Transcriber’s Note:
Words and phrases in italics are surrounded by underscores, _like
this_. Footnotes were moved to the end of each chapter. Words may
have multiple spelling variations or inconsistent hyphenation in the
text. These were not changed. Misspelled words, dialect, obsolete
spellings and non-standard diacriticals in French were not corrected.
Manuscript page numbers are displayed within brackets, e.g. {36}.
Obvious printing errors, such as duplicate words, upside down,
missing or partially printed letters and punctuation, were corrected.
Final stops missing at the end of sentences and abbreviations were
added. Duplicate words at line endings or page breaks were removed.
Early Western Travels
1748-1846
Volume VI
Early Western Travels
1748-1846
A Series of Annotated Reprints of some of the best
and rarest contemporary volumes of travel, descriptive
of the Aborigines and Social and
Economic Conditions in the Middle
and Far West, during the Period
of Early American Settlement
Edited with Notes, Introductions, Index, etc., by
Reuben Gold Thwaites, LL.D.
Editor of “The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents,” “Wisconsin
Historical Collections,” “Chronicles of Border Warfare,”
“Hennepin’s New Discovery,” etc.
Volume VI
Brackenridge’s Journal up the Missouri, 1811
Franchère’s Voyage to Northwest Coast, 1811-1814
[Illustration]
Cleveland, Ohio
The Arthur H. Clark Company
1904
COPYRIGHT 1904, BY
THE ARTHUR H. CLARK COMPANY
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
The Lakeside Press
R. R. DONNELLEY & SONS COMPANY
CHICAGO
CONTENTS OF VOLUME VI
PREFACE. _The Editor_ 9
I
JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE UP THE RIVER MISSOURI; performed in
eighteen hundred and eleven. _H. M. Brackenridge_
Copyright Notice 22
Author’s Preface 23
Author’s Table of Contents 25
Text 27
Appendix (Parts I, II, and IV omitted)
Chapter III. Extract from “Views of Louisiana” 153
A table of distances 164
II
NARRATIVE OF A VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST COAST OF
AMERICA IN THE YEARS 1811, 1812, 1813, and 1814; or,
the First American Settlement on the Pacific. _Gabriel
Franchère_, translated and edited by _J. V. Huntington_
Author’s Preface to second edition 173
Note by the Editor. _J. V. Huntington_ 174
Author’s Preface to the French edition 176
Author’s Table of Contents 177
Introduction 183
Text 189
Appendix 405
ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOLUME VI
Facsimile of original title-page to Brackenridge’s
_Journal_ 21
“Astoria, as it was in 1813” (frontispiece to original of
Franchère’s _Narrative_) 170
Facsimile of original title-page to Franchère’s
_Narrative_ 171
“View of the Falkland Islands” 205
“Entrance of the Columbia River” 231
PREFACE TO VOLUME VI
In this volume we present reprints both of Brackenridge’s _Journal of
a Voyage up the Missouri_ (1811), and of Franchère’s _Voyage to the
Northwest Coast of America_ (1811-14).
_Brackenridge’s Journal_
Henry Marie Brackenridge, traveller, author, statesman, jurist,
had a long and varied career. Born at Pittsburg in 1786, one of
his earliest memories was the Whiskey Rebellion, in which his
father, an eminent lawyer of that town, was a prominent actor. In
later years, the son’s researches into his parent’s part in this
incident, bore fruit in his _History of Western Insurrection in
Western Pennsylvania, commonly called the Whiskey Insurrection, 1794_
(Pittsburg, 1859).
Henry Brackenridge has also given to the world an autobiography,
in the work entitled _Recollections of Persons and Places in the
West_ (Philadelphia, 1834), from which we ascertain that at the
age of seven years he was sent to learn French among the Creoles
of Louisiana Territory. Having spent three years at the village of
Ste. Genevieve--where his French was acquired at the expense of
his English, which for a time was quite forgotten--he returned to
Pittsburg, where his further education was conducted chiefly under
his father’s supervision.
At an early age he began to read law, and was admitted to the bar
before he had attained his majority. Acting upon his father’s
advice, he attempted to begin practice in Baltimore; but finding his
profession overcrowded in that city, retired for a year to Somerset,
Pennsylvania, thence migrating to the West. Turning first to his
boyhood home, he opened an office at Ste. Genevieve, but soon drifted
to St. Louis, and there wrote sketches of the new territory, which
were afterwards embodied in his _Views of Louisiana_.
While at St. Louis in the spring of 1811, Brackenridge, being fond
of adventure, was easily induced by the fur-trader Manuel Lisa to
accompany him on a voyage up the Missouri. Lisa’s party left the
settlements three weeks later than the expedition under Hunt, which
carried the overland Astorians, whose picturesque adventures as far
as the Mandan are detailed in Bradbury’s _Journal_, reprinted in
volume v of our series. There ensued a stern chase up the Missouri,
in which Lisa’s keel-boat, manned by twenty-two oarsmen, made every
effort to overtake the advance party, in order that forces might be
joined against the hostile Sioux. It was not until the fourth of June
that the Missouri trader overtook Hunt, nearly thirteen hundred miles
above the mouth of the river. Brackenridge, already wearying of his
long absence from civilization, now preferred to return in two boats
which Lisa was sending down the river, being accompanied upon the
home trip by his naturalist friend, John Bradbury. In less than two
weeks upon the descending current, they reached the settlements.
Brackenridge left St. Louis in November following, and on his arrival
at New Orleans was chosen deputy attorney-general for the Territory
of Orleans. When Louisiana was admitted as a state, he was made
federal district judge, with headquarters at Baton Rouge. There he
devoted himself to the study of the Spanish law and language, and
became of much use to the newly-organized government.
Before the close of the second war with England, Brackenridge was
again in Baltimore, and at the instigation of his publisher in
that city wrote his _History of the Late War between the United
States and Great Britain_, which passed through eight editions
and was translated into both French and Italian. The authenticity
and impartiality of this work have been highly praised. The same
year (1814) that he returned from the West, there was issued from
a Pittsburg press his _Views of Louisiana_, including this journal
of the voyage up the Missouri. Two years later, there appeared
a separate edition of the journal, revised and enlarged by the
author--the book here reprinted.
Brackenridge’s later history was replete with adventure, and brought
him in contact with many phases of American life. In 1817 he wrote
a letter to President Monroe, urging the recognition of the South
American Republics. This having been translated into Spanish, was
by many assumed to be an official opinion of the United States
government, and as such elicited an elaborate reply from the Spanish
minister. In the same year, Brackenridge was appointed secretary of
a commission sent by the federal government to visit the revolted
states of South America. Upon his return, he published his _Voyage to
South America performed by the Order of the American Government in
the Years 1817 and 1818 in the Frigate Congress_ (Baltimore, 1819;
London, 1820), which was highly commended by the great authority of
that day, Baron von Humboldt.
Upon the purchase of Florida by the United States, Brackenridge
concluded to cast his lot with that of the new territory. On his
way south, he fell in with a party of the newly-appointed governor,
General Andrew Jackson, and was invited to become one of the latter’s
official family. Brackenridge’s knowledge of French and Spanish
made his services especially useful to the Florida executive, whose
public despatches and proclamations during 1821 were nearly all
drawn by the hand of our author. Jackson then appointed him alcalde
of Pensacola, and the following year secured his selection as judge
of the western district of Florida--a position which he occupied
for ten years. Through some misunderstanding with Jackson, during
the latter’s presidency, Brackenridge was removed from office in
1832, and returned to his old home at Pittsburg. Here he re-entered
public life, was candidate for Congress, and in 1841 served as a
commissioner to draft a treaty with Mexico. His later years, spent
in retirement, were largely devoted to literary labors. He died in
Pittsburg in 1871.
The early writings of a man who in maturer years attained such
eminence as that won by Judge Brackenridge, are interesting for
their promise and suggestion. But the _Journal of a Voyage up the
Missouri_ has in itself much intrinsic value. It is a record free
from youthful exaggeration, being singularly clear and accurate.
Inspired solely by a desire to describe in simple terms the vast
regions lately become our national possession, Brackenridge gives us
a vivid picture of the great plains of the West, clad in their summer
verdure, with vast herds of wild animals giving a touch of vitality
to the lonely scenes. His descriptions of the marvellous atmospheric
effects, and the wide expanses of sky and plain, are the product of
one who possessed keen enthusiasm for wilderness landscape; but he
confesses his disillusion in regard to the simplicity and charm of
the savage in a “state of nature.” His accounts of Indian life and
customs, although slight in volume, are suggestive and valuable; yet
he reaches the harsh judgment that “the world would lose but little,
if these people should disappear before civilized communities.” Our
author’s remarks upon existing conditions are apposite and often
sound, especially upon the value of the Louisiana Purchase to the
growth of the United States--nevertheless as a prophet he is not
always happy. He thought the region about Omaha the highest point to
which settlement would extend for many years, and that the Indians
would hold undisputed possession of the Upper Missouri for at least
a century. This was in view of the difficulties of navigation,
which he well described--the changes and rapidity of the current,
the falling in of the banks, the snags, and the shifting nature
of the river bed. Brackenridge lived to see steam navigation and
transportation transform the entire Missouri Valley into a thriving
centre of civilization; on the sites which his eye had selected for
towns, to be established in a far-distant future, there soon arose
large cities. His opinion that the interests of the West would
serve to break down sectionalism and conserve the Union, was amply
justified by the course of events.
_Franchère’s Narrative_
The expedition organized by John Jacob Astor for the purpose
of founding an American fur-trading post at the mouth of the
Columbia, although unhappy in its outcome, was most fortunate in
its historians. The _Astoria_ of Washington Irving is an American
classic. The journals upon which he based his delightful tale are
less well known, but deserving of wide acquaintance. Among the
“scribbling clerks” whose fondness for keeping journals excited the
ire of the “Tonquin’s” choleric captain, was a young Canadian, whose
narrative is, in charm of style, second only to that of Irving’s; it
has the added advantage of being the account of one who participated
in the adventures which he describes.
