MAGIC RITES AS AFFECTING THE LIFE OF MAN
1. BIRTH-SPIRITS
We now come to the spirits which are believed to attack both women
and children at childbirth.
These are four in number: the Bajang, which generally takes the form
of a pole-cat (musang) and disturbs the household by mewing like a
great cat; the Langsuir, which takes the form of an owl with long
claws, which sits and hoots upon the roof-tree; the Pontianak or
Mati-anak, which, as will be seen presently, is also a night-owl,
and is supposed to be a child of the Langsuir, and the Penanggalan,
which is believed to resemble a trunkless human head with the sac
of the stomach attached to it, and which flies about seeking for an
opportunity of sucking the blood of infants.
With the above are often associated the Polong, which is described as
a diminutive but malicious species of bottle-imp, and the Pelesit,
which is the name given to a kind of grasshopper (or cricket?), but
these latter, though often associated with the regular birth-spirits,
partake also of the character of familiar spirits [537] or bottle-imps,
and are usually private property.
I will now take these spirits in the above order. The Bajang, as I have
said, is generally described as taking the form of a pole-cat (musang),
but it appears to be occasionally confused with the Pelesit. Thus
a Malay magician once told me that the Bajang took the form of a
house-cricket, and that when thus embodied it may be kept by a man,
as the Pelesit may be kept by a woman. This statement, however,
must not be accepted without due reserve, and it may be taken as a
certainty that the usual conception of the Bajang's embodiment is a
pole-cat. [538]
I need hardly say that it is considered very dangerous to children,
who are sometimes provided with a sort of armlet of black silk threads,
called a "bajang bracelet" (g'lang bajang), which, it is supposed,
will protect them against it. On the opposite page will be seen
a remarkable drawing [539] (of which a facsimile is here given),
which appears to represent the outline of a Bajang, "scripturally"
modified to serve as a counter-charm against the Bajang itself. [540]
The following account of the Bajang is by Sir Frank Swettenham:--
"Some one in the village falls ill of a complaint the symptoms of
which are unusual; there may be convulsions, unconsciousness, or
delirium, possibly for some days together or with intervals between
the attacks. The relatives will call in a native doctor, and at her
(she is usually an ancient female) suggestion, or without it, an
impression will arise that the patient is the victim of a bâjang. Such
an impression quickly develops into certainty, and any trifle will
suggest the owner of the evil spirit. One method of verifying this
suspicion is to wait till the patient is in a state of delirium,
and then to question him or her as to who is the author of the
trouble. This should be done by some independent person of authority,
who is supposed to be able to ascertain the truth.
"A further and convincing proof is then to call in a 'Pawang' skilled
in dealing with wizards (in Malay countries they are usually men),
and if he knows his business his power is such that he will place
the sorcerer in one room, and, while he in another scrapes an iron
vessel with a razor, the culprit's hair will fall off as though the
razor had been applied to his head instead of to the vessel! That is
supposing he is the culprit; if not, of course he will pass through
the ordeal without damage.
"I have been assured that the shaving process is so efficacious
that, as the vessel represents the head of the person standing his
trial, wherever it is scraped the wizard's hair will fall off in a
corresponding spot. It might be supposed that under these circumstances
the accused is reasonably safe, but this test of guilt is not always
employed. What more commonly happens is that when several cases of
unexplained sickness have occurred in a village, with possibly one or
two deaths, the people of the place lodge a formal complaint against
the supposed author of these ills, and desire that he be punished.
"Before the advent of British influence it was the practice to kill the
wizard or witch whose guilt had been established to Malay satisfaction,
and such executions were carried out not many years ago.
"I remember a case in Perak less than ten years ago, when the people
of an up-river village accused a man of keeping a bâjang, and the
present Sultan, who was then the principal Malay judge in the State,
told them he would severely punish the bâjang if they would produce
it. They went away hardly satisfied, and shortly after made a united
representation to the effect that if the person suspected were allowed
to remain in their midst they would kill him. Before anything could be
done they put him, his family, and effects on a raft and started them
down the river. On their arrival at Kuala Kangsar the man was given
an isolated hut to live in, but not long afterwards he disappeared.
"The hereditary bâjang comes like other evils, the unsought heritage
of a dissolute ancestry, but the acquired bâjang is usually obtained
from the newly-buried body of a stillborn child, which is supposed to
be the abiding-place of a familiar spirit until lured therefrom by the
solicitations of some one who, at dead of night, stands over the grave
and by potent incantations persuades the bâjang to come forth." [541]
"It is all very well for the Kedah ladies to sacrifice their shadows
to obtain possession of a pelsit, leaders of society must be in the
fashion at any cost; but there are plenty of people living in Perak
who have seen more than one ancient Malay dame taken out into the river
and, despite her protestations, her tears, and entreaties, have watched
her, with hands and feet tied, put into the water and slowly pushed
down out of sight by means of a long pole with a fork at one end which
fitted on her neck. Those who have witnessed these executions have no
doubt of the justice of the punishment, and not uncommonly add that
after two or three examples had been made there would always ensue
a period of rest from the torments of the bâjang. I have also been
assured that the bâjang, in the shape of a lizard, has been seen to
issue from the drowning person's nose. That statement no doubt is made
on the authority of those who condemned and executed the victim." [542]
The popular superstition about the Langsuir is thus described by Sir
William Maxwell:--
"If a woman dies in childbirth, either before delivery or after
the birth of a child, and before the forty days of uncleanness have
expired, she is popularly supposed to become a langsuyar, a flying
demon of the nature of the 'white lady' or 'banshee.' To prevent this
a quantity of glass beads are put in the mouth of the corpse, a hen's
egg is put under each arm-pit, and needles are placed in the palms of
the hands. It is believed that if this is done the dead woman cannot
become a langsuyar, as she cannot open her mouth to shriek (ngilai)
or wave her arms as wings, or open and shut her hands to assist her
flight." [543]
The superstitions about the Langsuir, however, do not end here,
for with regard to its origin the Selangor Malays tell the following
story:--
The original Langsuir (whose embodiment is supposed to be a kind of
night-owl) is described as being a woman of dazzling beauty, who died
from the shock of hearing that her child was stillborn, and had taken
the shape of the Pontianak. [544] On hearing this terrible news, she
"clapped her hands," and without further warning "flew whinnying
away to a tree, upon which she perched." She may be known by her
robe of green, by her tapering nails of extraordinary length (a mark
of beauty), and by the long jet black tresses which she allows to
fall down to her ankles--only, alas! (for the truth must be told)
in order to conceal the hole in the back of her neck through which
she sucks the blood of children! These vampire-like proclivities
of hers may, however, be successfully combated if the right means
are adopted, for if you are able to catch her, cut short her nails
and luxuriant tresses, and stuff them into the hole in her neck,
she will become tame and indistinguishable from an ordinary woman,
remaining so for years. Cases have been known, indeed, in which she
has become a wife and a mother, until she was allowed to dance at a
village merry-making, when she at once reverted to her ghostly form,
and flew off into the dark and gloomy forest from whence she came.
In their wild state, a Malay once informed me, these woman-vampires are
exceedingly fond of fish, and once and again may be seen "sitting in
crowds on the fishing-stakes at the river mouth awaiting an opportunity
to steal the fish." However that may be, it seems curiously in keeping
with the following charm for "laying" a Langsuir:--
"O ye mosquito-fry at the river's mouth
When yet a great way off, ye are sharp of eye,
When near, ye are hard of heart.
When the rock in the ground opens of itself
Then (and then only) be emboldened the hearts of my foes and
opponents!
When the corpse in the ground opens of itself
Then (and then only) be emboldened the hearts of my foes and
opponents!
May your heart be softened when you behold me,
By grace of this prayer that I use, called Silam Bayu."
The "mosquito-fry at the river's mouth" in the first line is no
doubt intended as an allusion to the Langsuir who frequent the
fishing-stakes.
The Pontianak (or Mati-anak), as has already been said, is the
stillborn child of the Langsuir, and its embodiment is like that of
its mother, a kind of night-owl. [545] Curiously enough, it appears
to be the only one of these spirits which rises to the dignity of
being addressed as a "Jin" or "Genie," as appears from the charms
which are used for laying it. Thus we find in a common charm:--
"O Pontianak the Stillborn,
May you be struck dead by the soil from the grave-mound.
Thus (we) cut the bamboo-joints, the long and the short,
To cook therein the liver of the Jin (Demon) Pontianak.
By the grace of 'There is no god but God,'" etc.
To prevent a stillborn child from becoming a Pontianak the corpse is
treated in the same way as that of the mother, i.e. a hen's egg is put
under each armpit, a needle in the palm of each hand, and (probably)
glass beads or some simple equivalent in its mouth. The charm which
is used on this occasion will be found in the Appendix.
The Peenanggalan is a sort of monstrous vampire which delights in
sucking the blood of children. The story goes that once upon a time
a woman was sitting, to perform a religious penance (dudok bertapa),
in one of the large wooden vats which are used by the Malays for
holding the vinegar made by drawing off the sap of the thatch-palm
(menyadap nipah). Quite unexpectedly a man came in, and finding her
sitting in the vat, asked her, "What are you doing there?" To this
the woman replied, "What business have you to ask?" but being very
much startled she attempted to escape, and in the excitement of the
moment, kicked her own chin with such force that the skin split round
her neck, and her head (with the sac of the stomach depending from it)
actually became separated from the trunk, and flew off to perch upon
the nearest tree. Ever since then she has existed as a spirit of evil,
sitting on the roof-tree whinnying (mengilai) whenever a child is
born in the house, or trying to force her way up through the floor
on which the child lies, in order to drink its blood. [546]
The only two spirits of this class which now remain are the Polong
and the Pelesit, and these, as I have said, partake to a great extent
of the character of familiar spirits or bottle imps, and are by no
means confined to a single "rôle" as the preceding ones have been.
The Polong resembles an exceedingly diminutive female figure or
mannikin, being in point of size about as big as the top joint of the
little finger. It will fly through the air to wherever it is told to
go, but is always preceded by its pet or plaything (pemainan), the
Pelesit, which, as has already been said, appears to be a species
of house-cricket. Whenever the Polong wishes to enter (di-rasoki)
a new victim, it sends the Pelesit on before it, and as soon as the
latter, "flying in a headlong fashion (menelentang menjerongkong),"
has entered its victim's body, which it usually does tail-foremost,
and begins to chirp, the Polong follows. It is generally hidden away
outside the house by its owner (Jinjangan), and fed with blood pricked
from the finger. The description usually given of a Polong tallies
curiously with the Malay definition of the soul. [547]
The last of these spirits, the Pelesit (or house-cricket?), which
is the Polong's "plaything" or pet, flies to and fro (rasok sini,
rasok sana) till it finds the body which its mistress has ordered
it to enter, harm only being done when it enters tail-foremost, as
it generally does. It is occasionally caught and kept in a bottle by
Malay women, who feed it either on parched or saffron-stained rice,
or on blood drawn from the tip of the fourth finger which they prick
for the purpose, and who, when they wish to get rid of it, bury it in
the ground. When a sick person is affected by a Pelesit (one of the
signs of which is to rave about cats) [548] the medicine-man comes and
addresses the Pelesit (or Polong?), which has taken up its residence
in the patient's body, with the words: "Who is your mother?" To this
question the Pelesit replies, speaking with the patient's voice,
but in a high falsetto key, and giving the name of the person who
sent it, whereupon prompt measures are taken to compel the owner
to recall it. It now only remains to describe the means employed
by the Malays to secure one of these familiar spirits, which can be
guaranteed to cause the greatest possible annoyance to your enemy,
with the least possible trouble on your own part.
Receipt for securing a Pelesit
"Go to the graveyard at night and dig up the body of a first-born
child whose mother was also first-born, and which has been dead less
than forty days. On digging it up, carry it out to an ant-hill in the
open ground, and there dandle it (di-timang). After a little while,
when the child shrieks and lolls its tongue out (terjelir lidah-nya),
bite off its tongue and carry it home. Then obtain a cocoa-nut shell
from a solitary 'green' cocoa-nut palm (niyor hijau), and carry it
to a place where Three Roads Meet, light a fire and heat the shell
till oil exudes, dip the child's tongue in the oil, and bury it in
the heart of the three cross roads (hati sempang tiga). Leave it
untouched for three nights, then dig it up and you will find that it
has turned into a Pelesit." [549]
2. BIRTH CEREMONIES
In or about the seventh month of pregnancy (mengandong tujoh bulan) a
"Bidan" [550] (sage femme) is engaged (menempah), the ceremony being
described as follows:--
A copper vessel called cherana (which is something like a fruit-dish
with a stand or foot to it) is filled with four or five peeled
areca-nuts, a small block of gambier, a portion of lime (kapor
sa-perkaporan), a "tahil" (sa-tahil) of tobacco, and three or four
packets (susun) of betel-leaf, and carried to the Bidan's house, where
it is presented to her with the words, "I wish to engage you for my
child" (Ini'ku mahu menempah anak'ku), or words to that effect. [551]
Usually the contents of the cherana are enclosed in small brass
receptacles, but on such occasions as the present no receptacles
are used, the usual accessories of the betel-chewing ceremony being
deposited in the cherana itself. The Bidan, on receiving the cherana,
and charming the contents, inverts it, pouring out (di-chorahkan)
its contents upon the floor, and taking omens for the coming event
from the manner in which they fall. [552] She then commences to chew
the betel-leaf, and when she has taken as much as she requires, she
generally performs some species of divination (tengo' dalam petua) in
order to ascertain the nature of the child's horoscope. This object
may be achieved in several ways; e.g. by astrological calculations;
by casting up (palak or falakiah) the numerical values of the letters
of both parents' names, in accordance with the abjad, or secret cipher
alphabet; [553] by observance of a wax taper fixed upon the brim of a
jar of water (dian di tepi buyong ayer); and by observance of a cup of
"betel-leaf water" (ayer sirih). [554]
When the time arrives the Bidan is sent for and escorted to the
spot, where she points out the luckiest place in the house for the
child to be born. Such a spot must not be under the ends of the
slats of the palm-thatch, but between them, the exact spot being
discovered by repeatedly dropping the blade of a hatchet or cutlass
haft downwards into the ground below the raised floor of the house,
until a spot is found wherein it sticks and remains upright. A rattan
loop (tali anggas) to enable the patient to raise herself to a sitting
posture, is suspended from the rafters over the spot selected, [555]
while just exactly beneath it under the floor of the house (which
is raised on piles like the old Swiss lake-dwellings) are fastened
a bunch of leaves of the prickly pandanus, the "acid" egg-plant,
[556] and a lekar jantan, which is a kind of rattan stand used for
Malay cooking-pots. The leaves of these plants are used because it is
thought that their thorns will prick any evil spirit [557] which tries
to get at the child from below, whilst the circular cooking-pot stand
will act as a noose or snare. Over the patient's head, and just under
the rafters, is spread a casting-net (jala), together with a bunch
of leaves of the red dracæna (jenjuang or lenjuang merah) and the
"acid" egg-plant. [558]
A big tray (talam) is now filled with a measure of uncooked husked rice
(b'ras sa-gantang), and covered over with a small mat of screw-palm
leaves (tikar mengkuang). This mat is in turn covered with from three
to seven thicknesses of fine Malay sarongs (a sort of broad plaid
worn as a skirt), and these latter again are surmounted by a second
mat upon which the newly-born infant is to be deposited.
