts, under the
influence of which latter plants parch and wither away as they do
under the ravages of the measuring worms. Here it will be seen
that the visible phenomenon called the rainbow gets by analogy the
personality of the measuring worm, while from the measuring worm in
turn the rainbow gets its functions as a god. Of this the cessation
of rain on the appearance of the rainbow is adduced as proof.
The following is reported by Dr. W. H. Dall (_e_), and explains how the
otter protruding his tongue is the emblem of Shaman:
The carvings on the rattles of the Tlinkit are matters belonging
particularly to the shaman or medicine man, and characteristic of
his profession. Among these very generally, if not invariably, the
rattle is composed of the figure of a bird, from which, near the
head of the bird or carved upon the back of the bird’s head, is
represented a human face with the tongue protruding.
This tongue is bent downward and usually meets the mouth of a
frog or an otter, the tongue of either appearing continuous with
that of the human face. In case it is a frog it usually appears
impaled upon the tongue of a kingfisher, whose head and variegated
plumage are represented near the handle in a conventional way. It is
asserted that this represents the medicine man absorbing from the
frog, which has been brought to him by the kingfisher, either poison
or the power of producing evil effects on other people.
In case it is an otter the tongue of the otter touches the
tongue of the medicine man, as represented on the carving. * * *
This carving is represented, not only on rattles, but on totem
posts, fronts of houses, and other objects associated with the
medicine man, the myth being that when the young aspirant for the
position of medicine man goes out into the woods after fasting for
a considerable period, in order that his to be familiar spirit
may seek him, and that he may become possessed of the power to
communicate with supernatural beings; if successful he meets with a
river otter, which is a supernatural animal. The otter approaches
him and he seizes it, kills it with the blow of a club, and takes
out the tongue, after which he is able to understand the language
of all inanimate objects, of birds, animals, and other living
creatures. * * *
This ceremony or occurrence happens to every real medicine man.
Consequently the otter presenting his tongue is the most universal
type of the profession as such, and is sure to be found somewhere in
the paraphernalia of every individual of that profession.
With this account from the Pacific coast a similar determination of
emblems by the Indians in the northeastern parts of the United States
may be compared. The objects seen by them in their fasting visions not
only were decisive of their names but were held to show the course of
their lives. If a youth saw an eagle or bear he was destined to be a
warrior; if a deer he would be a man of peace; and a turkey buzzard or
serpent was the sign that he would be a medicine man. The figures of
those animals therefore were respectively the emblems of the qualities
and dispositions implied. See Fig. 159, supra, for a drawing of the
Sci-Manzi or “Mescal Woman” of the Kaiowa as it appears on a sacred
gourd rattle used in the mescal ceremony of that tribe, with description.
In Kingsborough (_h_) is the record that “in the year of Ten Houses, or
1489, a very large comet, which they name Xihuitli, appeared.”
[Illustration: FIG. 977.--Comet. Mexican.]
The comet is represented in the plate by the symbol of a caterpillar, in
allusion, perhaps, to its supposed influence in causing blights. This
may be compared with the measuring worm, symbol of the rainbow, supra.
The character is reproduced in Fig. 977.
In the same work and Codex, Pls. 10, 12, and 33, are three characters,
somewhat differing, representing earthquakes, which, according to the
text in Vol. VI, p. 137, et seq., occurred in Mexico in the years A. D.
1461, 1467, and 1542. The concept appears to be that of the disruption
and change of the position of the several strata of soil, which are
indicated by the diverse coloration. These characters are reproduced in
the present work in Pl. XLIX as the three on the right hand in the lower
line.
[Illustration: FIG. 978.--Robbery. Mexican.]
Fig. 978 is from the same work (_i_), Codex Mendoza, and is the symbol
for robbery, in allusion to the punishment of the convicted robber.
In the same work (_k_), Codex Vaticanus, is the following description,
in quaint language, of the plate now reproduced in Pl. XLIX:
[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIX
MEXICAN SYMBOLS.]