Gabriel Franchère was of an honorable Canadian family. His
grandfather Jacques, early in the eighteenth century, had come to
New France as a ship surgeon. Jacques’s son, the elder Gabriel,
established himself in business at Montreal, where our author was
born November 3, 1786. As a young man, Gabriel _fils_ became a
merchant’s apprentice, but was easily persuaded to abandon the desk
and the counter for the more adventurous life of a fur-trade clerk.
He himself tells us in brief but telling sentences of his emotions
on leaving Montreal to join the contingent of the American Fur
Company which departed thence for New York, where Astor’s sea-going
party were to embark for the Pacific. Leaving New York September 6,
1810, the expedition arrived the following spring at the bar of the
Columbia, and after a series of disasters began the construction of
the fort named for the senior partner.
Franchère faithfully narrates the occurrences of the following years,
until the sale of the entire property to the rival North West Company
in October, 1813. One of his fellow clerks (Alexander Ross, whose
journal is to be published as volume vii of this series) intimates
that Franchère was eager to accept employment in the new company.
The latter’s narrative, however, and his subsequent movements,
refute this statement. Indeed, Franchère was singularly loyal to his
American employers; and although offered advantageous terms because
of his linguistic facility, remained with the North West Company only
until the first opportunity presented itself to return to Montreal.
This occurred when the trading brigade left the Columbia, April 4,
1814. After a difficult and perilous trip across the continent,
Franchère reached his father’s home in September of the same year,
being received there as one risen from the dead.
Early the following spring the young Canadian married the maiden who,
in alternate hope and despair, had during four long years waited for
his return. He then entered Astor’s employ as his Montreal agent.
Several years later, he removed to Sault Ste. Marie--whose appearance
during the War of 1812-15 he so graphically describes in his
book--and for several years made this his home. Upon the liquidation
of the American Fur Company’s affairs, Franchère was employed by the
St. Louis firm of which Pierre Chouteau was the head. Later, he
removed to New York, and established a fur-trading firm under his own
name.
Franchère was a loyal citizen of his adopted country, and naturally
much concerned over the Oregon question. Upon its discussion in the
Senate (1846), Thomas Benton invited him to Washington. After citing,
in a famous speech, this work of our author (not yet translated)
as an authority of value upon the matter in hand, Benton presented
him to his senatorial colleagues. One of Franchère’s most cherished
recollections was the deference and honor with which he was treated
by the famous statesmen of that day--Webster, Clay, and Benton.
In 1853 Franchère revisited his early home at Montreal, being
received there with much respect, both as an author whose fame
contributed to that of his native city, and as a philanthropist whose
interest in young Canadian exiles in New York had led to excellent
practical results. Thus, amid honors and pleasant associations, his
last years wore away; and he died (1863) at the home of his step-son,
John S. Prince, of St. Paul, Minnesota, in the seventy-seventh year
of his age.
Franchère’s character was one of much simplicity and charm.
Physically, he was of medium stature, with a gentle, kindly face.
Gifted with abundant health, cheerful spirits, a fund of quiet humor,
and ability to adapt himself to changing environments, the verbal
recital of his early adventures became a never-failing source of
interest to all his associates. His experiences were first committed
to writing, merely for his own entertainment and the perusal of
his family circle. As interest in the Great West increased, he
was persuaded to publish his narrative in the original French.
Unaccustomed to literary effort, he secured the collaboration of
Michel Bibaud _père_, a well-known Canadian editor, and in 1820
the work appeared from the Montreal press of C. P. Pasteur.[1] The
original manuscript of the journal is now preserved in the Toronto
Public Library. Irving, in _Astoria_, makes acknowledgment of his
indebtedness to this narrative, and among French Canadians it at once
acquired a considerable popularity. Much later, when Franchère was a
resident of New York, there arose a demand for an English version,
to which Franchère gave his consent and cordial co-operation.
The translation was made by a Baltimorean, J. V. Huntington, who
incorporated several changes and additions; the whole being published
in 1854 under the title of the present reprint.
Franchère’s purpose in this English version was partly to vindicate
the reputation of his _compagnons de voyage_, whose characters he
considered aspersed by Irving’s account; partly to correct certain
errors in the latter; but chiefly to set before the American public
a simple, unvarnished relation by a participant in an important
historical event, after the period of passion and recrimination had
passed away.
Aside from the excellent style of the narrative, which its American
editor characterizes as “De Foe-like” in simplicity and clearness,
the value of the journal is due to the historical information it
affords. Franchère’s sympathies were evidently with the American
party. Although Canadian-born, he does not appear to approve of
the Nor’ Westers among the partners--characterizing McDougall as a
“traitor,” and describing McKenzie in uncomplimentary terms. His
criticisms, however, are as a rule neither caustic nor severe. Even
for Captain Thorn he has a measure of appreciation; and upon the
mismanagement of affairs he comments but casually. A kindly nature is
revealed in remarks upon his fellow clerks; even the Indians are not
painted by him in as dark colors as they are set forth by some of his
compeers. Slight mention is made of the hardships through which he
passed. While Ross enlarges upon the tediousness of the voyage, the
bad fare and foul water, and the privations at Astoria and upon the
river, Franchère passes over these with few words. On the other hand,
he exhibits much enthusiasm over the beauties of the Columbia and the
Saskatchewan basins, of verdant prairies, and of lofty forests.
Aside from the main historical value of the journal, there are
interesting incidental references to the Western events of the second
Anglo-American War. In the fastnesses of the Canadian wilderness, the
news of Perry’s victory upon Lake Erie brings consternation to the
minds of British fur-traders. At Fort William, much anxiety over the
fate of the yearly invoice of furs is manifested; and the flotilla
bearing a million dollars’ worth of peltries slips silently by the
ruins of Sault Ste. Marie, the voyageurs listening with trepidation
to the bombardment of Fort Mackinac. The wilderness, also, knew its
own wars. Aside from the sharp and sometimes bloody international
rivalry on the Northwest Coast, the struggle between the two Canadian
companies was beginning to reach an acute stage. At the outlet of
Lake Winnipeg, Franchère hears echoes of the strife between the North
West Company and Lord Selkirk’s Red River settlement--a rivalry that
was to produce much bloodshed and hardship before the coalition of
Canadian fur-traders in 1821.
But the main interest of the narrative centers in the Columbia
region. The first white men to penetrate the interior since the
expedition of Lewis and Clark, the testimony of the Astorians, and
of Franchère in particular, in many important details corroborates
that of the famous explorers. In his description of the native races,
Franchère in many ways supplements the accounts of Lewis and Clark.
His ethnological distinctions are less minute; but his remarks upon
the polity, slavery, marriage, warfare, and religion of the natives
west of the Rocky Mountains are worthy of attention. His skill in
Indian languages, as well as long residence in the country, gave
him unusual opportunity for acquiring valuable information of every
sort. At the present time, when we are celebrating the close of a
century after the expedition of Lewis and Clark, the reprinting of
this journal of one who followed closely on their footsteps, is of
peculiar importance.
As in the previous volumes of the series, Louise Phelps Kellogg, Ph.
D., has given valuable assistance in the preparation of notes; and
some further aid has been received from Edith Kathryn Lyle, Ph. D.,
and Homer C. Hockett, B. A.
R. G. T.
MADISON, WIS., July, 1904.
[1] _Relation d’un Voyage à la Côte du Nord-Ouest de
l’Amérique Septentrionale dans les années 1810-1814_
(Montreal, 1820).
BRACKENRIDGE’S JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE UP THE RIVER
MISSOURI IN 1811
Reprint of the second edition (Baltimore, 1816). Parts I, II, and IV
of the Appendix are here omitted, as irrelevant.
JOURNAL
OF
A VOYAGE
UP THE RIVER MISSOURI;
PERFORMED
IN EIGHTEEN HUNDRED AND ELEVEN,
BY H. M. BRACKENRIDGE, ESQ.
SECOND EDITION,
_Revised and Enlarged by the Author_.
BALTIMORE:
PUBLISHED BY COALE AND MAXWELL,
_At the Reading Rooms, No. 204 Market street._
Pomeroy & Toy, printers.
1816.
DISTRICT OF MARYLAND, To wit:
BE IT REMEMBERED, that on this eighth day of December, in the fortieth
year of the Independence of the United States of America,
[Seal] Coale & Maxwell, of the said District, have deposited in this
Office, the Title of a Book, the right whereof they claim as
Proprietors, in the words and figures following, to wit:
“Journal of a Voyage up the River Missouri; performed in eighteen
hundred and eleven, by H. M. Brackenridge, Esq., second edition,
revised and enlarged by the author.”
In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States,
entitled, “An Act for the encouragement of Learning, by securing the
copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of
such copies, during the times therein mentioned;” and also to the Act
entitled, “An act supplementary to an Act, entitled, ‘An Act for the
encouragement of Learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts,
and Books, to the authors and Proprietors of such copies during the
times therein mentioned,’ and extending the benefits thereof to
the arts of Designing, Engraving, and Etching historical and other
prints.”
PHILIP MOORE,
_Clerk of the District of Maryland_.
PREFACE
The following is the Journal of a voyage, of four or five months,
on the Missouri river, beyond the settlements. The voyage was
undertaken in the spirit of adventure, which characterises so many
of our countrymen, and with little or no expectation of profit or
advantage. The accounts received from different persons had greatly
excited my curiosity. The conversation of Manuel Lisa, a man of an
ardent and enterprising character, and one of the most celebrated
of those who traverse the Indian country, had inflamed my mind with
the desire of attempting something of a similar nature. I set off
with the intention of making a summer excursion, as a simple hunter,
unprovided with the means of making mathematical observations, but
little {iv} acquainted with any of the branches of natural history,
and without once imagining that I should ever publish the result of
my observations. Afterwards, having published a volume, under the
title of “Views of Louisiana,” the present Journal was placed in the
appendix. But having been at first written in a loose and careless
manner, the style, I fear, notwithstanding the corrections it has
undergone, still retains too much of its original defect. There are
certainly many things which might be omitted; there are also topics,
which the reader will be disappointed in finding untouched: to this,
I must answer, that having already entered into a variety of details,
in something like a regular and systematic work, it would be improper
to repeat them here.
