NEGRO SOLDIERS.[29]

The native tribes of Africa differ as much in combative propensity and

ability for warlike enterprises as in their other traits. The people of

Wadai are distinguished for bravery above all their neighbors. The men

of Ashantee are great fighters, and have such a contempt for death that

they will continue their attacks upon a European intrenchment in spite

of appalling losses. A band that is overpowered will fight to the last

man; for it is the custom of the kingdom to punish cowardice with death.

They are almost the only negroes who will deliver battle in the open

field, in regular bodies with closed ranks. In Dahomey war is a passion

of the ruler and the people, and the year is divided between fighting

and feasting. The king's body-guard of five thousand unmarried women

preserves the tradition of bravery, as European regiments preserve their

flags. The mild Mandingos become obstinate in fight; they have minstrels

who accompany armies to war, and recite the deeds of former heroes; but

they are not capable of discipline. On the contrary, the negroes of

Fernando Po march and exercise with a great regard to order. In Ashantee

and upon the Gold Coast the negroes make use of horn signals in war to

transmit orders to a distance; and on the White Nile and in Kaffa

drummers are stationed in trees to telegraph commands. Great

circumspection is not universal; but the Veis maintain posts, and when

they are threatened, a watch is kept night and day. The negroes of Akkra

know the value of a ditched intrenchment.

The English praise the negro soldiers whom they have in Sierra Leone for

good behavior, temperance, and discipline; and their Jolofs at the

Gambia execute complicated manoeuvres in a striking way. West-Indian

troops have performed many distinguished services, and English officers

say that they are as brave as Europeans; but in the heat of a fight they

are apt to grow intractable and to behave wildly. The troops which

Napoleon used in Calabria, drawn from the French Colonies, emulated the

French soldiers, and arrived at great distinction.

D'Escayrac says that the native negro has eminent qualities for the

making of a good soldier,--dependence upon a superior, unquestioning

confidence in his sagacity, an enthusiastic courage which mounts to

great audacity, passiveness, and capacity for waiting.

From this the Congos must be excepted. Large numbers of them deserted

General Dessalines in San Domingo, and fled to the mountains, frightened

at the daring of the French. Here, if brave, they might have been armed

and officered by Spaniards to effect dangerous movements in his rear.

But he knew their timidity, and gave himself no trouble about them.

There is a genealogy which derives Toussaint from a Congo grandfather, a

native prince of renown; but it was probably manufactured for him at the

suggestion of his own achievements. The sullen-looking Congo is really

gay, rollicking, disposed to idleness, careless and sensual, fatigued by

the smallest act of reflection; Toussaint was grave, reticent,

forecasting, tenacious, secretive, full of endurance and concentration,

rapid and brave in war.[30] What a confident and noble aspect he had,

when he left his guard and walked alone to the head of a column of old

troops of his who had deserted to Desfourneaux, and were about to

deliver their fire! "My children, will you fire upon your father?"--and

down went four regiments upon their knees. The white officers tried to

bring them under the fire of cannon, but it was too late. Here was a

greater risk than Napoleon ran, after landing at Fréjus, on his march

upon Paris.

Contempt for death is a universal trait of the native African.[31] The

slaveholder says it is in consequence of his affinity to the brute,

which does not know how to estimate a danger, and whose nervous

organization is too dull to be thrilled and daunted in its presence. It

is really in consequence of his single-mindedness: the big necks lift

the blood, which is two degrees warmer than a white man's, and drench

the brain with an ecstasy of daring. If he can clearly see the probable

manner of his death, the blood is up and not down at the sight.[32] The

negro's nerves are very susceptible; in cool blood he is easily alarmed

at anything unexpected or threatening. His fancy is peopled with odd

fears; he shrinks at the prospect of a punishment more grotesque or

refined than usual. And when he becomes a Creole negro, his fancy is

always shooting timid glances beneath the yoke of Slavery. The negroes

and mulattoes at San Domingo looked impassively at hanging, breaking

upon the wheel, and quartering; but when the first guillotine was

imported and set in action, they and the Creole whites shrank appalled

to see the head disappear in the basket. It was too deft and sudden for

their taste, and this mode of execution was abandoned for the more

hearty and lacerating methods.