The next process is the purification of mother and child by a ceremony
which consists of bathing both in warm water just not hot enough
to scald the skin (ayer pesam-pesam jangan melochak kulit), and in
which are leaves of lengkuas, halia, kunyit t'rus, kunyit, pandan bau,
areca-palm blossom, and the dried leaves (keronsong or keresek) of the
pisang k'lat. This has to be repeated (every?) morning and evening. In
most places the new-born infant is, as has been said, laid upon a mat
and formally adopted by the father, who breathes into the child's ear
[559] a sort of Muhammadan prayer or formula, which is called bang in
the case of a boy, and kamat in the case of a girl. After purification
the child is swaddled in a sort of papoose; an inner bandage (barut) is
swathed round the child's waist, and a broad cloth band (kain lampin)
is wound round its body from the knees to the breast, after which
the outer bandage (kain bedong) is wound round the child's body from
the feet to the shoulder, and is worn continually until the child is
three or four months old, or, in Malay parlance, until he has learned
to crawl (tahu meniarap). This contrivance, it is alleged, prevents
the child from starting and straining its muscles. Over the child's
mat is suspended a sort of small conical mosquito-net (kain bochok),
the upper end of which is generally stitched (di-semat) or pinned on
to the top of the parent's mosquito curtain, and which is intended
to protect the child from any stray mosquito or sandfly which may
have found its way into the bigger net used by his parents.
Next comes the ceremony of marking the forehead (chonting muka),
which is supposed to keep the child from starting and straining itself
(jangan terkejut terkekau), and from convulsions (sawan), and at the
same time to preserve it from evil spirits. The following are the
directions:--Take chips of wood from the thin end (kapala?) of the
threshold, from the steps of the house-ladder, and from the house
furniture, together with a coat (kesip) of garlic, a coat of an
onion, assafoetida, a rattan cooking-pot stand, and fibre from the
"monkey-face" of an unfertile cocoa-nut (tampo' niyor jantan). Burn
all these articles together, collect the ashes, and mix them by means
of the fore-finger with a little "betel-water." Now repeat the proper
charm, [560] dip the finger in the mixture, and mark the centre of the
child's forehead, if a boy with a sign resembling what is called a
bench mark [V], if a girl with a plain cross +, and at the same time
put small daubs on the nose, cheeks, chin, and shoulders. Then mark
the mother with a line drawn from breast to breast (pangkah susu) and
a daub on the end of the nose (cholek hidong). If you do this properly,
a Langat Malay informed me, the Evil One will take mother and child for
his own wife and child (who are supposed to be similarly marked) and
will consequently refrain from harming them!
In addition to the above, if the child is a girl, her eyebrows are
shaved and a curve drawn in their place, extending from the root
of the nose to the ear (di-pantiskan bentok taji deri muka sampei
pelipis). The mixture used for marking these curves consists of
manjakani mixed with milk from the mother's breast.
Another most curious custom which recalls a parallel custom among
North American Indians, is occasionally resorted to for the purpose of
altering the shape of the child's head. When it is considered too long
(terlampau panjang), a small tightly-fitting "yam leaf cap" (songko'
daun k'ladi), consisting of seven thicknesses of calladium (yam)
leaves is used to compress it. This operation is supposed to shorten
the child's skull, and the person who fits it on to the child's head
uses the words--"Muhammad, short be your head" in the case of a boy,
and "Fatimah, short be your head" in the case of a girl.
Now comes the ceremony of administering to the infant what is called
the "mouth-opener" (lit. "mouth-splitter," pemb'lah mulut); first,
you take a green cocoa-nut (niyor sungkoran), split it in halves
(di-b'lah niyor), put a "grain" of salt inside one-half of the shell
(di-buboh garam sa-buku), and give it to the child to drink, counting
up to seven, and putting it to the child's mouth at the word seven
(letakkan di mulut-nya). Then repeat the ceremony, substituting asam
(tamarinds?) for the salt. Finally, take a gold ring, and after rubbing
it against the inside of the cocoa-nut (cholek di-dalam niyor), lay it
upon the child's lips, (letakkan di bibir-nya), saying "Bismillah,"
etc. Do the same with a silver and amalgam (gold and silver) ring
respectively, and the ceremony will be at an end.
I may note, in passing, that it is in allusion to the above ceremony
that you will sometimes hear old men say "It's not the first time I
tasted salt, I did so ever since I was first put into my swinging-cot"
(aku makan garam dahulu, deripada tatkala naik buayan).
Sometimes a little "rock" sugar (gula batu) is added to make the
"mouth-opener" more palatable.
From the time when the child is about twenty-four hours old until it
is of the age of three months, it is fed with rice boiled in a pot on
the fire, "broken" (di-lechek) by means of a short broad cocoa-nut
shell spoon (pelechek), mixed with a little sugar and squeezed into
small receptacles of woven cocoa-nut leaf (ketupat).
Later it is taught to feed at the breast (menetek), which continues
until it is weaned by the application of bitter aloes (jadam) to the
mother's breasts.
In the rice-jar (buyong b'ras) during this period, a stone, a big
iron nail, and a "candle-nut" must be kept, and a spoon (sendok)
must always be used for putting the rice into the pot before boiling
it. Moreover, the mother, when eating or drinking, must always cross
her left arm under her breasts (di-ampu susu-nya di lengan kiri)
leaving the right arm free to bring the food to the mouth.
When the child has been bathed, it is fumigated, and deposited for
the first time in a swinging-cot (the Malay substitute for a cradle)
which, according to immemorial custom, is formed by a black cloth
slung from one of the rafters. To fumigate [561] it you take leaves of
the red dracæna (jenjuang merah), and wrap them round first with the
casing of the charred torch (puntong) used at the severing of the cord
(pembuang tali pusat), then with leaves of the t'rong asam ("acid"
egg-plant), and tie them round at intervals with a string of shredded
tree-bark (tali t'rap). The funnel-shaped bouquet thus formed is
suspended above the child's cot (buayan); a spice-block (batu giling)
is deposited inside it, and underneath it are placed the naked blade
of a cutlass (parang puting), a cocoa-nut scraper (kukoran), and one
of the basket-work stands used for the cooking-pots (lekar jantan),
which latter is slung round the neck of the cocoa-nut scraper. This
last strange contrivance is, I believe, intended as a hint to the
evil spirit or vampire which comes to suck the child's blood, and
for whom the trap described above is set underneath the house-floor.
Now get a censer and burn incense in it, adding to the flame, as it
burns, rubbish from beneath a deserted house, the deserted nest of a
mer'bah (dove), and the deserted nest of the "rain-bird" (sarang burong
ujan-ujan). When all is ready, rock the cot very gently seven times,
then take the spice-block out of the cot and deposit it together with
the blade of the cutlass upon the ground, take the child in your arms
and fumigate it by moving it thrice round in a circle over the smoke
of the censer, counting up to seven as you do so, and swing the child
gently towards your left. At the word "seven" call the child's soul
by saying "Cluck, cluck! soul of Muhammad here!" [562] (if it is a
boy), or "Cluck, cluck! soul of Fatimah here!" (if it is a girl);
deposit the child in the cot and rock it very gently, so that it does
not swing farther than the neck of the cocoa-nut scraper extends
(sa-panjang kukoran sahaja). After this you may swing it as far as
you like, but for at least seven days afterwards, whenever the child
is taken out of the cot, the spice-block, or stone-child (anak batu)
as it is called, must be deposited in the cot as a substitute for
the child (pengganti budak).
Once in every four hours the child should be bathed with cold water,
in order that it may be kept "cool." This custom, I was told, is
diametrically opposite to that which obtains at Malacca, where the
child is bathed as rarely as possible. The custom followed in Selangor
is said to prevent the child from getting a sore mouth (guam).
For the first two months or so, whenever the child is bathed, it is
rubbed over with a paste obtained by mixing powdered rice with the
powder obtained from a red stone called batu kawi. This stone, which is
said by some Malays to take its name from the Island of Langkawi, is
thought to possess astringent (k'lat) qualities, and is used by Malay
women to improve their skin. Before use the paste is fumigated with
the smoke of burning eagle-wood, sandal-wood, and incense, after which
the liquid, which is said to resemble red ink, is applied to the skin,
and then washed off, no doubt, with lime-juice in the ordinary way.
In the cold water which is used for bathing the child are deposited a
big iron nail (as a "symbol of iron"), "candle-nuts" and cockle-shells
(kulit k'rang), to which some Malays add a kind of parasite called si
ber'nas (i.e. Well-Filled Out, a word applied to children who are fat,
instead of the word gemok, which is considered unlucky) and another
parasite called sadingin or si dingin, the "Cold" one.
After bathing, the Bidan should perform the ceremony called sembor
sirih, which consists in the ejecting of betel-leaf (mixed with other
ingredients) out of her mouth on to the pit of the child's stomach, the
ingredients being pounded leaves of the bunglei, chekor, and jerangau,
and chips of brazil-wood, ebony, and sugar-palm twigs (segar kabong);
to these are sometimes added small portions of the "Rough" bamboo
(buluh kasap), of the bemban balu, and of the leaf-cases of the
areca-palm (either upih b'lah batang or upih sarong).
The child is generally named within the first week, but I have not yet
heard of any special ceremony connected with the naming, though it is
most probably considered as a religious act. The name is evidently
considered of some importance, for if the child happens to get ill
directly after the naming, it is sometimes re-adopted (temporarily)
by a third party, who gives it a different name. When this happens a
species of bracelets and anklets made of black cloth are put upon the
child's wrists and ankles, the ceremony being called tumpang sayang.
A few days later the child's head is shaved, and his nails cut for
the first time. For the former process a red lather is manufactured
from fine rice-flour mixed with gambier, lime, and betel-leaf. Some
people have the child's head shaved clean, others leave the central
lock (jambul). In either case the remains of the red lather, together
with the clippings of hair (and nails?) are received in a rolled-up
yam-leaf (daun k'ladi di-ponjut) or cocoa-nut (?), and carried
away and deposited at the foot of a shady tree, such as a banana
(or a pomegranate?).
Sometimes (as had been done in the case of a Malay bride at whose
"tonsure" I assisted [563]), the parents make a vow at a child's
birth that they will give a feast at the tonsure of its hair, just
before its marriage, provided the child grows up in safety.
Occasionally the ceremony of shaving the child's head takes place on
the 44th day after birth, the ceremony being called balik juru. A
small sum, such as $2.00 or $3.00, is also sometimes presented to
a pilgrim to carry clippings of the child's locks to Mecca and cast
them into the well Zemzem, such payment being called 'kêkah (`akêkah)
in the case of a boy, and kerban in the case of a girl. [564]
To return to the mother. She is bathed in hot water at 8 o'clock each
morning for three days, and from the day of birth (after ablution)
she has to undergo the strangest ceremony of all, "ascending the
roasting-place" (naik saleian). A kind of rough couch is prepared
upon a small platform (saleian), which is about six feet in length,
and slopes downwards towards the foot, where it is about two feet
above the floor. Beneath this platform a fireplace or hearth (dapor)
[565] is constructed, and a "roaring fire" lighted, which is intended
to warm the patient to a degree consistent with Malay ideas of what is
beneficial! Custom, which is stronger than law, forces the patient to
recline upon this couch two or three times in the course of the day,
and to remain upon it each time for an hour or two. To such extremes
is this practice carried, that "on one occasion a poor woman was
brought to the point of death ... and would have died if she had not
been rescued by the kind interposition of the Civil Assistant-Surgeon;
the excessive excitement caused by the heat was so overpowering that
aberration of mind ensued which continued for several months." [566]
As if this were not enough, one of the heated hearth-stones (batu
tungku) is frequently wrapped up in a piece of flannel or old rags,
applied to the patient's stomach so as to "roast" her still more
effectually. This "roasting" custom is said to continue for the whole
of the forty-four days of uncleanness. During this period there are
many birth-taboos (pantang beranak) applying to food, the following
articles being usually forbidden: (1) things which have (from the
Malay point of view) a lowering effect on the constitution (sagala
yang sejuk-sejuk), e.g. fruits, with some exceptions, and vegetables;
(2) things which have a heating effect on the blood (sagala yang
bisa-bisa), e.g. the fish called pari (skate), the Prickly Fish (ikan
duri), and the sembilang (a kind of mudfish with poisonous spines on
both sides and back), and all fresh-water fish; (3) all things which
have an irritating effect on the skin (sagala yang gatal-gatal),
e.g. the fish called tenggiri, and terubok, shell-fish, and the
egg-plant or Brinjal, while the fish called kurau, g'lama, senahong,
parang-parang may be eaten, so long as they are well salted; (4) things
which are supposed to cause faintness (sagala yang bentan-bentan), or
swooning (pengsan), such, for instance, as uncooked cocoa-nut pulp,
gourds and cucumbers; (5) sugar (with the exception of cocoa-nut
sugar), cocoa-nuts, and chillies. [567]
The following description of birth-taboos in Pahang, taken from
Mr. H. Clifford's Studies in Brown Humanity, will give a good general
idea of this part of the subject:--
"When Umat has placed the sîrih leaves he has done all he can for
Selema, and he resigns himself to endure the anxiety of the next few
months with the patience of which he has so much command. The pantang
ber-ânak, or birth-taboos, hem a husband in almost as rigidly as they
do his wife, and Umat, who is as superstitious as are all the Malays
of the lower classes, is filled with fear lest he should unwittingly
transgress any law, the breach of which might cost Selema her life. He
no longer shaves his head periodically, as he loves to do, for a
naked scalp is very cool and comfortable; he does not even cut his
hair, and a thick black shock stands five inches high upon his head,
and tumbles raggedly about his neck and ears. Selema is his first
wife, and never before has she borne children, wherefore no hair of
her husband's must be trimmed until her days are accomplished. Umat
will not kill the fowls for the cook now, nor even drive a stray dog
from the compound with violence, lest he should chance to maim it,
for he must shed no blood, and must do no hurt to any living thing
during all this time. One day he is sent on an errand up-river and
is absent until the third day. On inquiry it appears that he passed
the night in a friend's house, and on the morrow found that the wife
of his host was shortly expecting to become a mother. Therefore he
had to remain at least two nights in the village. Why? Because if
he failed to do so, Selema would die. Why would she die? God alone
knows, but such is the teaching of the men of old, the wise ones of
ancient days. But Umat's chief privation is that he is forbidden to
sit in the doorway of his house. To understand what this means to
a Malay, you must realise that the seat in the doorway, at the head
of the stair-ladder that reaches to the ground, is to him much what
the fireside is to the English peasant. It is here that he sits and
looks out patiently at life, as the European gazes into the heart of
the fire. It is here that his neighbours come to gossip with him,
and it is in the doorway of his own or his friend's house that the
echo of the world is borne to his ears. But, while Selema is ill,
Umat may not block the doorway, or dreadful consequences will ensue,
and though he appreciates this and makes the sacrifice readily for
his wife's sake, it takes much of the comfort out of his life.
"Selema, meanwhile, has to be equally circumspect. She bridles her
woman's tongue resolutely, and no word in disparagement of man or
beast passes her lips during all these months, for she has no desire
to see the qualities she dislikes reproduced in the child. She is
often tired to death and faint and ill before her hour draws nigh,
but none the less she will not lie upon her mat during the daytime
lest her heavy eyes should close in sleep, since her child would
surely fall a prey to evil spirits were she to do so. Therefore she
fights on to the dusk, and Umat does all he can to comfort her and
to lighten her sufferings by constant tenderness and care." [568]
The medicine (sambaran bara), used by the mother after her confinement,
consists of the ashes of a burnt cocoa-nut shell pounded and mixed
with a pinch of black pepper (lada hitam sa-jimput), a root of garlic
(bawang puteh sa-labuh), and enough vinegar to make the mixture
liquid. This potion is drunk for three consecutive mornings. A bandage
is swathed about her waist, and she is treated with a cosmetic (bedak)
manufactured from temu kuning, which is pounded small (and mixed as
before with garlic, black pepper, and vinegar), and applied every
morning and evening for the first three days. During the next three
days a new cosmetic (bedak kunyit t'rus) is applied, the ingredients
being kunyit t'rus pounded and mixed in the same way as the cosmetic
just described.