The author aims at no higher ambition, than to afford some amusement
to his fellow-citizens, by a simple detail of the incidents of his
tour. On one subject, however, he hopes this little volume will not
be useless to the public; that is, in conveying something like an
exact idea of the extent to which the immense regions west of the
Mississippi are susceptible of population. This is a consideration
{v} to the statesman of no small moment. In developing the resources
of a great empire, destined in twenty-five years hence, to contain
twenty millions of souls, a correct estimate of the amount of its
habitable territory is surely not unimportant. It is with this view
chiefly, that I have been induced to publish this Journal in a
separate volume, as in this way it will have a tendency to produce a
more general acquaintance with a portion of our country, so vast in
extent and so interesting in its character.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
Motives of the voyage--Set off from St. Charles--Navigation of
the Missouri--A militia captain 27
CHAPTER II
Try our sails with success--Account of an extraordinary
female maniac--Adventure of the she-bear--Arrival at Fort
Osage--Gain considerably on Hunt 40
CHAPTER III
Orison of the Osages--Discontents in our party--News of
Hunt--An excursion--Arrival at the river Platte 61
CHAPTER IV
Council Bluffs--Blackbird Hills--Maha villages--Disappointment
in not overtaking Hunt--Floyd’s bluff 77
CHAPTER V
Frightful rapids--News of Mr. Henry--A buffaloe--The
Poncas--Meet the Sioux--Overtake Mr. Hunt 87
CHAPTER VI
Messrs. Bradbury and Nuttal--An excursion--Rupture between the
leaders of our parties--Arrival at the Arikara villages 100
{viii} CHAPTER VII
Arikara villages--An alarm in the village--Manners and
customs 114
CHAPTER VIII
Proceed to the Mandan villages--A buffaloe hunt--Arrival at
the Mandan villages 132
CHAPTER IX
Mandan villages--Return to Arikara--Scene after a battle 138
CHAPTER X
Set off to return--Battle of buffaloes--Fort Clark--Arrival at
St. Louis 146
APPENDIX
Extract from the Views of Louisiana 153
[Table of distances, from the mouth of the Missouri to the
Mandan Villages] 164
BRACKENRIDGE’S JOURNAL
CHAPTER I[1]
Motives of the Voyage--Set off from St. Charles--Navigation of the
Missouri--A militia captain.
Before the memorable expedition of Lewis and Clark, none was found
adventurous enough to penetrate that extensive portion of our
continent, more than a few hundred miles. It was almost as little
known to us, as the interior of New Holland, or the deserts of
Africa. After the return of those celebrated travellers, several
Indian traders were induced to extend the sphere of their enterprise,
and one of them, Manuel Lisa, ascended the Missouri almost to its
source. These enterprising individuals meeting with considerable
success, a trading company {2} or association followed, under the
name of THE MISSOURI FUR COMPANY, formed in the hope of carrying on
this business more extensively than it had hitherto been practised,
and, in time, of rivalling even the British associations in Canada.
The company was composed of twelve persons, with a capital of about
forty thousand dollars. A small sum it is true, but as much as was
necessary for a beginning. The company engaged about two hundred and
fifty men, Canadians and Americans; the first for the purpose of
navigating the boats, but the latter as hunters: for it was their
intention to hunt as well as trade. In the spring of 1808, they
ascended the Missouri in barges, and left trading establishments in
the Sioux country, also among the Arikaras and Mandans. After this
they proceeded with the main body to the three forks of the Missouri;
about three thousand miles from its source. The junction of the three
rivers, Jefferson, Madison, and Gallatin, are considered as forming
the Missouri. The surrounding country, when compared with the bare
plains of the Missouri, may be called woody, and from its situation
is well supplied with mountain streams. That ingenious and {3}
persecuted little animal, the beaver, is found here in great numbers,
and this was the principal inducement for the company in establishing
themselves here. But it is not in the power of those who adventure
in untried paths, to foresee all the obstacles which lie in the way.
It is seldom the first adventurer, who reaps the profits derived
from opening a new road of enterprise; it is some one who follows
him, and takes warning from his misfortunes. The country about the
sources of the Missouri, forms a part of the tract wandered over
by a nation of Indians, called the _Blackfoot_, a ferocious savage
race, who have conceived the most deadly hatred to the Americans.
This hatred is partly owing to an unfortunate rencontre between one
of the natives and captain Lewis. On that gentleman’s return from
the Columbia, in pursuing some of these Indians who had stolen some
articles from his camp he killed one of them by a shot from his
rifle. Something may also be ascribed to the instigation of British
traders, and perhaps to the jealousies of the Indians themselves,
on seeing white hunters coming to establish themselves in their
country and to destroy the beaver. However this may be,{4} it was
not long after the establishment of the company and their building a
fort, before the Blackfeet commenced hostilities. A hunting party
of the whites, consisting of ten or twelve, whilst encamped on a
small stream, were suddenly attacked, four of them killed and the
rest escaped with difficulty. It was now found necessary to go out
on their hunting parties in considerable strength, which put them to
great inconvenience, and rendered their success in hunting of little
or no account; they were besides subject to frequent attacks, which
harrassed them exceedingly. Instead of three hundred packs, upon
which they might have calculated had they remained unmolested, they
hardly procured thirty the first year: and the second none at all.
The party was reduced to about sixty persons, by the detachments
left at the different trading establishments below, and by persons
sent off with such furs as had been collected: add to this, about
twenty had fallen in the different skirmishes with the Indians. Mr.
Henry, one of the members of the company, who had the command of the
party, finding his situation extremely precarious, crossed the Rocky
Mountains, and established {5} himself on one of the branches of the
Columbia, where he remained until the spring of 1811, the period at
which I ascended the Missouri.
In the mean time the establishments at the Mandan and Arikara nations
brought no profit, and at the Sioux establishment, after collecting
buffaloe robes and beaver fur to the amount of fifteen or twenty
thousand dollars, the factory took fire and the whole was burnt. It
was now a prevailing opinion that the affairs of the company were
completely ruined. Beside their losses it was not known at this time
what had become of Mr. Henry and his party, who had not been heard
of for more than a year. In this state of things, it was resolved,
in the spring of 1811, to make one more effort, and if possible
retrieve their losses. It was moreover considered as a duty to carry
relief to their distressed companions, and bring them home. Manuel
Lisa was chosen to undertake this arduous task. A man of a bold and
daring character, with an energy and spirit of enterprise like that
of Cortez or Pizarro. There is no one better acquainted with the
Indian character and trade, and few are his equals in {6} persevering
indefatigable industry. Possessed of an ardent mind and of a frame
capable of sustaining every hardship. It would have been difficult
for the company to have found a person better qualified for this
enterprise. I believe there are few persons so completely master of
the secret of doing much in a short space of time; which does not
consist so much in any great exertion, as in the strict observance of
that economy which requires every moment to be turned to advantage.
I feel a pleasure in bestowing this just praise on Mr. Lisa, whose
kindness and friendship I experienced in so great a degree in the
course of the voyage, and for the entertainment I have received at
his hospitable board at St. Louis. Unfortunately, however, from what
cause I know not, the majority of the members of the company have not
the confidence in Mr. Lisa which he so justly merits; but, on this
occasion, he was entrusted with the sole direction of their affairs
from necessity, as the most proper person to conduct an expedition
which appeared so little short of desperate. The funds of the company
were at so low an ebb, that it was with some difficulty a barge of
{7} twenty tons could be fitted out with merchandise to the amount
of a few thousand dollars, and a patron[2] procured. The members
were unwilling to stake their private credit where prospects were
so little flattering. This was also the last year appointed for the
continuance of the association, and there was no certainty of its
being renewed.
With respect to myself, I must own to the reader, that I had no other
motive for undertaking a tour of several thousand miles, through
regions but seldom marked even by the wandering footsteps of the
savage, than what he will term an idle curiosity: and I must confess
that I might have employed my time more beneficially to myself, and
more usefully to the community. Would that I were able to make some
amends, by describing the many interesting objects which I witnessed,
in such a manner, as to enable the reader to participate in the
agreeable parts of my peregrinations.
We sat off from the village of St. Charles, on Tuesday, the 2d of
April, 1811, with delightful weather. The flood of March, which
{8} immediately succeeds the breaking up of the ice, had begun to
subside, yet the water was still high. Our barge was the best that
ever ascended this river, and manned with twenty stout oars-men.
Mr. Lisa, who had been a sea-captain, took much pains in rigging
his boat with a good mast, and main and top-sail; these being great
helps in the navigation of this river. Our equipage is chiefly
composed of young men, though several have already made a voyage
to the upper Missouri, of which they are exceedingly proud, and on
that account claim a kind of precedence over the rest of the crew.
We are in all, twenty-five men, and completely prepared for defence.
There is, besides, a swivel on the bow of the boat, which, in case
of attack, would make a formidable appearance; we have also two
brass blunderbusses in the cabin, one over my birth, and the other
over that of Mr. Lisa. These precautions were absolutely necessary
from the hostility of the Sioux bands, who, of late had committed
several murders and robberies on the whites, and manifested such a
disposition that it was believed impossible for us to pass through
their country. The greater part {9} of the merchandise, which
consisted of strouding, blankets, lead, tobacco, knifes, guns, beads,
&c., was concealed in a false cabin, ingeniously contrived for the
purpose; in this way presenting as little as possible to tempt
the savages. But we hoped, that as this was not the season for the
wandering tribes to come on the river, the autumn being the usual
time, we might pass by unnoticed. Mr. Wilson P. Hunt had set off with
a large party about twenty-three days before us, on his way to the
Columbia, we anxiously hoped to overtake him before he entered the
Sioux nation; for this purpose it was resolved to strain every nerve,
as upon it, in a great measure depended the safety of our voyage.
Having proceeded a few miles above St. Charles, we put to shore,
some of our men still remaining at the village. It is exceedingly
difficult to make a start on these voyages, from the reluctance of
the men to terminate the frolic with their friends, which usually
precedes their departure. They set in to drinking and carousing, and
it is impossible to collect them on board. Sometimes they make their
carousals at the expense of the Bourgeois: {10} they are credited by
the tavern keeper, who knows that their employer will be compelled
to pay, to prevent the delay of the voyage. Many vexatious abuses
are practised in these cases. It was found impossible to proceed any
farther this evening--the men in high glee from the liquor they had
drank before starting: they were therefore permitted to take their
swing.