When a negro has a motive, his nerves grow firm, his imagination escapes

before the rising passion, his contempt for death is not stolidity, but

inspiration. In the smouldering surface lies an ember capable of white

heat. That makes the negro soldier difficult to hold in hand or to call

off. He has no fancy for grim sitting, like the Indian, to die by

inches, though he can endure torture with tranquillity. He is too

tropical for that; and after the exultation of a fight, in which he has

been as savage as he can be, the process of torturing his foes seems

tame, and he seldom does it, except by way of close reprisals to prevent

the practice in his enemy. The French were invariably more cruel than

the negroes.

Southern gentlemen think that the negro is incurably afraid of

fire-arms, and too clumsy to use them with effect. It is a great

mistake. White men who never touched a gun are equally clumsy and

nervous. When the slavers began to furnish the native tribes with

condemned muskets in exchange for slaves, many ludicrous scenes

occurred. The Senegambians considered that the object was to get as much

noise as possible out of the weapon. The people of Akkra planted the

stock against their hips, shut both eyes and fired; they would not take

aim, because it was their opinion that it brought certain death to see a

falling enemy. Other tribes thought a musket was possessed, and at the

moment of firing threw it violently away from them. When we consider the

quality of the weapons furnished, this action will appear laudable. But

as these superstitions disappeared, especially upon the Gold Coast and

in Ashantee, negroes have learned to use the musket properly. Among the

Gold-Coast negroes are good smiths, who have sometimes even made guns.

In the West Indies, the Creole negro has become a sharp-shooter, very

formidable on the skirts of woods and in the defiles of the _mornes_. He

learned to deliver volleys with precision, and to use the bayonet with

great valor. The old soldiers of Le Clerc and Rochambeau, veterans of

the Rhine and Italy, were never known to presume upon negro incapacity

to use a musket. The number of their dead and wounded taught them what

men who are determined to be free can do with the white man's weapons.

Rainsford, who was an English captain of a West-Indian regiment,

describes a review of fifty thousand soldiers of Toussaint on the Plaine

du Cap. "Of the grandeur of the scene I had not the smallest conception.

Each general officer had a demi-brigade, which went through the manual

exercise with a degree of expertness seldom witnessed, and performed

equally well several manoeuvres applicable to their method of

fighting. At a whistle a whole brigade ran three or four hundred yards,

then, separating, threw themselves flat on the ground, changing to their

backs or sides, keeping up a strong fire the whole of the time, till

they were recalled; they then formed again, in an instant, into their

wonted regularity. This single manoeuvre was executed with such

facility and precision as totally to prevent cavalry from charging them

in bushy and hilly countries. Such complete subordination, such

promptitude and dexterity, prevailed the whole time, as would have

astonished any European soldier."

These were the men whose previous lives had been spent at the

hoe-handle, and in feeding canes to the cylinders of the sugar-mill.

Rainsford gives this general view of the operations of Toussaint's

forces:--"Though formed into regular divisions, the soldiers of the one

were trained to the duties of the other, and all understood the

management of artillery with the greatest accuracy. Their chief

dexterity, however, was in the use of the bayonet. With that dreadful

weapon fixed on muskets of extraordinary length in their hands, neither

cavalry nor artillery could subdue infantry, although of unequal

proportion; but when they were attacked in their defiles, no power could

overcome them. Infinitely more skillful than the Maroons of Jamaica in

their cock-pits, though not more favored by Nature, they found means to

place whole lines in ambush, continuing sometimes from one post to

another, and sometimes stretching from their camps in the form of a

horse-shoe. With these lines artillery was not used, to prevent their

being burdened or the chance of loss; but the surrounding heights of

every camp were well fortified, according to the experience and judgment

of different European engineers, with ordnance of the best kind, in

proper directions. The protection afforded by these outworks encouraged

the blacks to every exertion of skill or courage; while the alertness

constantly displayed embarrassed the enemy; who, frequently irritated,

or worn out with fatigue, flew in disorder to the attack, or retreated

with difficulty. Sometimes a regular battle or skirmish ensued, to

seduce the enemy to a confidence in their own superiority, when in a

moment reinforcements arose from an ambush in the vicinity, and turned

the fortune of the day. If black troops in the pay of the enemy were

despatched to reconnoitre when an ambush was probable, and were

discovered, not a man returned, from the hatred which their perfidy had

inspired; nor could an officer venture beyond the lines with impunity."