These are the twenty letters or figures which they employed in
all their calculations, which they supposed ruled over men, as the
figure shows, and they cured in a corresponding manner those who
became ill or suffered pains in any part of the body. The sign of
the wind was assigned to the liver; the rose to the breast; the
earthquake to the tongue; the eagle to the right arm; the vulture to
the right ear; the rabbit to the left ear; the flint to the teeth;
the air to the breath; the monkey to the left arm; the cane to the
heart; the herb, to the bowels; the lizard to the womb of women; the
tiger to the left foot; the serpent to the male organ of generation,
as that from which their diseases proceeded in their commencement;
for in this manner they considered the serpent, wherever it
occurred, as the most ominous of all their signs. Even still
physicians continue to use this figure when they perform cures,
and, according to the sign and hour in which the patient became
ill, they examined whether the disease corresponded with the ruling
sign; from which it is plain that this nation is not as brutal as
some persons pretend, since they observed so much method and order
in their affairs and employed the same means as our astrologers and
physicians use, as this figure still obtains amongst them and may be
found in their repertoires.
_a_, deer or stag; _b_, wind; _c_, rose; _d_, earthquake; _e_, eagle;
_f_, eagle of a different species; _g_, water; _h_, house; _i_, skull
or death; _j_, rain; _k_, dog; _l_, rabbit; _m_, flint; _n_, air; _o_,
monkey; _p_, cane; _q_, grass or herb; _r_, lizard; _s_, tiger; _t_,
serpent.
Dr. S. Habel (_d_) gives the description concerning Fig. 979, which is
presented here on account of the several symbols and gestures exhibited:
[Illustration: FIG. 979.--Guatemalan symbols.]
This is a block of dark gray porphyry (vulcanite) 12 feet long,
3 feet broad and 2 feet thick, the upper left corner of which is
slightly broken off. The sculpture occupies 9 feet of its upper
part. The upper portion represents the head and breast of a female,
surrounded by a circle, from which the arms project. Besides the
stereotyped frill surrounding the forehead, the only ornament of
the head consists of two entwined rattlesnakes. The hair is of
medium length and descends in tresses to the shoulders and breast.
The ear is ornamented with circular disks inclosing smaller ones.
Around the neck is a broad necklace of irregularly-shaped stones
of extraordinary size. Below the necklace the breast is covered
with a kind of scarf or textile fabric, the upper ends of which
are fastened by buttons. To the center of this scarf seems to be
attached a globe, the upper part of which is adorned by a knotted
band from which four others ascend. From the lower part of the globe
descends another band, with incisions characteristic of Mexican
sculpture, while its sides are adorned by wreaths like wings. The
wrists of both hands are covered with strings of large stones
perforated in the center. From the semicircular bands emanate two
of the twining staves; to the staves are attached knots, leaves,
flowers, and various other emblems of a mythical character. The
most conspicuous of these is the representation of a human face in
a circle resembling the ordinary pictures of the full moon. The
two central staves, originating from the neck, pass downward, and
are differently ornamented. The fact that the head and part of the
breast are surrounded by a circle, and that the image of the moon
forms one of its ornaments, induces us to believe that this is the
figure of the moon goddess. In the lower part of the sculpture
appears, again, an individual imploring the deity with face upturned
and elevated hand. The supplication is indicated by a curved staff
knotted on the sides. Excepting a circular disk attached to the
hair, the head is without ornament; the long hair hangs down to
the breast and back, ending in a complicated ornament extending
below the knees. In the lobe of the ear is a small ring from which
a larger one depends. The breast is adorned with a globe similar
to that on the breast of the goddess, only it is smaller. Around
the wrist of the right hand is a plain cuff, while the left hand is
covered by a skull; a stiff girdle, with a boar’s head ornamenting
its back part, surrounds the waist. This girdle differs from the
previous ones by being ornamented with circular depressions. From
the front of the girdle descend two twisted cords surrounding the
thigh, and a band tied in bow and ends. Below the right knee is a
kind of garter with a pear-shaped pendant. The left foot, with the
exception of the toes, is inclosed in a sort of shoe.
In front of the adorer is a small altar, the cover of which has
incisions similar to those in the pendant of the globe on the breast
of the deity. On the altar is a human head, from the mouth of which
issues a curved staff, while other staves in the shape of arrows
appear on the side of the head.
Fig. 980 is reproduced by permission from Lieut. H. R. Lemly (_a_), U.