We had on board a Frenchman named Charboneau, with his wife, an
Indian woman of the Snake nation, both of whom had accompanied Lewis
and Clark to the Pacific, and were of great service.[3] The woman, a
good creature, of a mild and gentle disposition, greatly attached
to the whites, whose manners and dress she tries to imitate, but
she had become sickly, and longed to revisit her native country;
her husband, also, who had spent many years among the Indians, had
become weary of a civilized life. So true it is, that the attachment
to the savage state, or the state of nature, (with which appellation
it has commonly been dignified,) is much stronger than to that
of civilization, with all its comforts, its refinements, and its
security.
{11} The next day, about two o’clock in the afternoon, having at
length succeeded in getting all hands on board, we proceeded on our
voyage. Found an excessive current, augmented by the state of the
waters. Having come about six miles encamped. In the course of this
evening had as much cause to admire the dexterity of our Canadians
and Creoles, as I had before to condemn their frivolity. I believe an
American could not be brought to support with patience the fatiguing
labors and submission which these men endure. At this season, when
the water is exceedingly cold, they leap in without a moment’s
hesitation. Their food consists of lied corn homony[4] for breakfast,
a slice of fat pork and biscuit for dinner, and a pot of mush, with
a pound of tallow in it, for supper. Yet this is better than the
common fare; but we were about to make an extraordinary voyage, and
the additional expense was not regarded.
During the night we were completely drenched with the rain; the
bark itself in a bad condition in the morning. Weather somewhat
cloudy--clearing up. A short distance from our encampment, the hills
approach the river {12} N. E. side; they are not high, but rocky, and
do not continue more than a mile, when the alluvion again commences.
About eight a fine breeze S. E. sailed until twelve--passed several
plantations S. W. side. The bottoms are very extensive on the
lower part of this river, the banks high, far above the reach of
inundation. Timber, principally cotton wood; a few of the trees
intermixed with it are beginning to vegetate. The red-bud, the tree
which blooms earliest in our woods, and so much admired by those
who descend the Ohio, early in the spring, appear, in a few places.
Passed an island, where the river widens considerably; the current
rapid, obliged to abandon oars and poles, and take the towing line.
Above the island the bluffs again approach the river; there is a
brownish colored rock, with a few dwarf cedars growing on the top and
in the clefts. In going too near the shore, we had the misfortune to
have our top-mast broken by the projecting limb of a tree. Encamped
some distance above.
This evening one of the most serene and beautiful I ever beheld, and
the calmness of the water in unison with the cloudless sky. Several
{13} deer, which I descried at a great distance, stepping through
the shoals which separated the smooth sand bars, seemed to move
across this stilly scene, like the shadows of the phantasmagoria, or
Ossian’s deer made of mist. I now felt that we had entered on our
voyage in earnest. He that has not experienced something of these
solitary voyages, far removed from the haunts of civilization, can
scarcely imagine the heaviness which at the moment of departure
weighs upon the heart. We all looked serious. I could see that some
of our poor fellows heaved a sigh at the prospect before them, and at
the recollection of the pleasant homes which they had left behind in
the hopes of gaining a little money; perhaps to support a wife and
children. A fire was kindled on the bank, the pot of mush and homony
were prepared: and after their frugal repast, wrapping themselves
up in their buffaloe robes and blankets, they soon forgot their
woes in sleep.--I observed on the sand bars, a kind of scaffold,
ten or fifteen feet in height, which I was informed was erected by
the neighbouring settlers for the purpose of shooting the deer by
moon-light; these usually come out of the {14} thickets at this time,
to avoid the moschetoes and to sport on the smooth beach: the hunter
ascends the scaffold, and remains until the deer approaches. Came
this day about twenty miles; navigation comparatively easy.
_Friday 5th._ Wind S. E. this morning, enabling us to set off under
sail--continued until ten, when it forsook us. Passed several
plantations, and two islands. The bluffs disappear on the N. E.
side, and are seen on the S. W. for the first time since our leaving
St. Charles. They rise about two hundred feet, and are faced with
rock, in masses separated by soil and vegetation. These are called
the _Tavern rocks_, from the circumstance of a cave in one of them
affording a stopping place for voyagers ascending, or on returning
to their homes after a long absence. The Indians seem to have had
some veneration for the spot, as it is tolerably well scratched over
with their rude attempts at representing birds and beasts. From this
place, through a _long reach_, or straight part of the river, we
have a distant view of the terminating bluffs N. E. side. A violent
storm of rain, wind, and thunder, compelled us to put to shore,
having passed a very {15} dangerous and difficult place. The number
of trees which had lately fallen into the river, and the danger to
be apprehended from others, which seemed to have but a slender hold,
rendered our situation extremely disagreeable. Towards evening a
canoe with six or seven men passed on the other side, but we were
unable to distinguish them. At this place I measured a cotton-wood
tree, which was thirty-six inches in circumference; they grow larger
on the lower parts of this river than perhaps any where else in
America. The bluffs, in the course of this day appeared higher, but
not so abrupt or rocky.
_Saturday, 6th._ Having passed a small willow island, we found
ourselves beyond the hills on the S. W. side. At 11 o’clock the wind
became so high that we were compelled to stop, as it blew directly
down the river. This is Boon’s settlement--about sixty miles from
St. Charles. A number of plantations at the edge of the bottom.[5]
The wind abated in the evening, we proceeded a few miles further and
encamped.
_Sunday 7th._ Water rising. Crossed to the S. W. side, and
encountered a very swift current, {16} at the head of a willow
island. The difficulty of this navigation is not easily described.
Made Point Labadie, so called from a French trader, who formerly
wintered here. Forty years ago this was thought a distant point
on the Missouri, at present there are tolerable plantations every
where through the bottom. The carcases of several drowned buffaloes
passed by us; it is said that an unusual number of them have been
drowned this year--some have been seen floating on the river at
St. Louis. Upwards of forty were counted on the head of an island,
by a gentleman who lately descended the river from fort Osage.
In the spring of the year great numbers of these animals perish
in attempting to pass the river on the ice, which at this season
is easily broken. Immediately below the Point Labadie the river
contracts its breadth, and is confined to a channel of three or four
hundred yards wide. Passed between an island and the main shore; a
very narrow channel, but the current and distance less. A channel
of this sort is often taken in preference, and it is one of the
means facilitating the ascending of this uncommonly rapid river:
but there is sometimes danger of {17} the upper end being closed
with logs and billets of wood matted together, as it turned out
in the present instance; fortunately for us after the labor of an
hour we were able to remove the obstacles, else we should have been
compelled to return. Opposite the head of the island there is a
tolerable log-house, and some land cleared; the tenant, a new-comer,
with a wife and six children, had nothing to give or sell. Here the
banks fall in very much: the river more than a mile wide. A great
impediment in opening lands on this river is the dilapidation of the
banks, which immediately ensue when the trees are cut away, from the
current acting upon a soil of a texture so extremely loose. It will
be found absolutely necessary to leave the trees standing on the
borders of the river. The river exceedingly crooked in the course
of this day. A number of plantations on both sides. These usually
consist of a few acres cleared, on the borders of the river, with
a small log hut or cabin, and stables for horses, &c. They raise a
little Indian corn, pumpions, potatoes, and a few vegetables. But
they have abundance of hogs and horned cattle. Having made about
fourteen {18} miles, we put to shore, after passing a very difficult
_embarras_. This word requires some explanation. Independently of the
current of that vast volume of water rolling with great impetuosity,
the navigation is obstructed by various other impediments. At the
distance of every mile or two, and frequently at smaller intervals,
there are _embarras_, or rafts, formed by the collection of trees
closely matted, and extending from twenty to thirty yards. The
current vexed by these interruptions, rushes round them with great
violence and force. We may now judge what a boat encounters in
grappling round these rafts. When the oars and grappling hooks were
found insufficient, the towing line was usually resorted to with
success. There is not only difficulty here, but considerable danger,
in case the boat should swing round. In bends where the banks fall
in, as in the Mississippi, trees lie for some distance out in the
river. In doubling points, in passing sawyers, difficulties are
encountered. The water is generally too deep to admit of poling; it
would be absolutely impossible to stem the current further out than a
few yards; the boat usually passes about this distance from {19} the
bank. Where the bank has not been washed steep, which is most usually
the case, and the ground newly formed, the young tree, of the willow,
cotton-wood, &c., which overhang the stream, afford much assistance
in pulling the boat along with the hands.
_Monday 8th._ The water fell last night as much as it had risen.
About ten, came in sight of a little village N. E. side called
Charette. There are about thirty families here, who hunt, and raise
a little corn. A very long island lies in the bend in which this
village is situated. About this island, passed under a gentle breeze,
some very handsome bluffs, S. W. side to the _isle aux Boeufs_; they
are about one hundred feet high, and excepting a few places where
rocks appear, covered with oak and other timber. At this place the
river makes a considerable bend. Instead of taking the main channel,
we entered a small one between the island and the shore, which will
shorten the distance; the current not so strong. The channel is about
fifty yards wide, and very handsome, having clean even banks, and
resembling a small river. It is about four miles in length.
{20} Through all these islands, and on the Missouri bottoms, there
are great quantities of rushes, commonly called scrub grass.[6] They
grow four or five feet high, and so close, as to render it very
disagreeable, as well as difficult, to pass through the woods. The
cattle feed upon them in the winter, answering the same purpose as
the cane on the Mississippi.
At the upper end of the _isle aux Boeufs_, we were compelled about
five o’clock in the evening to put to shore, on account of a violent
storm, which continued until after dark. In the badly constructed
cabin of our boat, we were wet to the skin: the men were better off
in their tents, made by a blanket stretched over twigs.
We have been accompanied for these two days past, by a man and two
lads; ascending in a canoe. This evening they encamped close by
us, placing the canoe under cover of our boat. Unsheltered, except
by the trees on the bank, and a ragged quilt drawn over a couple
of forks, they abode the “pelting of the pitiless storm,” with
apparent indifference. These {21} people are well dressed in handsome
home-made cotton cloth. The man seemed to possess no small share of
pride and self importance, which, as I afterwards discovered, arose
from his being a captain of militia. He borrowed a kettle from us,
and gave it to one of his boys. When we were about to sit down to
supper he retired, but returned when it was over; when asked, why he
had not staid to do us the honor of supping with us; “I thank you
gentlemen,” said he, licking his lips with satisfaction, “I have
just been eating an excellent supper.” He had scarcely spoken, when
the patron came to inform Mr. Lisa, the boys were begging him for a
biscuit, as they had eaten nothing for two days! our visitant was
somewhat disconcerted, but passed it off with “poh! I’m sure they
can’t be suffering!”