The temporary successes enjoyed by the French General Le Clerc, which

led to the surrender of Toussaint and his subsequent deportation to

France, were owing to the defection of several black officers in command

of important posts, who delivered up all their troops and munitions to

the enemy. The whole of Toussaint's first line, protecting the

Artibonite and the mountains, was thus unexpectedly forced by the

French, who plied the blacks with suave proclamations, depreciating the

idea of a return to slavery. Money and promises of personal promotion

were also freely used. The negro is vain and very fond of pomp. This is

his weakest point. The Creole negro loved to make great expenditures,

and to imitate the lavish style of the slaveholders. So did many of the

mulattoes. Toussaint's officers were not all black, and the men of color

proved accessible to French cajolery.

Take a single case to show how this change of sentiment was produced

without bribery. When the French expedition under Le Clere arrived, the

mulatto General Maurepas commanded at Port-de-Paix. He had not yet

learned whether Toussaint intended to rely upon the proclamation of

Bonaparte and to deliver up the military posts. General Humbert was sent

against him with a strong column, and demanded the surrender of the

fort. Said Maurapas,--"I am under the orders of Toussaint, who is my

chief; I cannot deliver the forts to you without his orders. Wait till I

receive his instructions; it will be only a matter of four-and-twenty

hours." Humbert, who knew that Toussaint was in full revolt,

replied,--"I have orders to attack."

"Very well. I cannot surrender without an order from General Toussaint.

If you attack me, I shall be obliged to defend myself."

"I also have my orders; I am forced to obey them."

Maurepas retired, and took his station alone upon a rampart of the

works. Humbert's troops, numbering four thousand, opened fire. Maurepas

remains awhile in the storm of bullets to reconnoitre, then coolly

descends and opens his own fire. He had but seven hundred blacks and

sixty whites. The French attacked four times and were four times

repulsed, with the loss of fifteen hundred men. Humbert was obliged to

retreat, before the reinforcement which had been despatched under

General Debelle could reach him. Maurepas's orders were not to attack,

but to defend. So he instantly hastened to another post, which

intercepted the route by which General Debelle was coming, met him, and

fought him there, repulsed him, and took seven cannon.

This was not an encouraging commencement for these children of the

French Revolution, who had beaten Suwarrow in Switzerland and blasted

the Mameluke cavalry with rolling fire, who had debouched from the St.

Bernard upon the plains of Piedmont in time to gather Austrian flags at

Marengo, and who added the name of Hohenlinden to the glory of Moreau.

Humbert himself, at the head of four thousand grenadiers, had restored

the day which preceded the surrender of the Russians at Zürich.

Le Clerc was obliged to say that the First Consul never had the

intention of restoring slavery. Humbert himself carried this

proclamation to Maurepas, and with it gained admittance to the

intrenchments which he could not storm. This single defection placed

four thousand admirable troops, and the harbor of Port-de-Paix, in the

hands of the French, and exposed Toussaint's flank at Gonaïves; and its

moral effect was so great upon the blacks as to encourage Le Clerc to

persist in his enterprise.