At the same time the patient is given a potion made from the ash of
burnt durian skins (abu kulit durian), mixed as before with vinegar;
the fruit-stalk, or "spire," of a cocoa-nut palm (manggar niyor)
being substituted if the durian skin is not obtainable.
A poultice (ubat pupok) is also applied to the patient's forehead,
after the early bathing, during the "forty-four days" of her
retirement; it consists of leaves of the tahi babi, jintan hitam,
and garlic, pounded and mixed as usual with vinegar.
After three days an extraordinary mixture, called in Selangor the
"Hundred Herbs" (rempah 'ratus), but in Malacca merely "Pot-herbs"
(rempah p'riok), is concocted from all kinds of herbs, roots, and
spices. The ingredients are put into a large vessel of water and left
to soak, a portion of the liquor being strained off and given to
the patient as a potion every morning for about ten days. Similar
ingredients boiled in a large pot, which is kept hot by being
hermetically sealed (di-getang), and by having live embers placed
underneath it from time to time, furnish the regular beverage of the
patient up to the time of her purification. After the first fortnight,
however, the lees are extracted from the vessel and used to compose
a poultice which is applied to the patient's waist, a set of fresh
ingredients replacing the old ones. [569] It is sold for fifty cents
a jar.
On the forty-fourth day the raised platform or roasting-place (saleian)
is taken down and the ceremony called Floor-washing (basoh lantei)
takes place, the whole house being thoroughly washed and cleaned. The
floor having been smeared with rice-cosmetic (bedak) (such as the
Malays use for the bathing ceremony), it is well scratched by the
claws of a fowl, which is caught (and washed) for the purpose, and
then held over the floor and forced to do the scratching required of
it. The cosmetic is then removed (di-langir) by means of lime-juice
(again as in the bathing ceremony) and the hearth-fire is changed. The
Bidan now receives her pay, usually getting in cash for the eldest
child $4.40 (in some places $5.40), for the second, $3.40, the third,
$2.40, and for the fourth, and all subsequent children, $1.40; unless
she is hastily summoned (bidan tarek) and no engagement (menempah) has
been made, in which case she may demand half a bhara ($11). Besides
this somewhat meagre remuneration, however, she receives from the
well-to-do (at the floor-washing ceremony) such presents as cast-off
clothes (kain bekas tuboh), a bowl of saffron rice, a bowl of the
rice-cosmetic and limes (bedak limau), and a platter of betel-leaf,
with accessories (cherana sirih). Though the remuneration may appear
small, it was, nevertheless, sure; as in former days an unwritten
law allowed her to take the child and "cry it for sale" (di-jaja)
round the country, should her fee remain unpaid.
Before concluding the present subject it will be necessary to describe
certain specific injunctions and taboos which form an important part
of the vast body of Malay customs which centre specially round the
birth of children.
Before the child is born the father has to be more than usually
circumspect with regard to what he does, as any untoward act on
his part would assuredly have a prejudicial effect on the child,
and cause a birth-mark or even actual deformity, any such affection
being called kenan. In a case which came to my notice the son was born
with only a thumb, forefinger, and little finger on the left hand,
and a great toe on the left foot, the rest of the fingers and toes on
the left side being wanting. This, I was told, was due to the fact
that the father violated this taboo by going to the fishing-stakes
one day and killing a crab by chopping at it with a cutlass.
In former days during this period it was "taboo" (pantang) for the
father to cut the throat of a buffalo or even of a fowl; or, in fact,
to take the life of any animal whatever--a trace no doubt of Indian
influences. A Malay told me once that his son, soon after birth,
was afflicted with a great obstruction of breathing, but that when
the medicine-man (Pawang) declared (after "diagnosing" the case)
that the child was suffering from a "fish-affection" (kenan ikan),
he remembered that he had knocked on the head an extraordinary number
of fish which he had caught on the very day that his son was born. He
therefore, by the advice of the medicine-man, gave the child a potion
made from pounded fish bones, and an immediate and permanent recovery
was the result.
Such affections as those described are classified by the Malays
according to the kind of influence which is supposed to have produced
them. Thus the unoffending victim may be either fish-struck (kenan
ikan), as described above, ape-struck (kenan b'rok), dog-struck (kenan
anjing), crab-struck (kenan ketam), and so forth, it being maintained
that in every case the child either displays some physical deformity,
causing a resemblance to the animal by which it was affected, or else
(and more commonly) unconsciously imitates its actions or its "voice."
Another interesting custom was that the father was stringently
forbidden to cut his hair until after the birth of the child.
The following passage bearing on the subject is taken from Sir
W. E. Maxwell's article on the "Folklore of the Malays": [570]--
"In selecting timber for the uprights of a Malay house care must
be taken to reject any log which is indented by the pressure of any
parasitic creeper which may have wound round it when it was a living
tree. A log so marked, if used in building a house, will exercise
an unfavourable influence in childbirth, protracting delivery and
endangering the lives of mother and child. Many precautions must be
taken to guard against evil influence of a similar kind, when one of
the inmates of a house is expecting to become a mother. No one may
'divide the house' (belah rumah), that is, go in at the front door
and out at the back, or vice versâ, nor may any guest or stranger be
entertained in the house for one night only; he must be detained for
a second night to complete an even period. If an eclipse occurs, the
woman on whose account these observances are necessary must be taken
into the penangga (kitchen), and placed beneath the shelf or platform
(para) on which the domestic utensils are kept. A spoon is put into
her hand. If these precautions are not taken, the child when born
will be deformed."
Sir W. E. Maxwell in the above is speaking of Perak Malays. The passage
just quoted applies to a great extent to Selangor, but with a few
discrepancies. Thus a house-post indented by a creeper is generally
avoided in Selangor for a different reason, viz. that it is supposed
to bring snakes into the house.
"Dividing the house," however, is generally considered an important
birth-taboo in Selangor, the threatened penalty for its non-observance
being averted by compelling the guilty party to submit to the
unpleasant ceremony called sembor ayer, a member of the family being
required to eject (sembor) a mouthful of water upon the small of the
culprit's back.
In Selangor, again, a guest must stay three nights (not two) in
the house, his departure on the first or second night being called
"Insulting the Night" (menjolok malam). To avert the evil consequences
of such an act, fumigation (rabun-rabun) is resorted to, the "recipe"
for it running as follows:--"Take assafoetida, sulphur, kunyit
t'rus (an evil-smelling root), onion skins, dried areca-nut husk,
lemon-grass leaves, and an old mat or cloth, burn them, and leave
the ashes for about an hour at sunset on the floor of the passage
in front of the door." That a sensible and self-respecting "demon"
should avoid a house where such an unconscionable odour is raised is
not in the least surprising!
In the event of an eclipse the customs of the two sister States
appear to be nearly identical; the only difference being that in
Selangor the woman is placed in the doorway (in the moonlight as far
as possible), and is furnished with the basket-work stand of a cooking
pot, as well as a wooden rice-spoon, the former as a trap to catch
any unwary demon who may be so foolish as to put his head "into the
noose," and the latter as a weapon of offence, it being supposed that
"the rattan binding of the spoon (which must, of course, be of the
orthodox Malay pattern) will unwind itself and entangle the assailant"
in the case of any real danger. Finally, the Bidan must be present to
"massage" the woman, and repeat the necessary charms.
From the following passage it would appear that the corresponding
Pahang custom does not materially differ from that of Perak and
Selangor:--
"But during the period that the Moon's fate hung in the balance,
Selema has suffered many things. She has been seated motionless in the
fireplace under the tray-like shelf, which hangs from the low rafters,
trembling with terror of--she knows not what. The little basket-work
stand, on which the hot rice-pot is wont to rest, is worn on her
head as a cap, and in her girdle the long wooden rice-spoon is stuck
dagger-wise. Neither she nor Umat know why these things are done, but
they never dream of questioning their necessity. It is the custom. The
men of olden days have decreed that women with child should do these
things when the Moon is in trouble, and the consequences of neglect
are too terrible to be risked; so Selema and Umat act according to
their simple faith." [571]
3. ADOLESCENCE
Of the purely Malay ceremonies performed at Adolescence, the most
important are the "filing of the teeth" (berasah gigi), [572] and
the cutting of the first locks of hair, in cases where this latter
operation has been postponed till the child's marriage by a vow of
its parents.
The following is a description of the rite of tonsure (berchukor),
at which I was present in person:--
"Some time ago (in 1897) I received, through one of my local Malay
headmen, an invitation to attend a tonsure ceremony.
"When I arrived (about two P.M.), in company of the headman referred
to, the usual dancing and Koran-chanting was proceeding in the
outer chamber or verandah, which was decked out for the occasion
with the usual brilliantly coloured ceiling-cloth and striped
wall-tapestry. After a short interval we were invited to enter an
inner room, where a number of Malays of both sexes were awaiting
the performance of the rite. The first thing, however, that caught
the eye was a gracefully-draped figure standing with shrouded head,
and with its back to the company, upon the lowest step of the dais
(g'rei), which had been erected with a view to the prospective wedding
ceremony. This was the bride. A dark-coloured veil, thrown over her
head and shoulders, allowed seven luxuriant tresses of her wonderful
raven-black hair to escape and roll down below her waist, a ring of
precious metal being attached to the end of each tress. Close to the
bride, and ready to support her, should she require it, in her motherly
arms, stood the (on such occasions) familiar figure of the Duenna
(Mak Inang), whose duty, however, in the present instance was confined
to taking the left hand of the bride between her own, and supporting
it in a horizontal position whilst each of the seven Representatives
(orang waris) [573] in turn was sprinkling it with the 'Neutralising
Rice-paste' (tepong tawar) by means of the usual bunch or brush of
leaves. A little in front of this pair stood a youth supporting in
his hands an unhusked cocoa-nut shell. The crown of this cocoa-nut
had been removed, and the edges at the top cut in such a way as to
form a chevroned or 'dog-tooth' border. Upon the indentations of this
rim was deposited a necklace, and a large pair of scissors about the
size of a tailor's shears were stuck point downwards in the rim. The
cocoa-nut itself was perhaps half-filled with its 'milk.' Close to
this youth stood another, supporting one of the usual circular brass
trays (with high sides) containing all the ordinary accessories of the
tepong tawar ceremony, i.e. a bowl of rice-paste, a brush of leaves,
parched rice, washed saffron-stained rice, and benzoin or incense.
"I was now requested to open the proceedings, but at my express desire
the Penghulu (Malay headman) did so for me, first scattering several
handfuls (of the different sorts of rice) over the bride, and then
sprinkling the rice-paste upon the palm of her left hand, which was
held out to receive it as described above. The sprinkling over, he
took the scissors and with great deliberation severed the end of the
first lock, which was made to fall with a little splash, and with the
ring attached to it, into the cocoa-nut with the 'dog-tooth' border.
"Five other waris (Representatives) and myself followed suit, the
seven tresses with the rings attached to them being all received in
the cocoa-nut as described.
"A child of the age of about two or three years underwent the tonsure
at the same time, each of the Representatives, after severing the
bride's lock, snipping off a portion of the child's hair. The child was
in arms and was not veiled, but wore a shoulder-cloth (bidak) thrown
over his shoulder. At the conclusion of the ceremony we left the room,
and the Koran-chanting was resumed and continued until the arrival of
the bridegroom in procession (at about five P.M.), when the bride and
bridegroom went through the ceremony of being 'seated side by side'
(bersanding), and the business of the day was concluded.
"The cocoa-nut containing the severed tresses and rings is carried
to the foot of a barren fruit-tree (e.g. a pomegranate-tree),
when the rings are extracted and the water (with the severed locks)
poured out at the tree's foot, the belief being that this proceeding
will make the tree as luxuriant as the hair of the person shorn, a
very clear example of 'sympathetic magic.' If the parents are poor,
the cocoa-nut is generally turned upside down and left there; but if
they are well-to-do, the locks are usually sent to Mecca in charge
of a pilgrim, who casts them on his arrival into the well Zemzem."
I will now describe the ceremony of filing or "sharpening" the teeth,
from notes taken by myself during the actual ceremony (20th March,
1897).
The youth whose teeth I saw filed must have been quite fifteen or
sixteen years of age, and had not long before undergone the rite
of circumcision. When I arrived I found the house newly swept and
clean, and all the accessories of the ceremony already prepared. These
latter consisted of a round tray (dulang) containing the usual bowl of
rice-paste (tepong tawar), with the brush of leaves, [574] three cups
(containing different sorts of rice), an egg, [575] three rings of
precious metals (gold, silver, and amalgam), a couple of limes, and
two small files (to which a small tooth-saw and two small whetstones
should be added). [576]
The ceremony now commences: the tooth-filer (Pawang gigi) first
scatters the three sorts of rice and sprinkles the tepong tawar upon
his instruments, etc., repeating the proper charm [577] at the same
time; the patient meanwhile, and throughout the operation, reclining
upon his back on the floor with his head resting on a pillow. Next
the Pawang, sitting beside the patient, "touches" the patient's teeth,
first with each of the three rings of precious metal and then with the
egg, throwing each of these objects away as he does so, and repeating
each time a charm (Hu, kata Allah, d. s. b.), which is given in the
Appendix. Next he props open (di-sengkang) the patient's mouth by means
of a dried areca-nut, and repeats another charm (Hei, Bismi) in order
to destroy the "venom" of the steel, laying the file upon the teeth,
[578] and drawing it thrice across them at the end of the charm. He
then cuts off (di-k'rat) the crowns of the teeth (with one of the
files), smooths their edges (di-papar) with one of the whetstones,
and polishes them (melechek). During the whole of this part of the
performance, which is a trying ordeal to witness, although it is borne
with the utmost fortitude on the part of the sufferer, the latter
holds a small mirror in front of his mouth in order to be assured
that the operation is progressing to his satisfaction. When the actual
filing is over, the areca-nut is extracted, and a piece of cocoa-nut
husk or small block of pulai wood inserted in its stead, in order
to facilitate the proper polishing of the now mutilated teeth. This
latter part of the operation is accomplished by means of the file,
a small piece of folded white cloth protecting the lips from injury.
Considerable interest attaches to the filing of the first tooth,
on account of the omens which are taken from the position in which
the crown happens to lie when it falls. If, when the tooth is filed
through, the crown adheres to the file, it is taken as a sign that
the patient will die at home; if it flies off and lies with its edge
turned upwards, this means, on the contrary, that he will die abroad.
At the conclusion of the operation a species of poultice (ubat tasak),
consisting mainly of cooked ginger (halia bara di-pahis-ki), which is
intended to "deaden (the feeling of) the gums" (matikan daging gusi)
is duly charmed [579] and applied to the gums of the jaw which happens
to be under treatment. The Pawang now lays one hand (the left) on the
top of the patient's head and the other upon the teeth of the upper
jaw, and presses them together with a show of considerable force,
making believe, as it were, that he is pressing the patient's upper
teeth firmly into their sockets. Finally, a portion of betel-leaf is
charmed (with the charm Hong sarangin, etc.) and given to the patient
to chew, after which, it is asserted, all pain immediately ceases. The
Pawang then washes his hands, resharpens his tools, and those present
sit down to a meal of saffron-stained pulut rice. This concludes the
ceremony for the day, the lower jaw being similarly treated upon a
subsequent occasion.
In the course of three such operations (the Pawang informed me)
the teeth can be filed down even with the gums, in which case they
are, I believe, in some instances somewhat roughly plated or cased
with gold. Sometimes, however, they are merely filed into points,
so that they resemble the teeth of a shark. [580] Very frequently,
too, they blacken them with a mixture of the empyreumatic oil of the
cocoa-nut shell (baja or g'rang) and kamunting (Kl. karamunting) wood,
[581] which is also used for blackening the eyebrows. These customs,
however, are already dying out in the more civilised Malay States.