He resides on the Gasconade; his was the second family which settled
in that quarter about three years ago. He has at present about two
hundred and fifty men on his muster roll. We were entertained by him
with a long story of his having pursued some Pottawatomies, who had
committed robberies on the settlements some time last summer; he made
a narrow {22} escape, the Indians having attacked his party in the
night time, and killed four of his men after a desperate resistance.
The captain had on board a barrel of whiskey to set up tavern with,
a bag of cotton for his wife to spin, and a couple of kittens, for
the purpose of augmenting his family: these kept up such _doleful
serenades_ during the night that I was scarcely able to close my eyes.
[1] As Brackenridge followed closely upon the route
taken by Bradbury, the author of the _Travels_
published as vol. v of our series, references to
notes in the latter will for the most part be made
at the beginning of each chapter. For reference
to Missouri Fur Company, see note 149 of vol. v;
Blackfeet Indians, note 120; Andrew Henry, note 124;
Manuel Lisa, note 64; St. Charles, note 9; Wilson P.
Hunt, note 2; Tavern Rock, note 12; Point l’Abbadie,
note 13; La Charette, note 15; Potawatomi Indians,
note 21.--ED.
[2] _Patron_, a fresh water sailing-master.--BRACKENRIDGE.
[3] Toussaint Charbonneau had been an employé (1793-94)
of the North West Company, at Pine Fort on the
Assiniboin. About 1796 he came among the Minitaree
(Hidasta) on Knife River, living at their central
village, Metaharta. Lewis and Clark found him among
the Mandan, with whom they wintered (1804-05). They
engaged him as an interpreter for their detachment.
His chief qualification for that service was that
he had for his squaw a young woman of the Shoshoni
(or Snake) tribe, who some five years previous,
when a child, had been captured by a war party of
Minitaree. Her name is given by Lewis and Clark, in
their journals, both as Sacajawea and Sahgahjawea,
meaning “bird woman,” but modern students of
Indian linguistics state that the proper phonetic
spelling is Tsakákawea, Sakákawea, Sakágawea, or
Sacágawea--preferably the last. The place of her
capture was Fort Rock, at the Three Forks of the
Missouri (Gallatin, Jefferson, and Madison rivers).
Sacajawea--as she has come to be known in historical
accounts--and her infant son accompanied Lewis and
Clark to the Pacific, her services proving valuable
both as interpreter and guide. Upon the return
journey, the explorers offered to take Charbonneau
and his squaw to the settlements, but they preferred
remaining among the Mandan. Charbonneau was
seen (1833) in the Minitaree villages by Prince
Maximilien (see vols. xxii, xxiii, and xxiv of our
series). Five years later Larpenteur encountered him
in the same region, when he speaks of him as an old
man. See Coues (ed.), _Forty Years a Fur Trader on
the Upper Missouri_ (New York, 1898). This is the
last known of Charbonneau. An Indian visiting St.
Louis in 1902, claimed to be a great-grandson of
Charbonneau and Sacajawea.--ED.
[4] “Lied corn” is that from which the skin of the
kernels has been stripped by the use of lye;
sometimes called “hulled corn.”--ED.
[5] This was the settlement known as the Femme Osage,
made by the sons and several friends of Daniel
Boone, upon land granted to the latter (1795) by
the Spanish governor, Don Trudeau. The plantations
extended for several miles along the Femme Osage
Creek. Bradbury (see vol. v of our series) met Boone
some distance farther up the river.--ED.
[6] This is the case for several hundred miles up the
Missouri.--BRACKENRIDGE.
CHAPTER II[7]
Try our sails with success--Account of an extraordinary female
maniac--Adventure of the she-bear--Arrival at Fort Osage--Gain
considerably on Hunt.
Early the next morning we got under way with a light breeze, enabling
us to carry sail tolerably well. About ten o’clock, from a change
in the course of the river, it was found necessary to haul down the
sail. On turning a point we found the wind once more {23} favorable,
and blowing quite fresh; we now ascended at the rate of four miles
an hour. The captain of the Gasconade, who had thus far kept up with
us, was now left far behind. We passed in the course of the day, a
number of plantations on both sides of the river. We also passed an
island about twelve miles in length, called _isle a la Latre_, which
is separated from the northern bank by a very narrow channel. There
is a compact settlement on this island.
In the evening we passed the Gasconade river, which enters the
Missouri from the S. W. side, and about ninety miles from the mouth
of the latter river. The Gasconade is a considerable stream, takes
its rise with the Maramek of the Mississippi, and has been navigated
upwards of one hundred miles in canoes, but its channel is said to
be rocky. The lands on its borders are broken, and hilly, and badly
wooded. Salt petre caves have been discovered in its vicinity, and
there is no doubt that lead ore may be found in abundance. Before
reaching this river, we passed a long range of bluffs, or low hills,
well covered with wood, and terminating at the entrance of the river,
in rocky precipices: the range appears again on the {24} other side
of the Gasconade. The Missouri has a course nearly straight, of
fifteen miles, washing the hills before mentioned the whole of this
distance. The experience of this day satisfied me of the efficacy of
sails in this navigation, and served to lessen in my estimation the
difficulties attending it. Our men were enabled to repose themselves
while we were carried through places more difficult than any we had
seen since our leaving St. Charles. Six miles above the Gasconade we
put to shore and encamped.
The vicinity of this place recalled to my recollection a curious
story of a female maniac, who is said to be wandering in its
neighbourhood. I had made some inquiries of the militia captain, who
told me she had once come to his canoe whilst he was encamped near
the mouth of the river, and carried away some provision which he
gave her. She had been frequently seen at some of the plantations,
but could not be prevailed upon to stay. This it was supposed was
generally during more lucid intervals. When any thing was given
to her, such as food or clothing, she immediately fled to the
wilderness. Her attention to the {25} latter article I considered as
somewhat extraordinary, as unhappy creatures of this description,
usually manifest a total disregard to their apparel. None could
tell who she was, or whence she came, by what means she is able to
subsist, or how withstand the winter’s cold; for she was first seen
more than two years ago, shortly after the settlements commenced.
I had heard the story at St. Louis, but regarded it as fabulous. I
have seen an account of a female who was found in the Pyrennees under
circumstances still more extraordinary.[8]
{26} _Wednesday 10th._ We experienced heavy rains last night. This
morning cloudy. Crossed to the bluffs, N. E. side, which are high
and rocky. Early this morning passed another resting place for
voyagers, called Montbrunt’s tavern.[9] Shortly after we encountered
the most difficult _embarras_, (N. E. side,) that we have seen since
the commencement of our voyage. After passing the bluffs, we found
extensive low lands on each side of the river. The verdure {27} is
observed to be rapidly increasing; the smaller trees and the shrubs,
are dressed out in the livery of spring. The yellowish colour of
the water, towards the S. W. bank, shews that the Osage is paying
the annual tribute. It is in this month that its floods usually
happen. Throughout the whole of this day the wind was against us,
which retarded our progress considerably. Great exertions are made
by Mr. Lisa, he is at one moment at the helm, at another with the
grappling iron at the bow, and often with a pole, assisting the hands
in impelling the barge through the rapid current. The superiority of
minds is seen in the smallest incidents; on these occasions where the
difficulties appeared to the rest insurmountable, the presence of
this man, his voice, his orders, and cheering exclamations, infused
new energy, and another effort was crowned with success.
_Thursday, 11th._ A fine morning. It had not been long after setting
off, before we found the current so strong from the waters of the
Osage, that we were compelled to cross to an island. The upland on
the N. E. side. We continued to be harrassed on this side of the
river through the day, on account of the different {28} _embarras_
and falling in of the banks. We ascended principally with the
cordelle, usually the last resort: for the close woods and brush
which cover the margin of the river, as well as the trees and logs,
along the edge of the water, render it troublesome for the men to
pass along with the towing line. This is a fine country; the lands
are extremely rich, and covered with a great variety of fine trees,
chiefly the sycamore, cotton wood, (_populus deltoidos_,) ash, oak,
&c. We stopped a few moments at the cabin of an old Frenchman, who
is beginning to open a plantation, according to the phraseology of
the western country. In company with Charboneau, the interpreter,
I proceeded across a point about two miles to the village of _Cote
sans Dessein_, where we arrived nearly three hours before the barge.
In coming to this place, we passed through some open woods, and some
good lands. To our eager inquiries after Mr. Hunt, we were told, that
he passed here about three weeks before. Thus far we have gained
about two days upon him.
_Friday, 12th._ Weather fine--a gentle breeze from the S. E. We
found it necessary to remain {29} here until eleven o’clock, while
our cabin, which leaked very much, was undergoing a repair. It was
constructed of light boards elevated on the sides of the boat, and
covered with shingles badly put on. Mr. Lisa here employed a famous
hunter, named Castor, a Kansas Indian, who had been much amongst the
whites, and spoke French well. I here learned the cause of Lisa’s
anxiety to overtake the party of Hunt. Lisa was apprehensive that
Hunt would do him some ill office with the Sioux bands; that in
order to secure his own passage through these, he would represent
the circumstance of their own trader being on his way with goods
for them. Should this happen, we might expect to be detained in
the country, or perhaps robbed. Besides, we supposed that by this
augmentation of Hunt’s party, which consisted of about eighty men, we
should be so formidable as to impose respect upon the savages, and
compel them to relinquish their designs.
The _Cote sans Dessein_ is a beautiful place, situated on the N.
E. side of the river, and in sight of the Osage. It will in time
become a considerable village. The beauty and fertility {30} of the
surrounding country cannot be surpassed. It is here that we met
with the first appearance of the prairie, on the Missouri, but it
is handsomely mixed with wood land. The wooded country on the N. E.
extends at least thirty miles, as far up as this place, and not less
than fifteen on the other side. The name is given to this place from
the circumstance of a single detached hill, filled with limestone
standing on the bank of the river, about six hundred yards long, and
very narrow. The village has been established about three years;
there are thirteen French families, and two or three of Indians.