In the brief period of pacification which preceded this attempt of

Bonaparte to reconquer the island, Toussaint was mainly occupied with

the organization of agriculture. His army then consisted of only fifteen

demi-brigades, numbering in all 22,500, a guard of honor of one thousand

infantry, a regiment of cavalry, and an artillery corps. But the

military department was in perfect order. There was an État-Major,

consisting of a general of division with two aides-de-camp, a company of

guides, one of dragoons, and two secretaries,--ten brigadier-generals

with ten secretaries, ten aides-de-camp, and an escort,--and a board of

health, composed of one chief inspector, six physicians, and six

surgeons-general. The commissary and engineering departments were also

thoroughly organized. The pay of the 22,500 men amounted to 7,838,400

francs; rations, 6,366,195; musicians, 239,112; uniforming, 1,887,682;

officers' uniforms, 208,837. The pay of a non-commissioned officer and

private was 55 centimes per day.

In this army there were one thousand mulattoes, and five or six hundred

whites, recruited from the various artillery regiments which had been in

the colony during the last ten years. Every cultivator was a member of

the great reserve of this army, its spy and outpost and partisan.

The chief interest of the campaign against Le Clerc turns upon the

obstinate defence of Crête-à-Pierrot. Here the best qualities of black

troops were manifested. This was a simple oblong redoubt, thrown up by

the English during their brief occupation of the western coast, and

strengthened by the negroes. The Artibonite, which is the most important

river of the colony, threading its way from the mountains of the

interior through the _mornes_, which are not many miles from the sea,

passed under this redoubt, which was placed to command the principal

defile into the inaccessible region beyond. The rich central plains, the

river, and the mountains belonged to whoever held this post. The

Mirbalais quarter could raise potatoes enough to nourish sixty thousand

men accustomed to that kind of food.

When Toussaint's plan was spoiled by defection and defeat, he

transferred immense munitions to the mountains, and decided to

concentrate, for the double purpose of holding the place, if possible,

and of getting the French away from their supplies. It was a simple

breastwork of Campeachy-wood faced with earth, and had a ditch fifteen

feet deep. At a little distance was a small redoubt upon an eminence

which overlooked the larger work. To the east the great scarped rocks

forbade an approach, and dense spinous undergrowth filled the

surrounding forest. The defence of this place was given to Dessalines, a

most audacious and able fighter. Toussaint intended to harass the

investing columns from the north, and Charles Belair was posted to the

south, beyond and near the Artibonite. Toussaint would then be between

the fortress and the French corps of observation which was left in the

north,--a position which he turned to brilliant advantage. Four French

columns, of more than twelve thousand men, commenced, from as many

different directions, a slow and difficult movement upon this work. The

first column which came within sight of it found a body of negroes drawn

up, as if ready to give battle on the outside. It was the surplus of one

or two thousand troops which the intrenchment would not hold. The

French, expecting to rout them and enter the redoubt with them, charged

with the bayonet; the blacks fled, and the French reached the glacis.

Suddenly the blacks threw themselves into the ditch, thus exposing the

French troops to a terrible fire, which was opened from the redoubt.

General Debelle was severely wounded, and three or four hundred men were

stretched upon the field.

The advance in another quarter was checked by a small redoubt that

opened an unexpected fire. It was necessary to take it, and cannon had

to be employed. When the balls began to reach them, the blacks danced

and sang, and soon, issuing suddenly, with, cries, "_En avant! Canons à

nous_," attempted to take the pieces with the bayonet. But the

supporting fire was too strong, they were thrown into disorder, and the

redoubt was entered by the French.

Early one morning the camp of the blacks was surprised by one of the

columns, which had surmounted all the difficulties in its way.

Notwithstanding the previous experience, the French thought this time to

enter, and advanced precipitately. Many blacks entered the redoubt, the

rest jumped into the ditch, and the same terrible fire vomited forth.

Another column advanced to support the attack; but the first one was

already crushed and in full retreat. The blacks swarmed to the parapets,

threw planks across the ditch, and attacked both columns with drums

beating the charge. The French turned, and met just resistance enough to

bring them again within range, the same fire broke forth, and the

columns gave way, with a loss to the first of four hundred and eighty

men, and two or three hundred to the latter.

Upon this retreat, the cultivators of the neighborhood exchanged shots

with the flanking parties, and displayed great boldness.