Whenever I made inquiries as to the reason of this strange custom,
I was invariably told that it not only beautified but preserved the
teeth from the action of decay, which the Malays believe to be set up
by the presence of a minute maggot or worm (ulat), their most usual
way of expressing the fact that they are suffering from toothache
being to say that the tooth in question is being "eaten by a maggot"
(di-makan ulat).
The "Batak" Malays (a Mid-Sumatran tribe, many of whom have settled
in Kuala Langat) are said to chip the teeth of their children into
the desired shape by the use of a small chisel, the operation causing
such exquisite agony that the sufferer will not unfrequently leap to
his feet with a shriek.
Even when the file is used, the work of an unskilful performer
(who does not know how to destroy the "venom" of his instruments)
will cause the sufferer's face to be completely swollen up (bakup)
for a long period subsequent to the operation. Yet young people of
both sexes cheerfully submit to the risk of this discomfort, and the
only remark made by the youth whom I saw undergoing it was that it
"made his mouth feel uncomfortable" (jelejeh rasa mulut-nya).
The ear-boring ceremony (bertindek) appears to have already lost
much of its ceremonial character in Selangor, where I was told that
it is now usually performed when the child is quite small, i.e. at
the earliest, when the child is some five or seven months old,
and when it is about a year old at the latest, whereas in Sumatra
(according to Marsden) it is not performed until the child is eight
or nine. [582] Still, however, a special kind of round ear-ring,
which is of filagree-work, and is called subang, is as much the emblem
of virginity in the western States as it ever was. The "discarding"
of these ear-rings (tanggal subang), which should take place about
seven days after the conclusion of the marriage rites, is ceremonial
in character, and it is even the custom when a widow (janda) is
married for the second time, to provide her with a pair of subang
(which should, however, it is said, be tied on to her ears instead
of being inserted in the ear-holes, as in the case of a girl who has
never been married).
The rite of circumcision is of course common to Muhammadans all over
the world. Some analogous practices, however, have also been noticed
among the non-Muhammadan Malayan races of the Eastern Archipelago,
and it is at least doubtful whether circumcision as now practised by
Malays is a purely Muhummadan rite. Among Malays it is performed by
a functionary called the "Mudim," [583] with a slip of bamboo, at any
age (in the case of boys) from about six or seven up to about sixteen
years, the wound being often dressed (at least in town districts) with
fine clay mixed with soot and the yolk of eggs, but when possible, the
clay is mixed with cocoa-nut fibre (rabok niyor), selumur paku uban,
and the young shoots of the k'lat plantain (puchok pisang k'lat),
the compound being called in either case ubat tasak. The ceremony
is associated with the common purificatory rite called tepong tawar,
and with ayer tolak bala (lit. evil-dispelling water). Lights are kept
burning in the house for several days ("until the wound has healed"),
and the performance of the ceremony is always made the occasion for a
banquet, together with music and dancing of the kind in which Malays
take so much delight. The cause of these rejoicings is dressed for the
occasion "like a bridegroom" (pengantin), and is said to be sometimes
carried in procession.
4. Personal Ceremonies and Charms
Ceremonies and charms for protecting or rendering the person more
attractive or formidable, form one of the largest, but not perhaps the
most interesting or important division of the medicine-man's repertory.
The following remarkable specimen of the charms belonging to the first
of these classes was given me by 'Che `Abas of Klanang in Selangor,
a Kelantan Malay:--
"If the corpse in the grave should speak,
And address people on earth,
May I be destroyed by any beast that has life,
But if the corpse in the grave do not speak,
And address people on earth,
May I not be destroyed by any beast that has life, or by any foe
or peril, or by any son of the human race.
And if the chicken in the egg should crow,
And call to chickens on earth,
May I be destroyed by any beast that has life,
But if the chicken in the egg do not crow,"
(etc. etc., as before.)
As a general rule, however, this particular class of charms shows
particularly strong traces of Arabic influence, most often, perhaps,
taking the form of an injunction (addressed to Jins or Angels) to
watch over the person of the petitioner.
To rightly understand charms of the second class, which includes
Bathing and Betel-charming charms, [584] we must have some idea of the
Malay standard of beauty. This, I need hardly say, differs widely from
that entertained by Europeans. In the case of manly beauty we should,
perhaps, be able to acquiesce to some extent in the admiration which
Malays express for "Brightness of Countenance" (chahia), which forms
one of the chief objects of petition in almost every one of this
class of charms; [585] but none of our modern Ganymedes would be
likely to petition for a "voice like the voice of the Prophet David";
[586] or a "countenance like the countenance of the Prophet Joseph";
still less would he be likely to petition for a tongue "curled like
a breaking wave," or "a magic serpent," or for teeth "like a herd of
(black) elephants," or for lips "like a procession of ants." [587]
Malay descriptions of female beauty are no less curious. The "brow"
(of the Malay Helen, for whose sake a thousand desperate battles
are fought in Malay romances) "is like the one-day-old moon," [588]
her eyebrows resemble "pictured clouds," [589] and are "arched like
the fighting-cock's (artificial) spur," [590] her cheek resembles "the
sliced-off-cheek of a mango," [591] her nose "an opening jasmine bud,"
[592] her hair the "wavy blossom-shoots of the areca-palm," [593]
slender [594] is her neck, "with a triple row of dimples," [595] her
bosom ripening, [596] her waist "lissom as the stalk of a flower,"
[597] her head "of a perfect oval" (lit. bird's-egg-shaped), her
fingers like the leafy "spears of lemon-grass," [598] or the "quills
of the porcupine," [599] her eyes "like the splendour of the planet
Venus," [600] and her lips "like the fissure of a pomegranate." [601]
The following is a specimen of an invocation for beautifying the
person which is supposed to be used by children:--
"The light of four Suns, five Moons,
And the seven Stars be visible in my eye.
The brightness of a shooting star be upon my chin,
And that of the full moon be upon my brows.
May my lips be like unto a string of ants,
My teeth like to a herd of elephants,
My tongue like a breaking wave,
My voice like the voice of the Prophet David,
My countenance like the countenance of the Prophet Joseph,
My brightness like the brightness of the Prophet Muhammad,
By virtue of my using this charm that was coeval with my birth,
And by grace of 'There is no god but God,'" etc.
When personal attractions begin to wane with the lapse of years,
invocations are resorted to for the purpose of restoring the
petitioner's lost youth. In one of the invocations referred to (which
is said to have been used by the Princess of Mount Ophir, Tuan Putri
Gunong Ledang, to secure perpetual youth), the petitioner boasts that
he (or she) was "born under the Inverted Banyan Tree," and claims the
granting of the boon applied for "by virtue of the use of the "Black
Lenggundi Bush," which when it has died, returns to life again,"
[602] the idea being, no doubt, that a judicious use of black magic
will enable the petitioner to "live backwards."
The third class of invocations, for rendering the person formidable,
belong rather to the chapter on war, under which heading they will
be included.
5. BETROTHAL
Betrothal is called tunangan or pinangan. When the parents of a
marriageable youth perceive a suitable "match" for their son, they
send a messenger to her parents to ask if she has yet been "bespoken"
(kalau ada orang sebut). If the reply is satisfactory, the messenger
is again despatched to intimate the desire of the youth's parents to
"bespeak" the hand of the favoured individual for his son, and to
arrange a day for a meeting. These preliminaries are accompanied by
the usual polite self-depreciation on both sides. Thus, the girl's
father begins by saying, "You wish to bespeak the hand of my daughter,
who knows neither how to cook nor how to sew" (yang ta'tahu masak,
ta'tahu menjait). But the custom is not carried to such extremes as
it is in China. [603]
The girl's parents next call four or five witnesses (saksi) of either
sex to "witness" the betrothal, and after preparing a meal (nasi dan
kueh) for their expected guests, await the arrival of the youth's
"Representatives," the youth himself remaining at home. One of the
party carries a betel-leaf tray furnished with the usual betel-chewing
appliances, together with half a bhara of dollars ($11) according
to the stricter custom; although (failing the dollars), a ring or
bracelet, or other jewellery of that value, may be substituted.
Bearing these presents with them, the youth's representatives proceed
to the house of the girl's parents, where they are invited to enter
and partake of the betel-leaf provided for them. A meal is then served,
Malay cakes (kueh-kueh) brought forward, and the company again partake
of betel.
The two parties now sit down in a "family circle," and one of the
youth's representatives pushes forward (di-sorongkan) the betel which
they had brought with them, and offers it to the people of the house,
saying, "This is a pledge of your daughter's betrothal." The girl's
father replies, "Be it so, I accept it," or words to that effect,
and inquires how long the engagement is to last, the answer being
"six months" or "a year" as the case may be. Both parties then appeal
to the witnesses to "hear what is said," and the youth's relatives
return to their homes.
The marriage portion being fixed (in Selangor) by an almost universal
custom at two bharas of dollars ($44), the amount is not usually
mentioned at the betrothal, it being understood that the usual
amount is intended. But if the girl's parents should afterwards prove
reluctant to proceed with the match, they forfeit twice the amount
of the pledge-money which they have received; whereas if the youth
refuses to proceed he merely forfeits the pledge-money ($11) already
paid to the girl's parents. Some families pay a marriage portion of
$30 only, and others (such as the family of 'Toh Kaya Kechil of Klang)
pay as much as $50, but exceptions are rare, $44 being now generally
recognised as the customary wedding portion.
However, the girl's family does not really receive anything like the
full value of the $44, because if the $44 is paid in full the proposer
has a right to demand a complete outfit (persalinan) of silk attire,
to the value of about $20, so that the amount which actually changes
hands is seldom more than about $24.
The Malay fiancée, unlike her European sister, is at the utmost
pains to keep out of her lover's way, and to attain this object she
is said to be "as watchful as a tiger." No engagement-ring is used in
this neighbourhood, no priest (or Lebai) is present at the engagement
ceremony, nor is the girl asked for her consent. On the other hand,
a regular system of exchanging presents, after the engagement, is
said to have been formerly in vogue in Selangor, the man sending
betel-leaf, fruit, and eggs to his fiancée from time to time in
net-work receptacles, and the woman sending specially prepared rice,
etc. in rush-work receptacles of various patterns. It is said, too,
that the woman would occasionally carve a chain, consisting of three
or four links, out of a single areca-nut, in which case the prospective
bridegroom was supposed to redeem it by the payment of as many dollars
as there were links. The betel-nut presented on these occasions would
be wrapped up in a gradation of three beautifully worked cloths, not
unlike "D'oyleys" in general appearance, whilst the actual engagement
ceremony in former days is said to have received additional interest
and formality from the recital of verses appropriate to the occasion
by chosen representatives of each party. Specimens of the betrothal
verses formerly used in Selangor will be found in the Appendix. The
following is a translation:--
"Q. Small is my cottage, but it has five shelves
For roasting the kerisi fish;
Hearken, good people, whilst I inquire of you
What is the price of your Diamond [604] here?
A. Your fishing-line must be five fathoms long
If you would catch the tenggiri fish;
Seven tahils, a kati, and five laksa, [605]
That is the price of our Diamond here.
Q. If there are no rengas trees growing on the Point,
One must go up-stream and cut down a screw-palm;
If one has not gold in one's girdle,
One must make over one's person to begin with.
A. If there are no rengas trees growing on the Point,
You must take banyan-wood for the sides of your trays;
If you have no gold in your girdle,
You need not hope to get Somebody's daughter.
Q. Thousands are the supports required
For the stem of the sago-palm to recline upon; [606]
Though it be thousands I would accept the debt
So I be betrothed to Somebody's daughter.
A. My head-kerchief has fallen into the sea,
And with it has fallen my oar-ring; [607]
I stretch out my hand in token of acceptance,
Though I have naught wherewith to requite you.
Q. Oar-ring or no,
The lenggundi bush grows apace in the thatch channels.
Whether it is well to go slowly or no,
It is the favour you have shown me that subdues my heart."
If, however, there is a hitch in the proceedings, and the parties
commence to lose their temper, the stanzas may end very differently;
for instance, the girl's father or representative will say:--
"A. My lord has gone up-stream
To get his clothes and wash out the dye. [608]
If that is all, let it alone for the present;
If there is anything else you will always find me ready.
Q. 'Che Dol Amat's mango-tree
When it fell rolled into the swamp.
If I cannot get what I want by peaceful means,
Look that you be not hit in the war of strategy.
A. If the rim is not properly fitted to the rice-box, [609]
Let us get saffron-rice and roast a fowl.
If I cannot get you to make acknowledgment,
Let Heaven reel and Earth be submerged."
These last two lines constitute a direct challenge, and no more words
need be wasted when once they have been uttered.
6. MARRIAGE
When the term of betrothal is drawing to its close, a suitable day
(which is frequently a Tuesday) is chosen for the work of decoration
(bergantong-gantong) by the parents of both parties, and notified to
the relations and friends who wish to assist in the preparations for
the wedding. [610]
Both houses are decorated with vertically striped hangings (p'lang
tabir) and ornamental ceiling-cloths (langit-langit), and mats, rugs,
carpets, etc. are laid down. In the bridegroom's house little is done
beyond erecting a small platform or dais (petarana) about six feet
square, and raised about ten inches from the floor, upon which he is
to don his wedding garments when he sets out to meet the bride. A
similar platform (petarana) is erected in the bride's house, and a
low dais called rambat in front of her door, at the outer corners of
which are fixed two standard candlesticks (tiang rambat), which are
sometimes as much as six feet high, and each of which carries three
candles, one in the centre and one on each side, those at the side
being supported by ornamental brackets (sulor bayong). The rambat
may measure some 14 feet in length by 5 feet in width, and should be
about 14 inches in height.
A dais (with two steps to it) is then built as follows, generally
opposite the doorway, but standing a little way back from it, and
facing the rambat, so as to leave a narrow passage (tela kechil)
between the threshold and the dais, which latter is decked with
scarlet, or at least scarlet-bordered cloth (kain berumpok dengan
sakalat). The lower step of the dais (ibu g'rei) is raised about 12
inches from the floor, and measures from 10 feet to 12 feet in length
by 8 feet in width. The upper step (g'rei penapah) is a little smaller,
and is only raised about 10 inches above the lower one. The top of
the dais is covered with a mattress, and both steps are decorated
with expensive borders, which at the wedding of a Raja are made of
embossed gold or silver, and may easily cost as much as $150 each,
or even more. The mattress is covered in its turn with a quilt (lihap
or pelampap), made of coloured silk stuffed with cotton; upon this
quilt is laid a white cotton sheet, and the whole is surmounted by
a row of colossal "pillows" (of the size of small packing-cases),
surmounted by others of moderate size.
A mosquito-curtain is hung over all, and the completed couch is called
pelamin. The head of the pelamin, it must be added, where the pillows
are piled, is always on the left-hand side as you look towards it.
The number of the pillows used is of the highest importance, as
indicating the rank of the contracting parties. The larger ones
are about 5 feet in length and 2 feet in height by 1 1/2 feet in
width. They are covered with rich embroidery at the exposed end,
and are arranged in a horizontal row (sa-tunda), with their sides
just touching, in the front left-hand corner of the mosquito-curtain,
so as to leave a clear passage of about 3 feet behind them (at the
back of the curtain) by which the bride and bridegroom may escape to
the peraduan after the ceremony. These big pillows are white, with
the exception of the embroidered ends, unless they are intended for
a Raja, when the royal colour (yellow) is of course substituted. The
one nearest the centre of the couch is called bantal tumpu, and usually
has a hexagonal or (in the case of a Raja) octagonal bolster deposited
beside it.