They have handsome fields in the prairie, but the greater part of
their time is spent in hunting. From their eager inquiries after
merchandise, I perceived we were already remote from the settlements.
We continued under way, with a light breeze, but scarcely sufficient
to waft the barge of itself, without the aid of oars.--Handsome
wooded upland, S. W. side, gently sloping to the river, and not
rocky. For many reasons, I would prefer these situations to the
bottom, where the soil is richer. Passed the Great Osage river, one
hundred and thirty-three miles {31} from the mouth of the Missouri,
and navigable about six hundred miles. There is much fine land
immediately on its borders, but the prairies stretch out on either
side, and to the westward are almost boundless. The Osage villages
are situated about two hundred miles up.
Passed a long island, called _L’isle a’ Cedre_, Cedar island. A
number of islands on the Missouri bear this name, from the growth of
cedar upon them, in this particular, differing from the islands of
the Mississippi. In this island all the largest trees had been cut
down, and rafted to St. Louis, to supply the settlements with this
wood, of which there is a great consumption.
Throughout the course of this day, we found the navigation less
arduous and painful; owing principally to the falling of the waters,
and to our having passed one of those rivers which add to the
current of the Missouri. The sand bars, begin to present a pleasing
appearance; several miles in length, clean and smooth. Instead of
ascending along either side, we pursued the middle of the river,
along the sand bars. Encamped N. E. side, just above the Cedar
island. The bars and the sides of {32} the river are every where
marked with deer tracks.
_Saturday, 13th._ A fine morning--somewhat cool--set off with a
favourable breeze. Passed hills on the S. W. side--saw five or six
deer sporting on a sand bar. Passed the Manitoo rocks, S. W. side,
and la _Bonne Femme_ creek. The country here-about, is delightful;
the upland sloping gently to the river, timbered with oak, hickory,
ash, &c. The lands on this stream are said not to be surpassed by any
in the territory.
After having had a favourable wind the greater part of the day,
encamped at the _Roche percee_, perforated rock; a high craggy cliff
on the N. E. side.[10] This is the narrowest part of the river I have
yet seen; it is scarcely two hundred yards wide.--Made in the course
of this day about twenty-eight miles, for which we were indebted to
the favourable wind. Some of us considered this good fortune a reward
for the charity which was manifested by us yesterday, in spending
an hour in relieving a poor ox, who was swamped near the bank. The
poor creature had remained here ten or twelve days, and the sand into
which he had {33} sunk was become hard and solid. The wolves had paid
him friendly visits from time to time, to inquire after his health,
while buzzards, crows, and eagles tendered their salutations from the
neighbouring trees.
_Sunday 14th._ Violent wind all night--hoisted sail before day light,
in order to take advantage of the wind. Passed the Manitoo N. E.
side, and high rocks. A delightful country. Wind slackened about ten.
At twelve, came in sight of the hills of Mine river, S. W. side. This
river is not navigable more than ten or twelve miles. Valuable salt
works are established here. The whole of this day we found rich and
extensive bottoms, N. E. side, and beautiful sloping uplands, S. W.
On this side of the river, some beautiful situations for farms and
plantations. The hills rise with a most delightful ascent from the
water’s edge to the height of forty or fifty feet; the woods open and
handsome. The lands on the Mine river, reputed excellent. Bottoms on
the N. E. side the Missouri, uncommonly fine. There is a flourishing
settlement here. Being Sunday, the good people were dressed out in
their best clothes, and {34} came in groups to the bank to gaze upon
us, as we passed by under sail. The sight was no doubt agreeable
to them, and we were no less pleased at catching another glimpse
of civilization, after having for a time lost sight of it. We put
to shore at the farm of Braxton Cooper, a worthy man, who has the
management of the salt works.[11] The settlement is but one year old,
but is already considerable, and increasing rapidly; it consists of
seventy-five families, the greater part living on the bank of the
river, in the space of four or five miles. They are generally persons
in good circumstances, most of them have slaves. Mr. Cooper informed
me that the upland, back, is the most beautiful he ever beheld. He
thinks that from the mouth of the Missouri to this place, the country
for at least forty miles from the river, may bear the character of
rich woodland: the prairies forming but trifling proportions. This
place is two hundred miles up. We inquired for the party of which we
were in chase--they had passed _nineteen_ days before us.
_Monday 15th._ Rain last night, but without lightning--from this it
is prognosticated that {35} the wind will continue favourable to
day. Set off with a fair wind, but the course of the river became
unfavourable. At half past seven, again fair--continued under
sail until twelve. Passed handsome upland S. W. side, and the two
Chareton rivers N. E. Had to oppose in the course of the day some
very difficult places--the river extremely crooked. While the men
were towing, they chased a she-bear into a hollow tree; we set about
chopping the tree, while several stood with guns presented to the
hole at which she had entered, about twenty feet up. In a short
time she put out her head and shoulders, but on receiving a volley,
instantly withdrew. The chopping was renewed; madam Cuff again
appeared, and was saluted as before, but without producing the same
effect, as she leisurely crawled down the tree, and attempted to make
off, amidst the shouts of fifteen or twenty barbarians, who were bent
on the destruction of a mother and her little family. She was killed
with the stroke of an axe, having been previously severely wounded.
In the hollow sycamore, there were found three cubs. At five, hoisted
sail, and continued until seven, having this day made twenty-eight
{36} miles. Towards evening, passed beautiful undulating hills,
gently sloping to the river. What charming situations for seats and
farms!
_Tuesday 16th._ Set off without wind--the river rising. At eleven,
the wind so much against us that we were obliged to lie by. At three
we continued our voyage, and as it was resolved to tow, I set out
with my rifle, expecting to meet the boat at the head of a long bend.
This is the first excursion I have made into the country. I passed
through the bottom with great difficulty, on account of the rushes,
which grow as high as a man’s head, and are matted with vines and
briars. The beauty of the upland in some degree compensated. Clean
and open woods, growth, oak, hickory, &c.; the grass beginning to
appear green. Saw several deer, and abundance of turkeys. We are now
in a country which abounds with game. I came late in the evening to
the boat, having been supposed lost in the woods. Our hunter had been
more successful than I, having killed a she-bear with four cubs. The
river very crooked in the course of this day.--Passed some places of
thin woods--not quite prairie, on the bank of the river.
{37} _Wednesday 17th._ Breakfasted under sail. Passed the Brand
river, N. E. side. It is two hundred yards wide at its mouth; very
long, and navigable six or eight hundred miles; takes its waters
with the river _Des Moines_. The traders who were in the habit of
visiting the Mahas, six hundred miles above this on the Missouri,
were formerly compelled to ascend this river in order to avoid the
Kansas Indians, who were then the robbers of the Missouri. There is
a portage of not more than a couple of days, from the Grand river to
the Mahas.
At the confluence on the lower side, there is a beautiful situation.
The bottom is a handsome prairie, which is seen extending, for
the first time on the Missouri, to the water’s edge, and about a
mile in width: the upland then rises with a gentle ascent, with
here and there a few clumps of trees. Immediately at the point of
junction, there are about fifty acres of well timbered land. Here
is a delightful situation for a village:[12] the distance about two
hundred and fifty miles from the mouth of the Missouri. There is some
beautiful country lying on the Grand river, but deficient in wood. In
fact, this river may almost be considered {38} the boundary of the
wooded upland on that side of the river.
Here the wind failed us. The Missouri very wide--a large bar in the
middle. The beautiful green hills of the Little Osage in sight. But
for the single defect of the dilapidating banks of the Missouri, the
country bordering on it, thus far, would not be surpassed by any in
the world. Spring has already cast her green mantle over the land;
and the scenery every where assumes a more enlivened appearance.
After an arduous navigation, came this day about twenty miles.
_Thursday 18th._ Heavy rain last night, accompanied by unusual
thunder and lightning. Set off at six, weather apparently clearing
up. About ten, compelled by heavy rain to put to shore until three,
when we again shoved off, came a few miles and encamped, N. E. side.
_Friday 19th._ Continued our voyage at daylight, and came through a
long channel, between an island and the shore. The wind S. E. but
the course of the river such as to disable us from profiting by it.
A drizzling rain, and the weather disagreeable. Wind favourable
for an hour. Passed handsome upland and {39} prairie S. W. side.
There was formerly a village of the Little Osage here, but from the
frequent attacks of the Ayuwas, they were compelled to go higher up
the river.[13] The situation is fine. At a distance, the deep green
herbage on this open ground had much the appearance of a wheat field.
What a strange, restless, discontented creature is man! When the
arts of civilization bloom around him, nothing is so pleasing as the
glimpse of the wild irregularities of nature; and yet place him in
the midst of the desert, and every object which reminds him of human
ingenuity and industry, appears supremely beautiful, and at once
awakens all the affections of his heart.
Encamped late, after having got through a channel with considerable
difficulty. The slowness with which we have advanced for several days
past, forms a contrast with those which preceded. Water rising.
On _Saturday the 20th_, we had a cold disagreeable morning; the men
completely drenched by the heavy rain which fell last night. About
six o’clock we hoisted sail, but the wind served us only a short
distance. The weather beginning to clear up, we thought it {40}
adviseable to put to shore in order to dry our effects, which had
suffered considerably. On the S. W. there are some handsome rising
hills. We remained here until three o’clock, and then continued our
voyage on the N. E. side, along a beautiful tract of land, covered
with a great proportion of walnut, poplar, and cotton-wood of
enormous size. On entering a narrow channel, we espied at the upper
end a large flock of pelicans standing on a shoal; we fired on them
at the distance of two hundred yards, and killed one. These birds are
seen in great numbers on the Missouri, but are shy. We daily kill
wild fowl, ducks, geese, brandt, &c. which, at this season of the
year ascend the river to breed. Their eggs are found every moment on
the sand bars.