It was plain to the French that this open redoubt would have to be

invested; but before this was done, Dessalines had left the place with

all the troops which could not be fed there, and cut his way across a

column with the loss of a hundred men. The defence was committed to a

quarteroon named Lamartinière.

While the French were completing the investment, the morning music of

the black band floated the old strains of the Marseillaise within their

lines. La Croix declares that it produced a painful sensation. The

soldiers looked at each other, and recalled the great marches which

carried victory to that music against the tyrants of Europe. "What!"

they said, "are our barbarous enemies in the right? Are we no longer the

soldiers of the Republic? Have we become the servile instruments of _la

politique_?" No doubt of that; these children of the Marseillaise and

adorers of Moreau had become _de trop_ in the Old World, and had been

sent to leave their bones in the defiles of _Pensez-y-bien_.[33]

The investment of Crête-à-Pierrot was regularly made, by Bacheiu, an

engineer who had distinguished himself in Egypt. Batteries were

established before the head of each division, a single mortar was got

into position, and a battery of seven pieces played upon the little

redoubt above. This is getting to be vastly more troublesome than the

fort of Bard, which held in check these very officers and men upon

their road to Marengo.

Rochambeau thought he had extinguished the fire of the little redoubt,

and would fain storm it. The blacks had protected it by an abatis ten

feet deep and three in height, in which our gallant ally of the

Revolution entangled himself, and was held there till he had lost three

hundred men, and gained nothing.

"Thus the Crête-à-Pierrot, in which (and in the small redoubt) there

were hardly twelve hundred men,[34] had already cost us more than

fifteen hundred in sheer loss. So we fell back upon the method which we

should have tried in the beginning, a vigorous blockade and a sustained

cannonade."

The fire was kept up night and day for three days without cessation.

Descourtilz, a French naturalist, who had been forced to act as surgeon,

was in the redoubt, and he describes the scenes of the interior. The

enfilading fire shattered the timber-work, and the bombs set fire to the

tents made of macaw-tree foliage, which the negroes threw flaming into

the ditch. A cannoneer sees a bomb falls close to a sick friend of his

who is asleep; considering that sleep is very needful for him, he seizes

the bomb, and cuts off the fuse with a knife. In a corner nods a

grenadier overcome with fatigue; a bomb falls at his side; he wakes

simultaneously with the explosion, to be blown to sleep again. The

soldiers stand and watch the bright parabola, in dead silence; then

comes the cry, "_Gare à la bombe!_" Hungry and thirsty men chew leaden

balls for relief. Five hundred men have fallen. Some of the officers

come for the surgeon's opium. They will not be taken alive. But the

excitement of the scene is so great that opium fails of its wonted

effect, and they complain of the tardiness of the dose. Other officers

make their wills with _sang froid_, as if expecting a tranquil

administration of their estates.

During the last night the little garrison evacuates the upper redoubt,

and is seen coming towards the work. Down goes the drawbridge, the

blacks issue to meet them, taking them for a storming party of the

French. There is a mutual mistake, both parties of blacks deliver their

fire, the sortie party retreats, and the garrison enters the redoubt

with them. Here they discover the mistake, but their rage is so great

that they exhaust their cartridges upon each other at four paces.

Descourtilz takes advantage of the confusion to throw himself into the

ditch, and escapes under a volley.

The place is no longer tenable, and must be evacuated. A scout apprises

Toussaint of the necessity, and it is arranged that he shall attack from

the north, while Lamartinière issues from the redoubt. During

Toussaint's feint, the black garrison cut their way through the left of

Rochambeau's division.

General Le Clerc cannot withhold his admiration. "The retreat which the

commandant of Crête-à-Pierrot dared to conceive and execute is a

remarkable feat of arms. We surrounded his post to the number of more

than twelve thousand men; he saved himself, did not lose half his

garrison, and left us only his dead and wounded. We found the baggage of

Dessalines, a few white cannoneers, the music of the guard of honor, a

magazine of powder, a number of muskets, and fifteen cannon of great

calibre."