S. Army, who calls it a “stone calendar.” It is the work of the Chibcha
Indians of the United States of Colombia, and its several parts, some
of which are to be compared with similar designs in other regions, are
explained as follows:
_a_, Ata, a small frog in the act of leaping. This animal was
the base of the system, and in this attitude denoted the abundance
of water. _b_, Bosa, a rectangular figure with various divisions,
imitating cultivated fields. _c_, Mica, a bicephalous figure,
with the eyes distended, as if to examine minutely. It signified
the selection and planting of seed. _d_, Muihica, similar to the
preceding, but with the eyes almost closed. It represented the dark
and tempestuous epoch in which, favored by the rain, the seed began
to sprout. _e_, Hisca, resembling _c_ and _d_ of the stone, but
larger, with no division between the heads. It was the symbol of
the conjunction of the sun and moon, which the Chibchas considered
the nuptials or actual union of these celestial spouses--one of the
cardinal dogmas of their creed. _f_, Ta, almost identical with _b_.
It represented the harvest month. _g_, Cuhupcua, an earless human
head upon one of the lateral faces of the stone. It was the symbol
of the useless or so-called deaf month of the Chibchan year. _h_,
Suhuza, perhaps a tadpole, and probably referred to the generation
of these animals. _i_, Aca, a figure of a frog, larger than _a_, but
in a similar posture. It announced the approach of the rainy season.
_j_, Ulchihica, two united rhomboids--a fruit or seed, and perhaps
an ear. It referred to their invitations and feasts. _k_, Guesa,
a human figure in an humble attitude, the hands folded, and a halo
about the head. It is supposed to represent the unfortunate youth
selected as the victim of the sacrifice made every twenty Chibchan
years to the god of the harvest.
The characters _b_ and _f_ below, markedly resemble one given by Pipart
(_a_), with the same signification. It referred to the preparation of
the ground for sowing.
[Illustration: FIG. 980.--Chibcha symbols.]
Wiener (_f_) gives the following summary of prominent Peruvian symbols:
In the conventional system of the Peruvians a bird indicates
velocity, a lion strength, the lion and the bird united in one
figure strength and velocity together, and, deductively, power.
The meander indicates fertility and the pyramid with degrees or
steps indicates defense. A bird combined with the meander indicates
rapid production. A rectangular oblong figure (the mouth) indicates
speech and discourse. A circle with a depression almost in the form
of a heart means a female child, a circle with a small blade or
stalk a male child. The circle with two stalks is the symbol of a
man--the worker. The circle with four stalks means a married couple,
marriage, etc.
[Illustration: FIG. 981.--Syrian symbols.]
Fig. 981 is presented to show another collection of engraved symbols,
some of which with different execution resemble some found in North
America. It is a bronze tablet found in Syria in the collection of M.
Péretié, and is described by Maj. Claude R. Conder, R. F. (_a_):
It measures 4-1/2 inches in height by 3-1/4 in width. The design
is supposed to represent the fate of the soul according to Assyrian
or Phenician belief. The tablet is divided into four compartments
horizontally, the lowest being the largest and highest the most
narrow. In the top compartment various astronomical symbols occur,
many of which, as M. Canneau points out, occur on other Assyrian
monuments. On the extreme right are the seven stars, next to these
the crescent, next the winged solar disk, then an eight-rayed star
in a circle. The remaining symbols are less easily explained, but
the last is called by M. Canneau a “cidaris” or Persian tiara, while
another appears to approach most nearly to the Trisul, or symbol of
“fire,” the emblem of the Indian Siva.
Below these symbols stand seven deities facing to the right,
with long robes, and the heads of various animals. The first to the
left resembles a lion, the second a wolf or hound, the fourth a
ram, the sixth a bird, the seventh a serpent, while the third and
fifth are less easily recognized. In the third compartment a body
lies on a bier, with a deity at the head, and another at the feet.
These deities have the right hand held up, and the left down (a
common feature of Indian symbolism also observable in the attitude
of the Mâlawiyeh dervishes), and the figure to the left appears to
hold a branch or three ears of corn. Both are robed in the peculiar
fish-headed costume, with a scaly body and fish tail, which is
supposed to be symbolical of the mythical Oannes, who according to
Berosus, issued from the Persian gulf and taught laws and arts to
the early dwellers on the Euphrates. Behind the left-hand fish-god
is a tripod stand, on which is an indefinite object; to the right of
the other fish-god are two lion-headed human figures with eagles’
claws, apparently contending with one another, the right arms being
raised, the left holding hand by hand. To the right of these is
another figure of Assyrian type, with a domed headdress and beard.