SUNDAY 20TH [_i. e., 21st._]. A delightful morning, though somewhat
cool. Got under way early--passed through the channel which we
entered yesterday, and at the head of the island, crossed to the
S. W. side. Here we encountered several difficult _embarras_, but
not much current, in the river. After breakfast I took my gun and
ascended the hill. On the opposite side, there is an extensive
prairie bottom, apparently four or five miles wide; and a level
plain of {41} vast extent stretching out on either hand, of fertile
alluvial soil, as I supposed, from the rich and luxuriant appearance
of the herbage. I remarked a curious contrast of the yellow sward,
which has remained unburnt, and the extensive tracts of deep green,
where the young grass of this spring has sprung up unencumbered by
the old. Beyond the plain, the upland rises into irregular and abrupt
elevations, and appears in a thousand fantastic forms, but without
even a shrub, and covered with a thin coat of vegetation. The winding
river, with its islands, willow bordery, and groves of cotton-wood
trees, the whole scene in fact, had something magnificent, though
melancholy. I was reminded how much I must yet traverse before I
can reach the end of the voyage. On this side (S. W.) I found the
soil of the upland of an excellent quality, and, notwithstanding the
ravages of the fire, the marks of which are every where to be seen,
the woods, principally hickory, ash, oak, and walnut, formed a forest
tolerably close.
I did not return until about four in the evening; much gratified with
my excursion. We spent an hour and an half this evening in passing
{42} round a small point, the distance of a few hundred yards. The
current was so swift that oars and poles could be of no service; we
were therefore compelled to grapple round the rocks, by carrying a
cable ahead and fastening it to some object, and then advancing a
few yards at a time. It is about half a mile across the river, its
usual width, and there is a strong current in the bend. Such is the
swiftness of the current that it is found necessary to cross over at
every point. The current being generally very strong in the centre
of the bends. This operation of crossing and recrossing consumes
much time. We encamped this evening above an encampment of Mr. Hunt,
which, according to some of the sagacious is but ten days old. It
is said, these woodsmen shew extraordinary skill in determining the
length of time that a camp has been abandoned. I have heard of some,
who possessed this sagacity, in a surprising degree; but on this
occasion, I was induced to believe that our augurs were deceived by
their hopes and wishes.
_Monday 22d._ We proceeded this morning until eleven o’clock with the
towing line or _cordelle_--the banks being favourable. The hills {43}
or bluffs are here about one hundred feet high, and rise abruptly
from the river. The wind from the S. S. W. becoming very strong, we
were compelled to lie by until three o’clock. These were usually
irksome moments to Lisa. The men composed themselves to sleep, or
strolled along the beach, or engaged in “whetting the brand,” or
smoking a pipe. I usually preferred a ramble with my gun when I
could escape from the boat. I had also had the precaution to provide
myself with some well selected books; among the rest, Don Quixotte in
Spanish; and as Lisa who was a Spaniard by birth, and passionately
fond of this work, took pleasure in reading, and hearing it read,
I availed myself of the opportunity of improving my knowledge of a
language, which will one day be important to a citizen of the United
States. Towards evening we crossed to the N. E. side, and endeavoured
to ascend between the shore and an island, but found a sand bar
running entirely across, at the upper end, so that we were obliged to
go back, and encamp nearly opposite the place of starting.
_Tuesday 23d._ Very high wind this morning. Doubled the island
which had been the scene {44} of so much vexation. Endeavoured to
proceed on the outside, but met with so many difficulties, that we
were compelled to cross to the S. W. side. Towed to Ibar’s channel
and island--then re-crossed to the N. E. side, and found ourselves
about two miles above our last night’s encampment. Remained here
until three, when the wind somewhat abated its violence. Having
arrived opposite the Wizzard’s island,[14] (L’isle du Sorcier)
crossed over and encamped. The superstitious boatmen believe that
a wizzard inhabits this island; they declare that a man has been
frequently seen on the sand beach, at the point, but that he suddenly
disappears, on the approach of any one. These few days have been
in a manner lost, from contrary winds, and bad weather. Heavy rain
this evening--Moschetoes begin to be troublesome, for the first time
during our voyage.
_Wednesday 24th._ Attempted a ripple this morning, and were driven
back five times--we had once got within half the boat’s length of
being through; the oars and poles were insufficient; ten of our men
leaped into the water with the _cordelle_, while the rest of us
exerted ourselves with the pole: and thus by perseverance became
{45} conquerors. This ripple, like all others of the Missouri, is
formed by high sand bars, over which the water is precipitated, with
considerable noise. This bar has been formed within two or three
years. The bend formerly almost impassible from the swiftness of
the current, is now tolerable. There is seldom any great current
on both sides; the falling in of the banks indicate the current to
be there.--Wherever the river has a wider channel than ordinary,
there is usually a sand bar in the middle. This extraordinary river
sometimes pursues a straight course for ten or fifteen miles, then
suddenly turns to every point of the compass: In other places, the
whole volume of its waters is compressed into a channel of two or
three hundred yards: again suddenly opening to the width of one, or
even two miles, with islands and sand bars scattered through the
space.
Passed a canoe with four men, who had wintered up the Kansas, about
five hundred miles: they had beaver, and other furs. They could give
no information respecting Hunt’s party:--we conclude he must have
passed that river before they came out of it.
{46} From the violence of the wind, which blew from the N. W. our
progress was so much impeded, that we were compelled to lie by the
greater part of the day. While in the woods to-day, I saw a she-bear
coming towards me followed by two cubs, and, after waiting until
she approached within a sufficient distance, fired at her head;
but, from too much eagerness, the fault of young hunters, and which
prevents them from taking a deliberate aim, I missed her. She soon
disappeared with her family. I am well aware that I might on this
occasion have availed myself of the privilege of the traveller; but
by this proof of self-denial the reader will be disposed to give some
credit for veracity, a point in which travellers too often fail.
While our old hunter Castor was out, he saw, as he declared to us, a
_white turkey_, but was not able to kill it. But I am rather inclined
to think it is, (for hunters have nearly the same privileges as
travellers,)
Rara avis in terris, nigroque simmillima cygno.
The wild turkey is invariably black: although, it is possible, that
by some _lusus naturæ_, {47} there may be white. A single deer, or
buffaloe, I am well assured has been met with of this colour.
_Thursday 25th._ The contrary winds still continue to-day, but its
violence somewhat abated, so as to enable us to proceed on our voyage
tolerably well. The unwearied exertions of Lisa suffered no moment
to remain unemployed, and his ingenuity was continually exerted in
contriving means of overcoming the difficulties which were constantly
presenting themselves. About eleven o’clock we came in sight of
Fort Osage, at the distance of three miles on the bluff, and a long
stretch of the river before us. We had now come three hundred miles
upon our voyage. And for the last hundred, had seen no settlement
or met with any one, except a few traders or hunters who passed us
in canoes. With the exception of a few spots where the ravages of
fire had destroyed the woods, we passed through a continued forest
presenting the most dreary aspect. The undergrowth generally so thick
that I had little inclination to penetrate far beyond the margin of
the river. And moreover, to one not well acquainted with the nature
of the {48} ground, it is no difficult matter to become entangled
and lost. Our approach once more to the haunts of civilization, to a
fort where we should meet with friends, and perhaps find a temporary
resting place, inspired us with cheerfulness. The song was raised
with more than usual glee; the can of whiskey was sent round, and
the air was rent with shouts of encouragement. The boatmen, from the
severe duty which they had already performed, were much rejoiced at
the circumstance of their having reached _a point_ in the voyage. We
stopped a short time about a mile below the fort, where Mr. Audrain
a settler, had begun to clear a piece of ground for a farm. I was
acquainted with this gentleman in boyhood, but this was the first
place in which I had met him for many years.[15] On approaching
the fort we were met by a number of the Osage Indians of both
sexes, and of all ages. They kept pace with us, strung along the
bank, apparently attracted by curiosity. They were objects rather
disgusting; generally of a filthy greasy appearance, the greater part
with old dirty buffaloe robes thrown over their shoulders; some with
their brawny limbs exposed, {49} and no covering but a piece of cloth
girded round their loins. The women appeared, if possible, still
more filthy than the men. A few were daubed with red, and adorned
with broaches and beads. The men carried their bows, guns, or war
clubs, in their hands. In point of size, they are larger than the
whites. The curiosity which these people manifested in running after
us in a crowd, to gape and stare, struck me as a characteristic
very different from the Indians east of the Mississippi, who observe
studied indifference as to every thing strange which transpires
around them.
On landing at the fort, on a very rocky shore, a soldier under arms,
who waited for us at the water side, escorted Mr. Lisa and myself
to the fort, where we were politely received by the commanding
officer. While Mr. Lisa was transacting some business, accompanied
by Mr. Sibly, the factor, and an interpreter, I went to deliver a
pipe to _sans Oreille_,[16] (a warrior and a principal man of this
tribe,) sent him by general Clark. He received us {50} sitting on
a mat, surrounded by a number of young men, who appeared to treat
him with great respect, and to receive with approbation every thing
he said. He ordered his cook, or herald, (for every great man
among these Indians has a domestic of this description,) a bushy
headed, ill-looking fellow, to bring us a dish of homony. After
having eaten of this, the pipe was sent round. I then presented him
the pipe, which was handsomely decorated with ribbands and beads
of various colours, and told him that it was given at the request
of general Clark, and that it was intended as proof of the esteem
and consideration in which he was held not only by the general
himself, but by all the Americans. He replied “that he was pleased
with this proof of general Clark’s good will towards him, that he
was the friend of the Americans. He declared that he had done much
to preserve a proper respect towards us, but that there were many
foolish people amongst the Osages who thwarted his measures, but
that every man of sense approved of his conduct.” This man though
not a chief, is evidently intriguing to be the head of his tribe,
and at this time possesses much influence with {51} them: the
hereditary chief, young White Hairs, has but little to entitle him
to respect from his own character, being extremely young, and of a
gentle disposition; he is however supported by the reputation of
his father who was a great warrior and a good man. _Sans Oreille_,
as is usual with the ambitious amongst these people is the poorest
man in the nation; to set the heart upon goods and chattels being
thought to indicate a mean and narrow soul: he gives away every thing
he can get, even should he rob or beg, to procure it--and this, to
purchase popularity. Such is ambition! Little know they of this state
of society, who believe that it is free from jealousies, from envy,
detraction, or guilty ambition. No demagogue--no Cataline ever used
more art and finesse, or displayed more policy than this cunning
savage. The arts of flattery, and bribery, by which the unthinking
multitude is seduced, are nearly the same every where, and the
passion for power, and distinction, seems inherent in human nature.