Toussaint turned immediately towards the north, raised the cultivators,

attacked the corps of observation, drove it into Cap Français, ravaged

the plain, turned and defeated Hardy's division, which attempted to keep

open the communications with Le Clerc, and would have taken the city, if

fresh reinforcements from France had not at the same time arrived in the

harbor.

After the arrest of Toussaint, Dessalines reorganized the resistance of

the blacks, and attacked Rochambeau in the open field, driving him into

the city, where Le Clerc had just died: in that infected atmosphere he

kept the best troops of France besieged. "_Ah! ce gaillard_," the

French called the epidemic which came to complete the work of the

blacks. Twenty thousand men reinforced Rochambeau, but he capitulated,

after a terrible assault which Dessalines made with twenty-seven

thousand men, on the 28th November, 1803.

One more touch of negro soldiery must suffice. There was an

intrenchment, called Verdière, occupied by the French, upon a hill

overlooking the city. Dessalines sent a negro general, Capoix, with

three demi-brigades to take it. "They recoiled," says Schoelcher,

"horribly mutilated by the fire from the intrenchment. He rallied them:

the grape tore them in pieces, and hurled them again to the bottom of

the hill. Boiling with rage, Capoix goes to seek fresh troops, mounts a

fiery horse, and rushes forward for the third time; but the thousand

deaths which the fort delivers repulse his soldiers. He foams with

anger, exhorts them, pricks them on, and leads them up a fourth time. A

ball kills his horse, and he rolls over, but, soon extricating himself,

he runs to the head of the troops. '_En avant! En avant!_' he repeats,

with enthusiasm; at the same instant his plumed chapeau is swept from

his head by a grape-shot, but he still throws himself forward to the

assault. '_En avant! En avant!_'

"Then great shouts went up along the ramparts of the city: '_Bravo!

bravo! vivat! vivat!_' cried Rochambeau and his staff, who were watching

the assault. A drum-roll is heard, the fire of Verdière pauses, an

officer issues from the city, gallops to the very front of the surprised

blacks, and saluting, says,--'The Captain-General Rochambeau and the

French army send their admiration to the general officer who has just

covered himself with glory.' This magnificent message delivered, he

turned his horse, reëntered the city, and the assault is renewed.

Imagine if Capoix and his soldiers did new prodigies of valor. But the

besieged were also electrified, would not be overcome, and Dessalines

sent the order to retire. The next day a groom led a richly caparisoned

horse to the quarter-general of the blacks, which Rochambeau offered as

a mark of his admiration, and to replace that which he regretted had

been killed."

The valor and fighting qualities of the blacks in San Domingo were

nourished by the wars which sprang from their own necessities. They were

the native growths of the soil which had been long enriched by their

innocent blood; more blood must be invested in it, if they would own it.

Learning to fight was equivalent to learning to live. Their cause was

neither represented nor championed by a single power on earth, and

nothing but the hope of making enormous profits out of their despair led

Anglo-American schooners to run English and French blockades, to land

arms and powder in the little coves of the island. Will the negro fight

as well, if the motive and the exigency are inferior?

We make a present to the Southern negro of an excellent chance for

fighting, with our compliments. Some of us do it with our curses. The

war does not spring for them out of enthusiasm and despair which seize

their hearts at once, as they view a degradation from which they flee

and a liberty to which they are all hurrying. They are asked to fight

for us as well as for themselves, and this asking is, like emancipation,

a military necessity. The motive lacks the perfect form and

incandescence, like that of a star leaping from a molten sun, which

lighted battle-ardors in the poor slaves of San Domingo. And we even

hedge about this invitation to bleed for us with conditions which are

evidently dictated by a suspicion that the motive is not great enough to

make the negro depend upon himself. If the war does not entirely sweep

away these poor beginnings and thrust white and black together into the

arms of thrilling danger, we need not expect great fighting from him. He

may not disgrace himself, but he will not ennoble the republic till his

heart's core is the war's core, and the colors of two races run into

one.

The Atlantic Monthly, Volume 11, No. 68, June, 1863 A Magazine of Literature, Art, and Politics · 第 49 / 51 题