The smaller pillows are red (occasionally purple, ungu, or orange,
jingga), and are called the "embroidered pillows" (bantal bertekat,
or bantal p'rada). Occasionally a set of twelve small pillows is
used (when they are called bantal dua-b'las, or the Twelve Pillows),
but often there is only one of them to each "Big Pillow," the set
of twelve being said to be an innovation, probably introduced from
Malacca. Sometimes, however, when many small pillows are piled upon
each other, measures have to be taken to keep them from falling,
in which case the space between the piles is said to be filled up
with wool or cotton stuffing (penyelat), the front being covered with
embroidered cloth, the upper border of which is carried up diagonally
from the top of one pile to the top of the next.
As regards the permissible number of big pillows, according to a scale
in use at Klang, the common people are allowed three big pillows
(including the bantal tumpu); a wealthy man, four; and a Headman,
such as the 'Toh Kaya Kechil, five; a Raja being presumably allowed
one or two more. According to this scale it is only the big pillows
that are of importance, [611] and the people are allowed to use as
few or as many small ones as they like. The topmost small pillow,
however, is always triangular, and is called gunong-gunongan.
The mosquito-curtain (enclosing the couch on which the pillows rest)
of course varies in size according to the dimensions of the pelamin,
but may be roughly taken to be from 7 to 9 hasta [612] in length,
by 8 ft. in width, and 4 ft. to 5 ft. in height (reaching to the
ceiling-cloth). Its upper edges (kansor) are stiffened externally with
a square frame, consisting of four bamboo rods (galah k'lambu), and
it is decorated in front with a beautifully embroidered fringe called
"Bo-tree leaves" (daun budi). The front of this mosquito-curtain is
rolled up [613] to within 2 or 3 ft. of the top, instead of being drawn
aside as usual. At the back of the curtain is suspended, except in
the case of a Raja's wedding, a bamboo clothes-rod (buluh sangkutkan
kain). This rod terminates at each extremity in an ornamental piece
of scroll-work (sulor bayong) covered with scarlet cloth, which is
sometimes made to issue from a short stem of horn or ivory, and has
a wooden collar called dulang-dulang. This dulang-dulang, moreover,
is sometimes provided with small hollows ('mbat-'mbat) at the top,
two in front which are filled with rose-water or perfume (ayer mawar
or ayer wangi), and two at the back which are filled with flowers.
Above the clothes-rod, and between its suspending cords (tali
penggantong)--which, by the way, are also covered with scarlet
cloth--an inner fringe of "Bo-leaves" (daun budi dalam) is sometimes
added at the top of the curtain.
At the wedding of a Raja nothing else should be put inside the curtain,
but at an ordinary wedding a few small articles of typical marriage
furniture are usually added as follows:--
Three or four small clothes boxes (saharah), such as are kept by every
Malay family, and peti kapor (boxes whose corners are strengthened
and decorated with brass) are ranged upon the mattress just below the
clothes-rod. Upon these should be placed (a) the bangking, which is a
kind of jar or urn of lacquered wood, ranging from about half a foot
to a foot in height, and contains a portion of the bride's wardrobe;
and (b) the bun, [614] which is either octagonal (pechah d'lapan),
or hexagonal (pechah anam), as the case may be, and which may be
described as a box of tin, or sometimes of lacquered wood, whose
contents are as follows:--(1) a couple of combs (sikat dua bilah), one
with large and one with small teeth; (2) a small cup or saucer of hair
oil (a preparation of cocoa-nut oil), or attar of roses (minyak attar),
or pomatum (kateneh); (3) a small pen-knife for paring the nails; (4)
a pair of scissors; (5) a preparation of antimony (chelak), which is
a sort of black ointment applied by the Malays to the inside edge of
the eyelids; and (6) a Malay work-box (called dulang in Selangor and
bintang at Malacca), which is a circular box of painted or lacquered
wood, furnished with a lid, and containing needles, cotton, and the
rest of the Malay housewife's paraphernalia.
Near the door of the curtain is placed an earthenware water-jar,
called gelok (gelok Kedah and gelok Perak are the usual "makes"); this
jar stands upon a small brass or earthenware plate with high sides
(bokor), and its mouth is covered with a brass or earthenware saucer
(chepir), on which is laid the brass or earthenware bowl (penchedok
ayer or batil) which is used for scooping up water from the water-jar,
and which, when it is in use, is temporarily replaced by an ornamental
cap woven from strips of screw-palm leaves. A couple of candlesticks
placed near the water-jar, a betel tray (tepah or puan), a basin
(batil besar) for washing off the lees of henna, and a "cuspadore"
(ketor), all of which are placed inside the curtain, complete the
preparations for this portion of the ceremony.
The day concludes, as far as the workers are concerned, with a meal
in which all who have assisted in the preparations take part, and
this is followed by various diversions dear to Malays, such as the
chanting of passages from the Koran. [615]
At a royal wedding, either the "Story of 'Che Megat" ('Che Megat
Mantri), or a royal cock-fight (main denok), or a performance by
dancing girls or fencers (pedikir), may be substituted for these more
devotional exercises.
These performances (whatever they may be) are kept up (with intervals
for rest and refreshment) till four or five in the morning, when the
guests disperse to their respective homes to sleep off the night's
fatigue.
Whilst the games are progressing (at about nine or ten P.M.) the first
staining of the finger-nails of the bride and bridegroom is commenced,
the ceremony on this occasion being conducted in the seclusion of
the inner apartments, and hence called the "Stolen Henna-staining"
(berhinei churi). Leaves of henna are taken and pounded together with a
small piece of charcoal, and the "mash" is applied to the finger-nails
of both hands (with the exception of the middle or "Devil's finger,"
jari hantu). The centre of each palm is also touched with the dye,
the area stained being as much as would be covered by a dollar. A line
(of a finger's breadth) is also said to be drawn along the inner side
of the sole of each foot, from the great toe to the heel (hinei kaus).
A couple of what we should call "pages," of about ten years of age,
are seated right and left of the bridegroom, and are called Pengapit.
The bride usually provides herself with one or more girl companions;
but these are supposed to "hide themselves" when there is company,
their place being taken by more staid duennas, who are called Tukang
Andam (i.e. "coiffeurs"), and a personal attendant or nurse, called
Ma'inang (Mak Inang), who appears to act as a sort of Mistress of
the Ceremonies.
The second day is spent by the guests (as was said above) in sleeping
off their night's fatigue, and they do not reassemble till evening,
at about five P.M.
When the last has arrived (at about seven P.M.) a meal is served,
and at about half-past eight the games recommence; but after a round
or so (zikir sa-jurus), say at about ten P.M., the bride at her house
and bridegroom at his respectively make their first appearance in
public, clad in their wedding garments, for the ceremony of staining
the finger-nails, this time in public. When they are seated (between
the two candlesticks, which are lighted to facilitate the operation)
a tray is brought forward, furnished with the usual accessories
of Malay magic, rice-paste (tepong tawar), washed rice, "saffron"
rice, and parched rice, to which is added, in this instance, a sort
of pudding of the pounded henna-leaves. A censer is next produced,
and a brass tray with a foot to it (called semb'rip) is loaded with
nasi berhinei (pulut or "glutinous" rice stained with saffron), in
which are planted some ten to fifteen purple eggs (dyed with a mixture
of brazil wood (sepang) and lime, and stuck upon ornamental sprays
of bamboo decorated with coloured paper). The bride (or bridegroom)
is then seated in a "begging" attitude, with the hands resting upon a
cushion placed in the lap; the first of the guests then takes a pinch
of incense from the tray and burns it in the brazier (tempat bara);
next he takes a pinch of parched rice, a pinch of newly-washed rice,
and a pinch of saffron rice, and, squeezing them together in the right
fist, fumigates them by holding them for a moment over the burning
incense, and then throws them towards the sitter, first towards the
right, then towards the left, and finally into the sitter's lap.
The "Neutralising Paste" [616] is then brought and the usual leaf-brush
dipped into the bowl of paste, with which the forehead of the sitter
and the back of each hand are duly "painted."
A pinch of the henna is then taken and dabbed upon the centre of
each palm, the hands of the sitter being turned over to enable this
to be done.
The sitter then salutes the guest by raising his (or her) hands with
the palms together before the breast in an attitude of prayer; the
guest replies by a similar action, and the ceremony is at an end.
The same operation is performed by from five to seven, or even nine,
relations (Orang Waris, lit. "Heirs,") the last operator concluding
with an Arabic prayer.
While this ceremony is proceeding inside, music strikes up and
a special dance, called the Henna Dance (menari hinei), [617] is
performed, a picturesque feature of which is a small cake of henna,
which is contained in a brazen cup (gompong hinei) and surrounded
by candles. This cup is carried by the dancer, [618] who has to keep
turning it over and over without letting the candles be extinguished
by the wind arising from the rapid motion.
The step, which is a special one, is called the "Henna-dance Step"
(Langkah tar' hinei, i.e. tari hinei), and the tune is called the
"Henna-staining tune" (Lagu berhinei).
This ceremony over, the "henna-staining" rice (nasi berhinei) is
partaken of by those present, the remainder being distributed to the
guests engaged in "main zikir."
On the third night the same ceremonies are repeated without variation.
On the fourth morning, called the "Concluding Day" (Hari Langsong),
everybody puts on his finest apparel and jewellery.
The bride's hair is done up in a roll (sanggul) and this is surmounted
with a head-dress of artificial flowers (called g'rak gempa), cut
out of p'rada kresek ("crackling tinsel") and raised on fine wires;
her forehead is bound with a band or fillet of tinsel--gold-leaf
(p'rada Siam) being used by the rich--which is called tekan kundei,
and is carried round by the fringe of the hair (gigi rambut) down
to the top of each ear (pelipis) [619]; for the rest the bride is
clad in a "wedding jacket" (baju pengantin), which has tight-fitting
sleeves extending down to the wrist, or sleeves with gathers (simak)
over the arm, and which is generally made of "flowered satin" (siten
berbunga) in the case of the rich, or of cloth dyed red with kasumba
[620] (kain kasumba) in the case of the poorer classes. This "wedding
jacket" fits tightly round the neck, has a gold border (pendepun 'mas),
is fastened with two or three gold buttons, and fits closely to the
person; the wealthy add a necklace or crescent-shaped breast-ornament
(rantei merjan or dokoh) round the bride's neck. She also wears
bracelets (g'lang) and ear-rings (subang) and perhaps anklets,
of five different metals (keronchong panchalogam). A silk sarong,
which takes the place of a skirt, and is girt about the waist with
a waist-cord (but not usually, in Southern Selangor, fastened with
belt and buckle), and a pair of silk trousers, complete her attire.
The groom, on the other hand, is clad in his best jacket and
trousers, with the Malay skirt (sarong), fastened at the side,
and girt above the knee (kain kembang). His head is adorned with
the sigar, a peculiar head-dress of red cloth arranged turbanwise,
with a peak on the right-hand side, from which artificial flowers
(gunjei) depend, and which preserves its shape through being stuffed
with cotton-wool. Its border is decorated with tinsel, and it has a
gold fringe (kida-kida). Besides this head-dress the bridegroom has
a small bunch of artificial flowers (sunting-sunting) stuck behind
each ear, whilst two similar bunches are stuck in the head-dress
(one on the right and the other on the left).
Bridegrooms, however, who belong to the richer classes wear what is
called a lester (=destar?), whilst former Sultans of Selangor are
said to have worn a gold cap (songkok leleng), which is reputed to
have contained eighteen bongkal [621] (or bungkal) of gold.
The remainder of the company are of course merely dressed in their
best clothes.
The "Rice of the Presence" (nasi adap-adap) is now prepared for what is
called the astakona or setakona, which may be described as a framework
with an octagonal ground-plan, built in three tiers, and made of pulai
or meranti or other light wood; it has a small mast (tiang) planted
in the centre, with cross pieces (palang-palang) in each of the upper
stories to keep it in its place; the framework is supported by four
corner-posts, on which it is raised about a foot and a half from the
floor. The box thus formed is filled to the top with "saffron rice"
(nasi kunyit), and in the rice at the top are planted the aforesaid
coloured eggs. Into a hole at the top of the mast is fitted the end
of a short rattan or cane, which is split into four branches, each
of which again is split into three twigs, whilst on the end of each
twig is stuck one of the coloured eggs (telor joran), an artificial
flower, and an ornamental streamer of red paper called layer, [622]
which is cut into all sorts of artistic and picturesque patterns.
The setakona is erected in front of the pelamin, on which the bride
takes her seat at about 4 P.M. to await the coming of the bridegroom,
the members of her own bridal party, including the Muhammadan priest
or Imam, continuing the zikir maulud in the reception room at frequent
intervals from 9 A.M. until the bridegroom's arrival. The arrangements
are completed by placing ready for the bridegroom the "Bridal Mat"
(lapik nikah), which consists of a mat of screw-palm leaves (or in
the case of a Raja, a small quilt, embroidered in the manner called
jong sarat) five cubits of white cloth, which are rolled up and put
on one side, and a tray of betel.
Returning to the bridegroom, holy water (ayer sembahyang) is now
fetched in a cherek (a kettle-shaped vessel) or bucket, for the
bridegroom to wash his face and hands, and he then proceeds to put
on his wedding garments, as described above, after which a scarf
(salendang) is slung across his shoulder. The marriage procession
(perarakan) then sets out, the women heading it (penganjor) and the
men following, the bridegroom carried upon somebody's shoulders
(di-sompoh), and right and left the musicians beating drums,
tabors, etc., whilst those who have any skill amuse the company with
exhibitions of Malay fencing (main silat) and dancing, etc., to the
accompaniment of the zikir intoned by their companions.
The arrival of the bridegroom at the bride's house is the signal for
a mimic conflict for the person of the bride, which is called melawa,
and is strangely reminiscent of similar customs which formerly obtained
in Europe.
In some cases a rope or piece of red cloth would be stretched
across the path to bar the progress of the bridegroom's party, and
a stout enough resistance would be offered by the defenders until
the bridegroom consented to pay a fine which formerly amounted, it
is said, to as much as $20, though not more than $3 or $4 would now
be asked. Occasionally the bridegroom would pay the fine by pulling
the ring off his finger and handing it to the bride's relations, but
the ceremony would not unfrequently end in a free fight. Verses were
recited on these occasions, of which a few stanzas will be found in
the Appendix. [623]
On arriving at the door the musicians strike up their liveliest tune,
and as the bridegroom is carried up the steps he has to force his way
through an Amazonian force consisting of the ladies of the bride's
party, who assemble to repel the invader from the threshold. A
well-directed fire is maintained by others, who pour upon the foe
over the heads of the defenders repeated volleys of saffron rice (or,
at a royal wedding, ambor-ambor--i.e. clippings from a thin sheet of
silver or gold which are thrown among the crowd as largess).