In the lowest compartment the infernal river fringed with
rushes, and full of fish, is represented. A fearful lion-headed
goddess with eagles’ claws kneels on one knee on a horse (the emblem
of death) which is carried in a kneeling attitude on a boat with
bird-headed prow. The goddess crushes a serpent in either hand,
and two lion cubs are represented sucking her breasts. To the left
is a demon bearing a close resemblance to the one which supports
the tablet itself, and which appears to urge on the boat from the
bank; to the right are various objects, mostly of an indefinite
character, among which M. Ganneau recognizes a vase, and a bottle,
a horse’s leg with hoof, etc.; possibly offerings to appease the
infernal deities. The lion-headed goddess might well be taken for
the terrible infernal deity Kali or Durga, the worship of whose
consort, Yama, was the original source of that of the later Serapis,
whose dog was the ancestor of Cerberus. There is also a general
resemblance between this design and the well-known Egyptian picture
representing the wicked soul conveyed to hell in the form of a pig.
The Oannes figures take the place of the two goddesses who in
Egyptian designs stand at either end of the mummy and who form the
prototype of the two angels for whom the pious Moslem provides
seats at the head and foot of his tombstone. Perhaps the miserable
horse who stumbles under the weight of the gigantic lion goddess
may represent the unhappy soul itself, while the three ears of corn
remind us of the grains of corn which have been found in skulls
dug up in Syria by Capt. Burton. Corn is intimately connected with
Dagon, the Syrian fish-god.
As a tentative suggestion I may, perhaps, be allowed to propose
that the seven deities in the second compartment are the planets,
and that the symbols above belong to them as follows, commencing on
the right:
------------+----------------+----------------+-------------
Planet. | Assyrian name. | Head of deity. | Symbol.
------------+----------------+----------------+-------------
1. Saturn | Chiun | Serpent | Seven stars.
2. Moon | Nannar | Bird | Crescent.
3. Sun | Shamash | Boar (?) | Winged Disc.
4. Mars | Marduk | Ram | Rayed disc.
5. Mercury | Nebo | (?) | Two columns.
6. Venus | Ishtar | Wolf (?) | Trisul.
7. Jupiter | Ishn | Lion | Cidaris (?).
------------+----------------+----------------+-------------
The serpent is often the emblem of Saturn, who, as the eldest
of the seven (“the great serpent father of the gods”), naturally
comes first and therefore on the right, and has seven stars for his
symbol.
The moon, according to Lenormant, was always an older divinity
than the sun.
The boar is often an emblem of the sun in its strength.
The disc (litu) was the weapon employed by Marduk, the warrior
god, as mentioned by Lenormant.
The two pillars of Hermes are the proper emblem of the ancient
Set or Thoth, the planet Mercury.
The trisul belongs properly to the Asherah, god or goddess of
fertility--the planet Venus.
The Cidaris occurs in the Bavian sculptures in connection with
a similar emblem. In the Chaldean system, Jupiter and Venus occur
together as the youngest of the planets.
It should also be noted that the position of the arms and the
long robe covering the feet resemble the attitudes and dress of the
Mâlawîyeh dervishes in their sacred dance, symbolic of the seven
planets revolving (according to the Ptolemaic system) round the
earth.
Didron (_c_) thus remarks upon the emblems in the Roman catacombs:
The large fish marks the fisher who catches it or the
manufacturer who extracts the oil from it. The trident indicates the
sailor, as the pick the digger. The trade of digger in the catacombs
was quite elevated; the primitive monuments thus represent these men
who are of the lower class among us, and who in the beginning of the
Christian era, when they dug the graves of saints and martyrs, were
interred side by side with the rich and even beside saints, and were
represented holding a pickaxe in one hand and a lamp in the other;
the lamp lighted them in their subterranean labors. The hatchet
indicates a carpenter, and the capital a sculptor or an architect.
As to the dove, it probably designates the duties of the mother of
a family who nourishes the domestic birdlings as would appear to be
indicated by a mortuary design in Bosis. It is possible, moreover,
that it originated from a symbolic idea, but this idea would be
borrowed from profane rather than religious sentiments, and I would
more willingly see in it the memorial of the good qualities of the
dead, man or woman, the fidelity of the wife, or of the dove, which
returning to the ark after the deluge announced that the waters
had retired and the land had again appeared; from this we can not
conclude that the fish filled a rôle analogous to it, nor above all
that it is the symbol of Christ; the dove is in the Old Testament,
the fish neither in the old nor in the new.