Meanwhile the bridegroom persists until his efforts are crowned with
success, and he makes his way (assisted possibly by some well-meant act
of treachery on the part of the garrison) to the reception room, when
the mat already referred to is unrolled and the white cloth suspended
over it. Here the bridegroom takes his seat and the priest comes out
to perform the wedding ceremony. [624] This, strangely enough, is
performed with the bridegroom alone, the priest saying to him in the
presence of three or four witnesses and his surety (wali), generally
his father, "I wed you, A., to B., daughter of C., for a portion of
two bharas." To this the bridegroom has to respond without allowing an
interval, "I accept this marriage with B., for a portion of two bharas"
(or one bhara if one of the parties has been married before). Even
this short sentence, however, is a great deal too much for the nerves
of some Malay bridegrooms, who have been known to spend a couple of
hours in abortive attempts before they could get the Imam to "pass"
it. As soon, however, as this obstacle has been surmounted, the priest
asks those present if they will bear witness to its correctness,
and on their replying in the affirmative, it is followed by the
"bacha salawat," which consists of repeated shouts from the company
of "Peace be with thee." This part of the ceremony completed, one
of the brothers or near relations of the bridegroom leads him into
the bridal chamber, and seats him in the usual cross-legged position
on the left side of the bride, who sits with her feet tucked up on
his right. Even the process of seating the couple (bersanding) is a
very fatiguing one; each of them has to bend the knees slowly until
a sitting posture is reached, and then return to a standing posture
by slowly straightening the knees, a gymnastic exercise which has to
be repeated thrice, and which requires the assistance of friends. [625]
The seating having been accomplished, friends put in the right hands
of bride and bridegroom respectively handfuls of rice taken from
the nasi setakona; with this the two feed each other simultaneously,
each of them reaching out the hand containing the rice to the other's
mouth. (This part of the ceremony is often made the occasion for
a race.)
The bridegroom is then carried off by his friends to the outer chamber,
where he has to pay his respects (minta' ma`af, lit. "ask pardon") to
the company, after which he is carried back to his old post, the bride
in the meantime having moved off a little in the mosquito curtain.
The sweetmeats are then brought and handed round, the setakona is
broken up, and the bundles of rice wrapped in plantain leaves which
it contains distributed to the company as largess or berkat. Each
of the company gets one of the telor chachak, the telor joran being
reserved for the Imam and any person of high rank who may attend,
e.g. a Raja. [626]
This completes the wedding ceremony, but the bridegroom is nominally
expected to remain under the roof (and eye) of his mother-in-law for
about two years (reduced to forty-four days in the case of "royalty"),
after which he may be allowed to remove to a house of his own. No
Kathi [627] was present until quite recently at marriages in Selangor,
nor has it in the past been the practice, so far as I could find out,
for him to attend. Sir S. Raffles gives as part of the formula used
in Java:--"If you travel at sea for a year, or ashore for six months,
without sending either money or message to your wife, she will complain
to the judge and obtain one talak (the preliminary stage of divorce),"
and this condition should, strictly speaking, be included in the Malay
formula. It is now growing obsolete, but was in former days repeated
first by the priest, and then by the bridegroom after him. The marriage
portion (isi kahwin, Arabic mahar) is here generally called b'lanja
kahwin or mas kahwin. [628] No wedding-ring should, strictly, be given.
For three days lustrations are continued by the newly-married pair, but
before they are completed, and as soon as possible after the wedding,
friends and acquaintances once more put on their finery, and proceed
to the house to pay their respects, to bathe, and to receive largess.
On the third day after the hari langsong there is a very curious
ceremony called mandi tolak bala, or mandi ayer salamat (bathing for
good luck).
On the night in question the relatives of the bridegroom assemble
under cover of the darkness and make a bonfire under the house of the
newly-married couple by collecting and burning rubbish; into the fire
thus kindled they throw cocoa-nut husks and pepper, or anything likely
to make it unpleasant for those within, and presently raise such a
smoke that the bridegroom comes hastily down the steps, ostensibly
to see what is the matter, but as soon as he makes his appearance, he
is seized by his relatives and carried off bodily to his own parents'
house; these proceedings being known as the stealing of the bridegroom
(churi pengantin). Next day there is a grand procession to escort him
back to the house of his bride, which he reaches about one o'clock
in the afternoon, the processionists carrying "Rice of the Presence"
(nasi adap-adap) with the eggs stuck into it as on the last day of
the wedding, two sorts of holy water in pitchers, called respectively
ayer salamat (water of good luck), and ayer tolak bala (water to
avert ill-luck), vases of flowers (gumba) containing blossom-spikes
of the cocoa-nut and areca-nut palms, and young cocoa-nut leaves
rudely plaited into the semblance of spikes of palm-blossom, k'risses,
etc. etc., together with a large number of rude syringes manufactured
from joints of bamboo, and called panah ayer, or "water-bows."
A set of similar objects (including nasi adap-adap), is prepared by
the relatives of the bride, and deposited upon the ground in the place
selected for the bathing ceremony. A bench being added for the bride
and bridegroom to sit upon, the ceremony commences with the customary
rite of tepong tawar, after which the two kinds of holy water, ayer
tolak bala and ayer salamat, are successively thrown over the pair.
Now, according to the proper custom, during the proceedings which
follow, all the bride's relatives should surround the bride's seat,
and the bridegroom's relatives should stand at a distance; but, in
order to save themselves from a wetting, the women of both parties
now usually assemble round the bride and bridegroom, where they are
protected by a sheet which is hung between them and the men; for all
the young men now proceed to discharge their "water arrows," and as
they are stopped by the sheet they proceed to turn their syringes
against each other, until all are thoroughly wetted.
Meanwhile a young cocoa-nut frond, twisted into a slip-knot with
V-shaped ends (something like the "merry thought" of a fowl), is
presented to the bride and bridegroom, each of whom takes hold of
one end, and blowing on it (sembor) thrice, pulls it till it comes
undone, and the lepas-lepas rite is concluded. Finally, a girdle
of thread is passed seven times over the heads and under the feet
of the bride and bridegroom, when the bridegroom breaks through
the thread and they are all free to return homewards. This latter
ceremony is called 'lat-'lat. The guests then return to their homes,
divest themselves of their wet garments, and put on their wedding
attire. The bersuap-suapan, or feeding ceremony, is then performed
(both vessels of adap-adap rice being used), and then all parties
disperse for the usual games. Seven days after the "Concluding Day"
(Hari Langsong), the ceremony of Discarding the Earrings (i.e. subang,
the emblems of virginity) is performed by the bride.
Raja Bôt of Selangor, who attaches great importance to the lustration
ceremony, and says that it ought not to take place later than the
seventh day (at a Raja's wedding), thus describes the full ceremony
as once arranged by himself:--A small bath-house was built at the top
of a flight of seven steps, and water was pumped up to it through a
pipe, whose upper end was made fast under the roof of the shed, and
terminated in the head of a dragon (naga), from whose jaws the water
spouted. The steps were completely lined with women, of whom there
must have been an immense number (no men being allowed to be present),
and the Raja and his bride bathed before them. A royal bath-house
of this kind is called balei pancha persada, and should be used not
only at "royal" weddings, but at coronations (waktu di-naubatkan);
it is described in the following lines:--
"Naik balei pancha persada
Di-hadap uleh sagala Biduanda,
Dudok semaiam dengan bertakhta.
Mandi ayer yang kaluar di mulut Naga"--
which may be translated:--
"Ascend to the Royal Bath-House
In the presence of all your courtiers,
Take your seat in royal state,
And bathe in the water that flows from the Dragon's Mouth."
It must not be supposed that, with such a mass of detail, many things
may not have been overlooked, but it may be remarked as some sort of a
practical conclusion to this account, that the Malay wedding ceremony,
even as carried out by the poorer classes, shows that the contracting
parties are treated as royalty, that is to say, as sacred human beings,
and if any further proof is required, in addition to the evidence
which may be drawn from the general character of the ceremony, I may
mention, firstly, the fact that the bride and bridegroom are actually
called Raja Sari, (i.e. Raja sa-hari, the "sovereigns of a day");
and, secondly, that it is a polite fiction that no command of theirs,
during their one day of sovereignty, may be disobeyed.
I will now give accounts of two Malay weddings which took place at
Klang: both accounts were composed by respectable Malays, the first
one being translated by Mr. Douglas Campbell of Selangor, and the
second by the present writer:--
"The following account of the ceremonies connected with the marriage
of Siti Meriam, a daughter of the Orang Kaya Badu, [629] of Selangor,
to Wan Mahamed Esa, a son of Datoh Mentri [630] Ibrahim of Perak,
has been furnished by a Malay contributor, Haji Karrim, and in
translating it into English an endeavour has been made to follow,
as far as possible, the style of the native writer.
"On Monday, the 1st of August, the house was prepared and the hangings
and curtains put up, and on that evening the ceremony of dyeing the
fingers of the bridegroom with henna was performed for the first
time. Then there were readings from the Koran, with much beating of
drums and kettledrums and Malay dances, and when this had gone on for
some time, supper was served to all the men present in the balei,
or separate hall, and to the women in the house adjoining. Supper
over, readings from the Koran and beating of drums were continued
till daylight.
"On Tuesday evening the dyeing of the fingers of the bridegroom was
performed for the second time, as on the preceding evening.
"The third occasion of dyeing the fingers of the bridegroom took place
on Wednesday evening, but with much more ceremony than previously. The
bridegroom, after being dressed in silks and cloth of gold, was paraded
in an open carriage. On each side of him was seated a groom'sman
shading him with a fan, and behind, holding an umbrella over him,
was another. And thus, with many followers beating drums and singing,
and with the Royal sireh [631]-box, on which are seated the dragons
known as naga pura and naga taru, and with two Royal spears carried
before him and two behind, the bridegroom was taken through the streets
in procession. On arriving at the bride's house he was received with
showers of rose-water, and then conveyed by the elders to the raised
dais on which the bride and bridegroom awaited their friends.
"The bridegroom being seated, fourteen of the elders came forward
and dyed his fingers with henna, and afterwards others, who were
clever at this, followed their example. While this was going on there
was much beating of gongs and drums, and then the same process of
dyeing was repeated on the bride by women. Next the Imam came, and,
after stating that the dowry was $100 cash, heard Wan Mahamed Esa
publicly receive Siti Meriam as his wife, whereupon the Bilal [632]
read a prayer and afterwards pronounced a blessing.
"Supper was then served to all the guests present as before, the men
having their meal in the balei and the women in the house adjoining,
and singing and dancing was kept up until daylight.
"On Thursday afternoon the bride, dressed in her best, with her
father and relations, received the Resident, who was accompanied by
Mrs. Birch, the Senior District Officer and Mrs. Turney, Captain and
Mrs. Syers, Mr. Edwards, and many other ladies and gentlemen. Cakes
and preserves were served, of which the ladies and gentlemen present
partook. Then the bridegroom arrived, seated in an open carriage with
a groom'sman on each side of him, while one, carrying the Royal silk
umbrella, kindly lent by H.H. the Sultan, went before him.
"The procession was headed by one of the Royal spears, and two
more were carried before the bridegroom and two behind him, and so,
accompanied by the Selangor Band, kindly lent by the Resident, and
by a crowd of people singing and beating gongs and drums, he was
conveyed to the bride's house. His arrival was greeted with showers
of rice, and he was seated, together with the bride, on the dais,
where they, with the assistance of Mr. and Mrs. Birch, helped each
other to partake of yellow rice.
"So the marriage was completed satisfactorily, and then, as it
was evening, the Resident and Mrs. Birch, and the other ladies and
gentlemen present, returned to Kuala Lumpur; the people who remained
amusing themselves with dagger dances (main dabus).
"On Friday evening the bride and bridegroom left for Jugra in the
Esmeralda, which had been lent by the Resident, to pay their respects
to H.H. the Sultan, returning to Klang on Saturday.
"On the same afternoon the ceremony of the bath was performed, to
the great satisfaction of every one present, and was kept up till
six o'clock, by which time every one was wet through.
"This was the last ceremony in connection with the marriage, and then
every one wished the bride and bridegroom much happiness." [633]
The following account was translated by the writer:--
"Preparations for the wedding of Inche Halimah, daughter of Sheikh
`Abdul Mohit Baktal, and Said `Abdul Rahman Al Jafri, commenced on
Monday, the 2nd of August 1895.
"The mosquito-curtain, tapestries and canopies were suspended,
and decorations, including the marriage furniture (peti betuah dan
bangking), arranged. Moreover, the bridal couch was adorned with
decorations of gold and mattresses raised one above the other,
one with a facing of gold and the other with a facing of silver,
and four pillows with gold facings, and five piled-up pillows with
silver facings; and the kitchen apparatus was got ready, including
ten pans and coppers of the largest size, and the sheds for those
who were to cook rice and the meats eaten therewith. On this day,
moreover, a buffalo was sent by Towkay Teck Chong, with the full
accompaniments of music, and so forth.
"On Tuesday, the 3rd day of the month, took place the first
Henna-staining, the bride being led forth by her Coiffeur and seated
upon the marriage throne. And the bride seated herself against the
large pillow, which is called 'The Pillow against which One Rests,'
or bantal saraga. And towards evening all the relatives on the woman's
side sprinkled the tepong tawar (upon the forehead and hands of the
bride), and after the Henna-staining, dishes of confectionery and
preserved fruits were offered to all the guests who were present in
the reception-room.
"And on the 3rd [634] day of the month there took place in like
manner the second Henna-staining. And on the 5th day of the month
took place the Private Henna-staining (berhinei churi); the bride's
hair being dressed after the fashion known as Sanggul Lintang, and
further adorned with ornaments of gold and diamonds to the value
of about $5000. And after this Henna-staining all persons present
descended to the rooms below, where fencing and dagger dances, and
music and dancing were kept up at pleasure.
"On the 6th day of the month, being Friday, Inche Mohamad Kassim,
Penghulu of the Mukim of Bukit Raja, was commissioned by Datoh Penghulu
Mohit to summon the bridegroom, inasmuch as that day was fixed for
the marriage rite. And the bridegroom, wearing the robe called jubah
and a turban tied after the Arab fashion, [635] arrived at about three
o'clock, and was met by the priest (Tuan Imam) at the house. Very many
were the guests on that day, and many ladies and gentlemen, and his
renowned Highness the Tungku Dia-Uddin, were assembled in the house.
"And the Tuan Imam read the marriage service, Datoh Penghulu Mohit
giving his permission for Tuan Haji Mohamad Said Mufti to wed Inche
Halimah to Said `Abdul Rahman Al Jafri, with a marriage portion of
$100. And after the marriage rite Tuan Imam proceeded to read prayers
for their welfare. And afterwards dishes of rice were brought, of
which the guests present were invited to partake. And when all had
eaten, the Coiffeur led forth the bride to the scaffolding for the
ceremony called 'Bathing in State.' And upon that same evening took
place the Great Henna-staining, and the guests assembled in exceeding
great numbers, both men and women, and filled the house above and
below to overflowing. And when the henna-staining was completed,
all the men who were present chanted (bacha maulud) until daybreak.
"And upon the 7th day of the month, being Saturday, the bride being
adorned, the bridegroom seated in a buggy was drawn in procession
at about 5 o'clock from the house of his renowned Highness Tungku
Dia-Uddin, accompanied by the Government Band and all kinds of music,
to the house of the Datoh Penghulu, where he was met and sprinkled with
saffron-rice and rose-water. Afterwards, being seated on the marriage
throne side by side, both husband and wife, they offered each other
in turn the mouthfuls of saffron-rice which were presented by the
ladies and gentlemen and His Highness Tungku Dia-Uddin.
"And afterwards the elder relatives on the side of both husband
and bride presented the rice, and Inche Mohamad Kassim presented
red eggs (telor berjoran) to all the ladies and gentlemen, and the
bridegroom led the bride with him into the bridal chamber by the
finger, walking upon cloth of purple and gold. And afterwards all
the ladies and gentlemen were invited to eat and drink, and the band
played, fireworks and artificial fires were burned, and great was
the brightness thereof, and all the young people danced and sang at
their pleasure until the evening was spent." [636]
The marriage customs hitherto described have been only such as
are based on a peaceful understanding between the parents of the
contracting parties. An account of Malay marriage customs would
not, however, be complete without some mention of the customs which
regulate, strange as it may seem, even the forcible abduction of a
wife. Of these customs Sir W. E. Maxwell says:--
"The word panjat in Malay means literally 'to climb,' but it is used
in Pêrak, and perhaps in other Malay States, to signify a forcible
entry into a house for the purpose of securing as a wife a woman whom
her relations have already refused to the intruder. This high-handed
proceeding is recognised by Malay custom, and is regulated by certain
well-known rules.