Edkins (_b_) says respecting the Chinese:
It is easy to trace the process of symbol-making in the words
used for the crenelated top of city walls, which are ya and c’hi,
both meaning “teeth” and both being pictures of the object, and
further, when the former is found also to be used for “tree buds”
and “to bud.” Such instances of word creation show how considerable
has been the prevalence of analogy and the association of ideas. The
picture writing of the Chinese is to a large extent a continuation
of the process of forming analogies to which the human mind had
already become accustomed in the earlier stages of the history of
language.
D’Alviella (_b_) furnishes this poetical and truthful suggestion:
It is not surprising that the Hindoos and Egyptians should both
have adopted as the symbol of the sun the lotus flower, which opens
its petals to the dawn and infolds them on the approach of night,
and which seems to be born of itself on the surface of the still
waters.
SECTION 3.
SIGNIFICANCE OF COLORS.
The use of color to be considered in studies of pictography is probably
to be traced to the practice of painting on the surface of the human
body. This use is very ancient. The Ethiopians in the army of Xerxes
applied vermillion and white plaster to their skins, and the German
tribes when first known in history inscribed their breasts with the
figures of divers animals. The North British clans were so much addicted
to paint (or perhaps tattoo) that the epithet Picti was applied to them
by the Romans. In this respect comparisons may be made with the Wichita,
who were called by the French Pawnees Piqués, commonly rendered in
English Pawnee Picts, and Marco de Niça, in Hakluyt, (_e_) says that
Indians in the region of Arizona and New Mexico were called Pintados
“because they painted their faces, breasts, and arms.” The general
belief with regard to the employment of paint in the above and similar
cases is that the colors had a tribal significance by which men became
their own flags; the present form of flag not having great antiquity,
as Clovis was the first among western monarchs to adopt it. Then the
theory became current that colored devices, such as appeared on ensigns
and on clothing, e. g., tartans, were imitated from the painted marks on
the skin of the tribesmen. In this connection remarks made supra about
tattoo designs are applicable. There is but little evidence in favor of
the theory, save that fashions in colored decorations probably in time
became tribal practices and so might have been evolved into emblems. But
it is proper to regard such colorations as primarily ornamental, and to
remember that even in England as late as the eighth century some bands
of men were so proud of their decorated bodies that they refused to
conceal them by clothes.
This topic may be divided into: 1. Decorative use of color. 2. Idiocrasy
of colors. 3. Color in ceremonies. 4. Color relative to death and
mourning. 5. Colors for war and peace. 6. Colors designating social
status.
DECORATIVE USE OF COLOR.
The following notes give instances of the use of painting which appear
to be purely decorative:
Fernando Alarchon, in Hakluyt, (_f_) says of the Indians of the Bay of
California: “These Indians came decked after sundry fashions, some came
with a painting that couered their face all ouer, some had their faces
halfe couered, but all besmouched with cole and euery one as it liked
him best.”
John Hawkins, in Hakluyt, (_g_) speaking of the Florida Indians,
tells of “Colours both red, blacke, yellow, and russet, very perfect,
wherewith they so paint their bodies and Deere skinnes which they weare
about them, that with water it neither faded away nor altereth in color.”
Maximilian of Wied (_f_), reports:
Even in the midst of winter the Mandans wear nothing on the
upper part of the body, under their buffalo robe. They paint their
bodies of a reddish brown colour, on some occasions with white clay,
and frequently draw red or black figures on their arms. The face
is, for the most part, painted all over with vermillion or yellow,
in which latter case the circumference of the eyes and the chin are
red. There are, however, no set rules for painting, and it depends
on the taste of the Indian dandy; yet, still, a general similarity
is observed. The bands, in their dances and also after battles,
and when they have performed some exploit, follow the established
rule. In ordinary festivals and dances, and whenever they wish to
look particularly fine, the young Mandans paint themselves in every
variety of way, and each endeavors to find out some new mode. Should
he find another dandy painted just like himself, he immediately
retires and makes a change in the pattern, which may happen three or
four times during the festival. If they have performed an exploit,
the entire face is painted jet black.