"Panjat is of two kinds--panjat angkara and panjat 'adat--entry by
violence and entry by custom. In the first case, the man makes his
way into the house armed with his kris, or other weapon, and entering
the women's apartment, or posting himself at the door, secures the
person of his intended bride, or prevents her escape. He runs the
risk of being killed on the spot by the girl's relations, and his
safety depends upon his reputation for courage and strength, and upon
the number of his friends and the influence of his family. A wooer
who adopts this violent method of compelling the assent of unwilling
relations to his marriage to one of their kin must, say the Malays,
have three qualifications--
"Ka-rapat-an baniak,
Wang-nia ber-lebih,
Jantan-nia ber-lebih,
'A strong party to back him, plenty of money, and no lack of bravery.'
"Plenty of money is necessary, because, by accepted custom, if the
relations yield and give their consent all the customary payments
are doubled; the fine for the trespass, which would ordinarily be
twenty-five dollars, becomes fifty dollars; the dower is likewise
doubled, and the usual present of clothes (salin) must consist of two
of each of the three garments (salendang, baju, kain), instead of one
as usual. The fine for panjat angkara may be of any amount, according
to the pleasure of the woman's relations, and they fix it high or low
according to the man's position. I have heard of one case in Pêrak,
where the fine was five hundred dollars, and another in which the
suitor, to obtain his bride, had to pay one thousand seven hundred
and fifty dollars, namely, one thousand two hundred and fifty dollars
as a fine, and five hundred dollars for the marriage expenses. But in
this case the girl was already betrothed to another, and one thousand
dollars out of the fine went to the disappointed rival.
"Sometimes the relations hold out, or the man, for want of one of
the three qualifications mentioned above, has to beat an ignominious
retreat. In the reign of Sultan Ali, one Mat Taib, a budak raja, or
personal attendant on the Sultan, asked for Wan Dêna, the daughter
of the Bandahara of Kedah (she then being at Kota Lama in Pêrak) in
marriage. Being refused he forced his way into the house, and seizing
the girl by her long hair drew his kris, and defied everybody. No
one dared to interfere by force, for the man, if attacked, would
have driven his kris into the girl's body. This state of things is
said to have lasted three days and three nights, during which the
man neither ate nor slept. Eventually he was drugged by an old woman
from whom he accepted some food or water, and when he fell asleep the
girl was released from his grasp and taken to the Sultan's palace,
where she was married off straightway to one Mat Arshad. Mat Taib had
his revenge, for within a year he amoked at Bandar, where Mat Arshad
lived, killing the latter and wounding Wan Dêna.
"Panjat 'adat is a less lawless proceeding. A man who is in love with
a girl, the consent of whose parents or relations he cannot obtain,
sends his kris to their house with a message to the effect that he
is ready with the dower, presents, etc., doubled according to custom,
and that he is ready to make good any demands they may make.
"The kris is symbolical of the violent entry, which in this case is
dispensed with. If the girl's guardians are still obdurate they send
back the kris, but with it they must send double the amount of the
dower offered by the man. [637]"
7. FUNERALS [638]
When a man dies, the corpse (called Maiat, except in the case of
a Raja, when it is called Jenaja or Jenazah) is laid on its back,
and composed with the feet towards Mecca, and the hands crossed (the
right wrist resting upon the left just below the breast-bone, and the
right fore-finger on the top of the left arm). It is next shrouded
from head to foot in fine new sarongs, one of which usually covers
the body from the feet upwards to the waist, the other covering it
from the waist to the head. There are generally (in the case of the
peasantry) three or four thicknesses of these sarongs, but when a
rich man (orang kaya) dies, as many as seven may be used, each of the
seven being made in one long piece, so as to cover the body from the
head to the feet, the cloth being of fine texture, of no recognised
colour, but richly interwoven with gold thread, while the body is laid
upon a mattress, which in turn rests upon a new mat of pandanus leaf;
finally, all but the very poorest display the hangings used on great
occasions. At the head of the corpse are then piled five or six new
pillows, with two more on the right and left side of the body resting
against the ribs, while just below the folded hands are laid a pair
of betel-nut scissors (kachip besi), and on the matting at either
side a bowl for burning incense is placed. Some say that the origin
of laying the betel-nut scissors on the breast is that once upon a
time a cat brushed against the body of a dead person, thereby causing
the evil influence (badi) which resides in cats to enter the body,
so that it rose and stood upon its feet. The "contact with iron"
[639] prevents the dead body from rising again should it happen by
any mischance that a cat (which is generally the only animal kept
in the house, and which should be driven out of the house before the
funeral ceremonies commence) should enter unawares and brush against
it. From this moment until the body is laid in the grave the "wake"
must be religiously observed, and the body be watched both by day
and night to see that nothing which is forbidden (pantang) may come
near it. [640] The Imam, Bilal, or Khatib, or in their absence the Pah
Doja, or Pah Lebai, is then summoned, and early notice of the funeral
is given to all relations and friends to give them an opportunity of
attending. Meanwhile the preparations are going on at the house of
the deceased. The shroud (kain kapan) and plank or planks for the
coffin are got ready: of coffins there are three kinds, the papan
sakeping (the simplest form, generally consisting of a simple plank
of pulai or jelutong wood about six feet long by three spans wide),
the karanda (a plain, oblong plank box, of the same dimensions), and
the long (consisting either of two planks which form a sort of gable
with closed ends called kajang rungkop, or the long betul, which is
like three sides of a box with its sides bulging out, both ends open,
and no bottom). Varnish or paint is forbidden in Malay coffins, but
the planks are washed to insure their cleanliness, and lined with
white cloth (alas puteh). About three inches of earth is put into the
karanda ordinarily, but if the coffin is to be kept, about a span's
depth of earth, quicklime, and several katis [641] of tea-leaves,
rush-piths (sumbu kumpai), and camphor are also deposited in it,
in successive layers, the rush-piths at the top. Afterwards when the
corpse has been laid on the top, tea-leaves are put at front and back
of the corpse as it lies.
The next operation is to wash the corpse, which is carried for this
purpose into the front or outer room. If there are four people to be
found who are willing to undertake this disagreeable duty, they are
told to sit upon the floor in a row, all looking the same way, and
with their legs stretched out (belunjor kaki), the body being then laid
across their laps (riba). Several men are then told off to fetch water
in jars, scoop it out of the jars and pour it on the body in small
quantities by means of the "scoop" (penchedok ayer), which is usually
a small bowl, saucer, or cocoa-nut shell (tempurong). It frequently
happens, however, that this unpleasant task finds no volunteers, in
which case five banana stems are turned into improvised "rollers"
(galang), on which the body is raised from the floor during the
process of washing (meruang). When the body is ready for washing,
a chief washer (orang meruang) is engaged for a fee of about a
dollar; this is usually the Bilal or Imam, who "shampoos" the body
whilst the rest are pouring water on it. The body then undergoes a
second washing, this time with the cosmetic called ayer bedak which
is prepared by taking a handful of rice (sa-genggam b'ras), two or
three "dips" of lime (cholek kapur),and a pinch of gambier (gambir
sa-chubit)--the last three being the usual concomitants of a single
"chew" of the betel-leaf--and pounding them up together with the
rice. When pounded they are mixed with water (di-banchor [642]) in
a large bowl holding about two gallons, the water at the top being
poured off into a vessel of similar capacity, and scooped up and
sprinkled as before on the corpse. The next washing is with juice of
limes. Four or five limes (limau nipis) are taken, the ends cut off,
and each lime slashed crosswise on the top without completely severing
the parts. These limes are then squeezed (di-ramaskan) into another
large bowl containing water, and the washing repeated. The final
washing, or "Nine Waters" (ayer sambilan, so called from the water
being scooped up, and poured thrice to the right, thrice to the left,
and thrice over the front of the corpse from head to foot) is performed
with fresh water as at first, and the whole ceremony when completed
is called bedara. The washing completed, the orifices--e.g. ears,
nostrils, eyes--are generally stopped with cotton, and the body is
carried back to its mattress, and laid in a shroud of white cotton
cloth, which should be about seven feet long by four feet in width
(salabuh), so that the edges meet over the breast. After this the
last kiss is given by the nearest relatives, who must not, however,
disturb the corpse by letting their tears fall upon its features. The
shroud is usually of three thicknesses in the case of poor people, but
wealthier families use five, and even seven-fold shrouds. In Selangor,
however, each shroud is usually a separate piece of cloth. The dead
body of a child is sometimes covered in addition with a fine sort of
white powder (abok tanah or tayamam), which is sprinkled over the face
and arms. Five knots are used in fastening the shroud, the ends being
drawn up and tied (kochong) by means of the unravelled hem or selvage
of the shroud torn into tape-like strips, [643] which are bound thrice
round the body at the breast, the knees, and the hips respectively,
as well as above the head and below the feet. The corpse is then laid
on the mattress or mat again, this time with its head to the north,
and on its right side looking towards the west (Mecca), which is
the position it is to occupy in the grave. Prayers are then offered
by four or five "praying-men" (orang menyembahyang), who know the
burial service by heart, the Bilal or Imam joining in the service,
and all turning towards the west in the usual way. One "praying-man"
is sufficient, if no more are to be had, his fee ranging from 50 cents
to a dollar in the case of the poorer classes, and among the rich
often amounting to $5 or $6. This service is held about 1 P.M. so
as to give plenty of time to carry the body to the grave and return
before nightfall.
A jugful of eagle-wood (gharu) and sandal-wood (chendana) water is
then prepared, a small piece of each wood being taken and grated on
a stone over the jug until the water becomes appreciably scented;
about twenty leaves of the sweet-scented pandanus (pandan wangi) are
then added, together with a bunch of fragrant areca-palm blossoms,
and other scented flowers, such as the champaka and kenanga, which
are shredded (di-iris) into a wooden tray and mixed together, whilst
fragrant essences, such as rose-water (ayer mawar), lavender water
(ayer labenda), attar of roses (minyak attar or turki) are added when
obtainable. A betel-leaf tray containing all the articles required
for chewing betel is then prepared, together with a new mat of
pandanus-leaf, in which are rolled up five hasta [644] of white cloth,
and a brass bowl or alms box, in which latter are to be placed the
contributions (sedekah) of the deceased's relations. The preparations
are completed by bringing in the bier (usongan), which has to be made
on purpose, except in towns where a bier is kept in the mosque.
In the case of the single plank coffin the body is laid on the plank
(which is carried on the bier) and a sort of wicker-work covering
(lerang-lerang) of split bamboo is placed over the corpse, so as
to protect it on its way to the grave. In the case of the karanda
the body is laid in the coffin, which is carried on the bier; and in
the case of the long, there being no bottom in this form of coffin,
the body lies on a mat. In each case the bier is covered with a pall
(kain tudong) of as good coloured cloth (never white, but often
green) as may be obtainable. There are generally two or three of
these coverings, and floral decorations are sometimes thrown across
them, the blossoms of the areca-palm and the scented pandanus being
woven into exquisite floral strips, called "Centipedes' Feet" (jari
lipan), about three feet long by two fingers in breadth, and laid at
short intervals across the pall. There are generally from five to
six of these floral strips, the areca blossom alternating with the
pandanus. The number of bearers depends on the rank of the deceased;
in the case of a Sultan as many as possible bear a hand in sending him
to the grave, partly because of the pahala or merit thereby obtained,
and partly (no doubt) for the sake of the sedekah or alms given
to bearers. The procession then starts for the grave; none of the
mourners or followers here wear any special dress or sign of mourning,
such as the white sash with coloured ribbon which is sometimes worn
at Singapore (unless the kabong puteh or strip of white cloth which
is distributed as a funeral favour at the death of a Sultan may be so
reckoned). The only mourning which appears to be known to Malays is
the rare use of a kind of black edging for the envelopes of letters,
and that is no doubt copied from the English custom, though I may add
that a letter which announces a death should have no kapala. [645] Loud
wailing and weeping is forbidden by the Imam for fear of disturbing the
dead. The mosque drum is not usually beaten for funerals in Selangor,
nor is the body usually carried into the mosque, but is borne straight
to the tomb. If the coffin is a single plank one, on arriving at the
grave (which should have been dug early in the morning) an excavation
is made on the left side of the grave for the reception of the corpse,
the cavity being called liang lahad. Three men then lower the corpse
into the grave, where three others are waiting to receive it, and
the corpse is deposited in the cavity on its right side (mengiring
ka lambong kanan), looking towards the west (Mecca), and with the
head therefore lying towards the north. Four pegs (daka-daka) are
then driven in to keep the plank in a diagonal position and prevent
it from falling on the body, while the plank in turn protects the
corpse from being struck by falling earth.
The karanda is lowered into the centre of the grave in the same way
as a European coffin, the body, however, being invariably deposited
in the position just described; whilst the long acts as a sort of
lid to a shallow trench (just big enough to contain the body) which
is dug (di-k'roh) in the middle of the grave-pit. The five bands
swathing the corpse (lima tali-pengikat maiat) are then removed,
and at this point the bystanders occasionally hand lumps of earth
(tanah sa-kepal) to the men standing in the pit, who, after putting
them to the nostrils of the deceased "to be smelled," deposit them at
the side of the grave, when they are shovelled in by those standing at
the top. [646] The filling of the grave then proceeds, but as it is
"taboo" (pantang) to let the earth strike against the coffin in its
fall, the grave-diggers, who are still standing in the pit, receive it
as it falls upon a sort of small hurdle or screen made of branches,
and thence tilt it into the grave. As the grave (which is usually
dug to about the level of a man's ear) fills up, the grave-diggers,
who are forbidden to shovel in the soil themselves, tread down the
earth and level it, and they are not allowed to leave the pit till it
is filled up to the top. One of the relations then takes a piece of
any hard wood, and rudely fashions with a knife a temporary grave-post
(nisan or nishan), which is round in the case of a man and flattened
in the case of a woman; one of these grave-posts is placed exactly
over the head (rantau kapala) and the other over the waist (rantau
pinggang), not at the feet as in the case of Europeans. Thus the two
grave-posts are ordinarily about three feet apart, but tradition says
that over the grave of a kramat or saint, they will always be found
some five or six feet at least apart, one at the head and one at the
feet, and it is said to be the saint himself who moves them. To the
knob of the grave-post is tied a strip of white cloth as a sign of
recent death. [647]
Leaves are then strewn on the ground at the left of the grave,
and the five cubits of white cloth alluded to above are spread out
to form a mat, upon which the Imam takes his seat, the rest of the
company being seated upon the leaves. Eagle-wood and sandal-wood water
(ayer gharu chendana) is then brought to the Imam, who pours it out in
three libations, each time sprinkling the grave from the head to the
foot. If any water is left, the Imam sprinkles it upon any other graves
which may be near, whilst the shredded flowers (bunga rampai) are then
similarly disposed of. Next is read the talkin, which is an exhortation
(ajaran) addressed to the deceased. It is said that during the process
of reading the Talkin the corpse momentarily revives, and, still lying
upon its side, raises itself to a listening position by reclining upon
its right elbow (bertelku) and resting its head upon its hand. [648]
This is the reason [649] for removing the bands of the shroud, as the
body is left free to move, and thus in groping about (meraba-raba)
with its left hand feels that its garment is without a hem or selvage,
and then first realising that it must be really dead, composes itself
to listen quietly to whatever the Imam may say, until at the close of
the exhortation it falls back really lifeless! Hence the most absolute
silence must be observed during the exhortation. The Imam then repeats,
by way of "doxology," the tahalil or meratib, "la-ilaha-illa-'llah"
("there is no god but God"), in company with the rest of the assembly,
all present turning their heads and rocking themselves from side
to side as they sit, whilst they reiterate the words a hundred
times, commencing slowly till thirty-three times are reached, then
increasing the pace up to the sixty-sixth time, and concluding with
great rapidity. The contributions in the alms-basin (batil) are then
divided among the entire company as alms (sedekah). The master of the
house then invites those present to partake at about five p.m. of the
funeral feast, which in no way differs from an ordinary Malay banquet,
the more solid portion of the meal (makan nasi) being followed by
the usual confectionery and preserved fruits. The Imam then reads
prayers, and the company breaks up. The decorations for the funeral
are left for three days undisturbed. During these three days the
nearer neighbours are feasted, both in the morning and evening, at
the usual Malay hours; and for three days every night at about ten
P.M. the service called "Reading the Koran to the Corpse" (mengajikan
maiat) is performed, either by the Imam or somebody hired for the
purpose. This is an important duty, the slightest slip being regarded
as a great sin. At the end of the three days there is yet another
feast, at one P.M. (kanduri meniga hari), when those who are farther
off are invited, and after this meal the tahalil is repeated as before.
On the seventh day a similar feast (called kanduri menujoh hari) is
followed by the tahalil, which necessitates a further distribution of
fees (sedekah tahalil); but in the case of poor people this second
tahalil may be omitted, or the master of the house may say to the
company, "I ask (to be let off) the praying fees" (Sahya minta'
sedekah tahalil), in which case the tahalil is free.
Yet another feast is held on the fourteenth day (kanduri dua kali
tujoh hari), when the ceremonies are at end, except in the case of
the richer classes who keep the kanduri ampat puloh hari, or forty
days' feast, and the kanduri meratus hari, or 100 days' feast, whilst
the anniversary is also kept as a holiday by all who wish to show
respect for the deceased. This closes the usual funeral ceremonies,
but a day is generally chosen at pleasure in the month of Ramthan or
Maulud for the purpose of offering prayers and feasting the ancestors.
The only difference made in the case of the death of a woman is that
the washing of the corpse devolves upon women, whilst in the case
of very young infants the talkin is sometimes omitted. The woman's
nisan, as has been explained, is distinguished by its shape. [650]
The temporary nisan may be replaced by a permanent one at any time
after the funeral. At the time the grave is made up, four planks
(dapor-dapor), with the upper edges and ends roughly carved and
scalloped, are placed round the grave mound (tanah mati) to keep the
earth from falling down. Whenever the grave is thus finally made up
a feast is held, but from the necessities of the case this pious duty
is generally left to the rich.
8. MEDICINE
"The successful practice of (Malay) medicine must be based on the
fundamental principle of 'preserving the balance of power' among the
four elements. This is chiefly to be effected by constant attention to,
and moderation in, diet. To enforce these golden precepts, passages
from the Koran are plentifully quoted against excess in eating or
drinking. Air, they say, is the cause of heat and moisture, and earth
of cold and dryness. They assimilate the constitution and passions
of man to the twelve signs of the Zodiac, and the seven planets, etc."
"The mysterious sympathy between man and external nature ... was the
basis of that system of supernatural magic which prevailed in Europe
during the Middle Ages." [651]
The foregoing quotation shows that the distinctive features of the
Aristotelian hygienic theory, as borrowed by the Arabs, did eventually
filter through (in some cases) until they reached the Malays. Such
direct references, however, to Greek theories are of the rarest
character, and can hardly be considered typical.
Most of the more important rites practised by the Malay medicine-men
(Bomor [652]) may be divided into two well-defined parts. Commencing
with a ceremonial "inspection" (the counterpart of our modern
"diagnosis"), the Bomor proceeds to carry out a therapeutic ceremony,
the nature of which is decided by the results of the "inspection." For
the purposes of the diagnosis he resorts to divination, by means of
omens taken from the smoke of the burning censer, from the position of
coins thrown into water-jars (batu buyong), and parched rice floating
upon the water's surface.
The therapeutic rites, on the other hand, may be roughly classified
as follows according to their types: [653]--
1. Propitiatory Ceremonies (limas, ambangan, etc.).
2. "Neutralisatory" Ceremonies for destroying the evil principle
(tawar).
3. "Expulsory" Ceremonies (for the casting out of the evil
principle; [654] of which the "sucking charm" rite (mengalin)
is an example).
4. "Revivificatory" Ceremonies (for recalling a sick person's soul,
riang semangat).
I shall take each of the types in order.
For the water-jar ceremony three jars (buyong) containing water
are brought to the sick man's room and decorated with the fringe or
necklace of plaited cocoa-nut leaves, which is called "Centipedes'
Feet" (jari 'lipan). A fourth jar should contain a sort of bouquet
of artificial flowers to serve as an attraction to the sick man's
soul (semangat). You will also require a tray filled with the usual
accessories of Malay magic ceremonies (incense, three sorts of rice,
etc.), besides three wax tapers, one of which you will plant upon
the brim of each of the three jars.
When all is ready, drop the incense upon the embers, and as the smoke
rises repeat this charm:--
"If you are at one with me, rise towards me, O smoke;
If you are not at one with me, rise athwart me, O smoke,
Either to right or left." [655]
As you say this, "catch" the first puff of smoke and inhale it
(tangkap-lah puchok asap, chium), as it rises towards you. If the smell
is pleasant (sedap) it is a good sign; if it has a scorched smell
(hangit) it is bad; but if it smells offensive (busok) no medicine
can save the patient.
Next, before you look into the jars, take handfuls of "parched,"
"washed," and "saffron" rice, and after fumigating them over the
incense, strew them all round the row of jars, saying as you do so:--
"Cluck, cluck! souls of So-and-so, all seven of you! [656]
Come, and let all of us here together
See (about the) medicine for (you) O souls of So-and-so."
Here strew (tabor) the rice first to the right, then to the left,
and then to the right again.
Before removing the calladium-leaves from the jar-mouths, repeat
the following:--
"Peace be with you, Prophet 'Tap, in whose charge is the earth,
Suawam, in whose charge are the heavens,
Prophet Noah, in whose charge are the Trees,
Prophet Elias, Planter of Trees,
And Prophet Khailir (Khizr), in whose charge is the water,
I crave permission to see the remedies for So-and-so."
Here remove the calladium-leaves from the jar-mouths, and taking one
of the wax tapers, wave it in the smoke of the censer seven times
towards the right, and say:--
"Peace be with you, O Tanju, I adopt you to be a guardian for
my brother,
You who are sprung from the original elements,
From the former time unto the present,
You who sprang from the gum of the eyes of Muhammad,
I ask to see the disease of So-and-so."
Here plant the taper firmly upon the edge of the jar, and "gaze"
into the water "to see the signs" (`alamat-nya).
Thus if there is an oily scum on the water (ayer berk'rak lemak) it
is a bad sign; and to this may be added that if the calladium-leaf
covering has acquired a faded look (layu) in the interim, it is a
sign of severe sickness.
Fumigate the outside of the jars with the smoke of the incense (the
medicine-man does this by "washing" his hands in the smoke and then
rubbing over the outside of the jars as if he were "shampooing" them);
and anoint them with "oil of Celebes" (minyak Bugis). Then take a
"closed fistful" (sa-genggam) of parched rice, and holding it over the
smoke of the censer (ganggang di asap kem'nyan), repeat this charm:--
"Peace be with you, Mustia Kembang,
I adopt you as a guardian for my brother,
If in truth you are sprung from the primordial elements,
From the former time unto the present,
I know the origin from which you sprang,
For you sprang from our Lady Eve (Siti Hawa),
You I order, your co-operation I invoke,
That whatsoever shape you assume
Within this your garden of splendour,
You break neither plighted faith nor solemn promise."
Here throw the parched rice into the jars, and say:--
"Peace be unto you, O Prophet 'Tap, in whose charge is the Earth,
O Prophet Noah in whose charge are the Trees,
And Prophet Khailir in whose charge is the Water,
I crave this water (lit. 'exudation') as a boon,
For the healing of So-and-so."
And observe these signs:--
1. If the water is perfectly still it is a bad sign.
2. If it is a little disturbed it is a good sign.
3. If the rice floats in a line across the sun's path (berator
melintang matahari) it is a fatal sign.
4. If you see a solitary grain travelling by itself (bersiar)
you may know the sickness to be caused by the making of an image
(buatan orang).
5. If the parched rice travels towards the right of the jar the
patient will recover quickly.
6. If it travels towards the left of the jar he will recover,
but slowly.
7. If, however, it floats right underneath the candle it is
generally a fatal sign.
Next, see what patterns are formed by the rice-grains as they lie on
the water:--
1. If they take the shape either of a boat or a crocodile, this
means that the spirit demands the launching of a spirit-boat
(lanchang).
2. If they take a square shape, a tray of offerings (anchak)
is demanded.
3. If they take the shape of a house, a 'state-hall' (balei)
is demanded.
Now take all kinds of fragrant flowers and shred them (buat bunga
rampai), add the shredded blossoms of four which are scentless
(for instance, blossoms of the selaguri, pulut-pulut, bali-adap, and
kedudok), mix them and throw them into the jars, then plant in each
jar the flower-spathe of an areca-palm (mayang pinang). Throw into
each a "jar-stone" (i.e. a dollar), and the jars will be ready. You
should then read the foregoing charms over each of them.
The extra jar which is filled with a sort of big nosegay (gumba)
represents a pleasure-garden (taman bunga), and is intended to attract
the soul (semangat) of the sick man.
Now take parched rice and hold it over the incense (di-ganggang)
saying:--
"Peace be with you, O Wheat,
You I wish to command, your co-operation I invoke
In 'inspecting' the sickness of So-and-so.
Break neither plighted faith nor solemn promise,
But inspect the sickness of this grandson of Adam,
This follower of the Prophet Muhammad, of the race of the sons
of men, So-and-so;
If anything should supervene,
Do you 'stir' within this pure heart (of mine)."
Now scatter the parched rice upon the surface of the water in the jars,
and watch for the signs:--
1. If the rice is lumped together (bulat or berlubok) it is a
good sign.
2. If it extends itself crosswise (panjang melintang) it is a
bad sign.
3. If it takes the shape of a spirit-boat (lanchang) you must
make a spirit-boat; that is what is wanted.
4. If it keeps travelling either to the left or the right, it is
a stream-spirit (anak sungei) which has affected the patient.
5. If it takes the shape of a crocodile, or anything of that sort,
it is an earth-spirit (puaka) which has affected the patient.
The most popular method of propitiating evil spirits consists in the
use of the sacrificial tray called Anchak.
This is "a small frame of bamboo or wood," [657] usually from two
to three feet square and turned up at the sides, which are decorated
with a long fringe (jari'lipan) of plaited cocoa-nut leaf. Four rattan
"suspenders" of equal length (tali penggantong) are fastened to the
four corners, and are thence carried up to meet at a point which may
be from two to three feet above the tray.
These trays appear to be divisible into two classes, according to
the objects which they are intended to serve. In the one case certain
offerings (to be described presently) are laid upon the tray, which
is carried out of the house to a suitable spot and there suspended
to enable the spirits for whom it is designed to feed upon its
contents. [658] In the other case certain objects are deposited upon
it, into which the evil spirits are ceremoniously invited to enter,
in which case it must obviously be got rid of after the ceremony,
and is therefore hung up in the jungle, or set adrift in the sea
or the nearest river; in the latter case it is called the "keeled
sacrifice-tray" (anchak pelunas), and falls into line with other
objects which are occasionally set adrift for the same purpose.
The offerings placed on the sacrificial tray vary considerably,
according to the object of the ceremony, the means of the person for
whose benefit they are offered, the caprice of the medicine-man who
carries out the ceremony, and so on. [659]
I shall therefore, in the present place, merely describe the
contents of a more or less typical tray, with the main points of the
accompanying ritual.
The bottom of the tray having been lined with banana-leaf, and
thickly strewn with parched rice, there are deposited in the tray
itself five "chews" of betel-leaf, five native "cigarettes" (rokok),
five wax tapers, five small water-receptacles or limas (made of
banana-leaf and skewered together at each end), and five copper cents
(or dollars). The articles just enumerated are divided into five
portions, one of which is deposited in the centre of the tray, and the
remainder in its four corners. Besides this there are to be deposited
in the tray fourteen portions of meat (of fowl, goat, or buffalo, as
the case may be), and fourteen portions of Malay "cakes," care being
taken in each case to see that there are seven portions of cooked and
seven portions of uncooked food provided. The rattan "suspenders,"
again, are hung with two sets of ornamental rice-receptacles made of
plaited cocoa-nut leaf (fourteen of the long-shaped kind, or lepat,
and fourteen of the diamond-shaped kind, or ketupat). Besides this,
two sets of (cooked and uncooked) packets of rice (each stained a
different colour) are sometimes deposited in the tray, the colours
used being white, yellow, red, black, blue, green, and purple. The
only other articles required for the tray are a couple of eggs,
of which one must, of course, be cooked and the other raw.
Of the water-receptacles, those in alternate corners are filled with
water and cane-juice, the central receptacle being filled with the
blood of the fowl (or other animal slain for the sacrifice).
Upon the ground, exactly underneath the tray, should be deposited
the feathers, feet, entrails, etc., of the fowl, portions of whose
flesh have been used for the tray, together with the refuse of
the parched rice and a censer. Strictly speaking, a white and a
black fowl should be killed, but only half of each cooked, the
remainder being left raw. The "portions" of fowl are as small as
they can possibly be, a mere symbol (`isharat) of each kind of
food being all that the spirits are supposed to require. Sometimes
funnel-shaped rice-receptacles are used, which are skewered with a
bamboo skewer and called keronchot. Occasionally a standard censer
(sangga?) is used, the end of a piece of bamboo being split up and
bent or opened outwards for several inches, and a piece of rattan
(cane) being wound in and out among the split ends, so as to form a
sort of funnel (about nine inches in diameter at the top), which is
lined with banana leaf, filled with earth, and planted vertically in
the ground, great care being taken to see that it does not lean out of
the perpendicular. Live embers are placed upon it, incense crumbled
over it (between the finger and thumb), and the appropriate charm
recited. A specimen of a charm or formula used during the burning of
incense will be found in the Appendix. [660]
The ketupats are called--(1) S'ri neg'ri (seven-cornered), or the "luck
of the country"; (2) Buah k'ras (six-cornered), or the "candle-nut";
(3) Bawang puteh (six-cornered), or "garlic"; (4) Ulu pengayoh
(four-cornered), or the "paddle-handle"; (5) Pasar (five-cornered),
or the "market"; (6) Bawang merah (six-cornered), or the "onion";
(7) Pasar Pahang (six-cornered), or the "Pahang market"; (8) Telor,
or the "hen's egg."
The lepats are called--(1) Lepat daun niyor (5-6 inches long and
made of cocoa-nut leaves); (2) Lepat tilam (of plantain leaves);
(3) Lepat daun palas (of palas leaves, three-sided).
Diminutive models of various objects (also made of cocoa-nut leaves)
are often added, e.g. burong ponggok, the owl; ker'bau, the buffalo;
rusa, the stag; tekukur, the ground-dove; ketam, the crab; and (but
very rarely) kuda, the horse.
The things deposited in the tray are intended for the spirits (Hantus)
themselves; the refuse on the ground beneath it for their slaves
(hamba).
Of the food in the tray, the cooked food is for the king of the
spirits (Raja Hantu), who is sometimes said to be the Wild Huntsman
(Hantu Pemburu) and sometimes Batara Guru, and the uncooked for
his following. But of the two eggs, the uncooked one is alleged
to be for the Land-spirit (i.e. the Wild Huntsman), and the cooked
for the Sea-spirit; this assertion, however, requires some further
investigation before it can be unreservedly accepted.