It is not in the savage state that we can expect to meet with true
liberty, any more than in settled hereditary aristocracy or monarchy:
it is only in a republican government like ours of {52} a civilized
people where information is generally diffused.
The fort is handsomely situated, about one hundred feet above the
level of the river, which makes an elbow at this place, giving an
extensive view up and down the river. Its form is triangular, its
size but small, not calculated for more than a company of men. A
group of buildings is formed by the factory, suttler’s house, &c. The
place is called “Fire prairie.” It is something better than three
hundred miles from the mouth of the river in lat. 38°. 40′. The
lodges of the Little Osage, sixty in number, are within gun shot of
the fort; but they are about to remove their village to a prairie,
three miles off. Their lodges are of a circular form, not more than
ten or fifteen feet in diameter, constructed by placing mats, made
of coarse rushes, over forks and poles.
All three of the Osage bands, together with some Kansas, were lately
encamped here for the purpose of trading; to the number of fifteen
hundred warriors. The officer informed me, that about ten days ago,
serious apprehensions had been entertained from them. A war party, of
about two hundred, having scalped a few {53} women and children, of
the Ayuwas, their enemies, had returned so elated with this exploit,
that they insulted the people of the fort. One of these warriors
defied a centinel on his post; the centinel was commanded to fire
over his head, this producing no effect, he was seized by a file of
men, which he at first treated with indifference, declaring, that
if he were confined, he would get some of the white men’s _bread_;
his tune was changed, however, by a liberal application of the
cat-o’-nine-tails to his back. Great commotions amongst the Indians
were excited; they rushed forward with their arms; but the soldiers
no sooner paraded and made ready a few pieces of cannon, than they
thought proper to retreat. They maintained a threatening attitude for
some days, and to give vent to their spite, killed a pair of fine
oxen, belonging to Mr. Audrain. The officer sent for the chiefs, and
told them, that unless two horses were given for the oxen, he would
instantly fire upon their village. This spirited deportment had the
desired effect, the chief complied, and after some counciling, the
pipe was smoked, and all matters adjusted.
{54} These Indians are not to be compared to the nations east of the
Mississippi; although at war with most of their neighbours, they are
a cowardly race. One good trait, however, deserves to be mentioned;
they have rarely, if ever, been known to spill the blood of a white
man:--When a white hunter is found on their lands, they take away
his furs and his arms, he is then beaten with ramrods, and driven
off.
Mr. Sibly informed me, that he was just setting out on a tour towards
the Arkansas, to visit the salines on that river, and also to the
Kansas, and Platte, to see the Pani nation.[17]
Thus far we have gained about one hundred miles upon the party
of Hunt--we are in good spirits, and will renew the pursuit with
augmented vigor.
[7] Notes upon the following subjects mentioned in this
chapter are found in Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. v of
our series: Isle a la Latre (Loutre Island), note
19; Côte sans Dessein, note 20; Manitou rocks and
Bonne Femme Creek, note 23; Osage Indians, note 22;
Fort Osage, note 31; George Sibley, note 36; General
Clark, note 143; Chief White Hair, note 108.--ED.
[8] The circumstance gave rise to the following:--
_Lines on an unfortunate female maniac, seen on the
Missouri, beyond the white settlements._
What strange--what spectre shape art thou,
The terror of this savage scene,
That glid’st beneath the poplar bough,
With looks so wild, and haggard mien?
Far, far, the haunts of men are past,
Mid silent hills, and lonely woods,
Where Nature rules the dreary waste,
Missouri, pours his turbid floods.
Speak--whate’er thou art declare--
The spirit of the gloomy groves,
Unreal vision of the air,
Or daughter of the oozy waves?
And yet, that loose dishevell’d hair,
Those rent and tatter’d weeds, betray
A human form, in deep despair,
Some wretched child of misery.
Ha! the sad, the silent tear--
Mayhap, some lost distracted maid,
By anguish torn, pursued by fear,
From friends and dearest home hast stray’d;
Forlorn, amid these dreary shades,
The haunt of ev’ry savage thing,
Where death on ev’ry side invades,
And hope no more may comfort bring?
Lo! see, with hollow shriek she flies--
’Tis the poor maniac of the wild:
Soon, soon, she vanish’d from our eyes,
The lost--the heav’n protected child.--
In wonder, long the shore we gaze,
And still we hear the piercing cry--
Our blood still curdles with amaze,
As when red lightning flashes nigh.
Alas! poor hopeless, phrenzied maid,
Who has thus sadly injur’d thee?
Perhaps, by falsehood’s tongue betray’d,
Or stung by vip’rous cruelty.
Sad maniac of the wilderness,
May heav’n still in safety keep,
And when thy darken’d ray shall pass,
The silent grove o’er thee will weep.
--BRACKENRIDGE.
[9] Montbrun’s Tavern was a large cave upon the north
bank of the river, just above a creek of the same
name--that of an early French trader. It is now
known as Big Tavern Creek, in Callaway County.--ED.
[10] A considerable stream in Boone County takes its name
from this rock--Rocher Percé River, sometimes called
Split Rock.--ED.
[11] The Coopers were a Virginia family from Culpeper
County, who had first migrated to Kentucky. They
arrived in Missouri in the autumn of 1807, when
Braxton, with his cousin Sarshall, settled at
Hancock bottom, upon the north bank of the Missouri,
in St. Charles County. There they bought salt of
Nathan Boone, who described to them the Boone’s
Lick country. In the spring of 1810 they removed
their families thither, and built Cooper’s fort,
nearly opposite Arrow Rock Creek. During the War of
1812-15, Boone’s Lick settlement suffered greatly.
The Coopers were leaders of the bands that pursued
the Indians. Braxton was shot by them (September,
1814) while cutting logs for a new house. Sarshall
was shot in his fort, the following spring. These
facts are found in the archives of the Wisconsin
Historical Library, _Draper MSS._, 22 S, 118, 142;
23 S, 119, 125.--ED.
[12] The town of Brunswick occupies this site, with a
population of about one thousand four hundred.--ED.
[13] The Iowa (Ayuwas, Aiouetz) were a Siouan tribe
first encountered by French explorers in the state
to which they have given name. This word lacked
consonant sounds, hence its great variations in
spelling. The Iowa early became allied with the
Sauk and Foxes, and were thus hostile to the French
power. They were a fierce tribe, and raided widely
from their villages on the Des Moines River. Later,
they traded with the English on the Mississippi. In
1808 a treaty was made with them by which the first
American post west of the Mississippi River was
erected--Fort Madison, which served in a measure to
restrain their ravages. There are now about three
hundred Iowa Indians, upon reservations with the
Sauk and Foxes, in Kansas and Oklahoma.--ED.
[14] Lewis and Clark, in their original manuscripts,
designate the channel which Brackenridge calls
“Ibar’s,” as Eue-bert, probably a form of the French
name Hubert. Biddle, in his edition of Lewis and
Clark, makes this Eau-beau or Clearwater. James
(edition of Long’s expedition) has Chney au Barre.
This is now curiously contracted into Sniabar,
which is applied to two creeks in Lafayette County.
Wizard’s Island is mentioned only by Brackenridge,
and has been swept away in the changes of the river
bed.--ED.
[15] For notice of Audrain, an early French republican of
Pittsburg, see André Michaux’s _Travels_, vol. iii
of our series, note 9.--ED.
[16] Literally, “without ears;” a name given to
him in consequence of his being unwilling to
listen to the advice of the sober part of the
people.--BRACKENRIDGE.
[17] The Pawnee (Pani) Indians were of Caddoan stock,
being early encountered by the French in the
Missouri Valley. Lewis and Clark found them in four
separate bands upon Platte River, which continued
to be their habitat until removed to reservations
in Indian Territory and Oklahoma. The Pawnee were
a large tribe, numbering ten to twelve thousand
in 1832. In warlike qualities they were somewhat
deficient, and being frequently enslaved by their
enemies, the term “Pani” became equivalent to Indian
slave. See J. Long’s _Voyages_, vol. ii of our
series, note 53. The Pawnee are steadily declining
in population, there now being but about six
hundred.--ED.
{55} CHAPTER III[18]
Orison of the Osages--Discontents in our party--News of Hunt--An
excursion--Arrival at the river Platte.
Friday, _27th_ [_i. e._, _26th_] _of April_. Our situation was
rendered very uncomfortable last night by heavy rains; our cabin,
in spite of all our contrivances, was still in a bad condition. In
the morning, before daylight, we were awakened by the most hideous
howlings I ever heard. They proceeded from the Osages, among whom
this is a prevailing custom. On inquiry, I found that they were
unable to give any satisfactory reason for it; I could only learn,
that it was partly devotional, and if it be true, as is supposed by
some, that they offer worship only to the evil spirit, the orison
was certainly not unworthy of him. I much doubt whether any more
lugubrious and infernal wailings ever issued from Pandamonium
itself. I was also informed that it proceeded from another cause;
when any one, on awaking in the morning, happens {56} to think of a
departed friend, or even of some lost dog or horse, which has been
prized by the owner, he instantly begins this doleful howl; no sooner
is this heard than the whole village, hark in, man, woman, and child,
and at least a thousand dogs, with a howling still more horrible. I
never had before, so good a conception of Virgil’s fine description
of that place of the infernal regions, set apart for the punishment
of the wicked.
It was eleven o’clock before we could leave this place. The time
was spent in procuring some oil-cloth to put over our cabin, and in
purchasing several articles of Indian trade which the factor was
disposed to sell. Having got every thing ready, and feeling anxious
to loose no time, we set off, although the wind was blowing down the
river with great violence. After exerting ourselves to the utmost,
for an hour or two, we found it necessary to stop, after having done
little more than loose sight of the fort. After remaining here a few
hours, the wind abated sufficiently to enable us to proceed on our
voyage. Passed a small encampment of American hunters. Three men were
sitting before a fire, on the edge of the bank, {57} in the midst of
the rushes, having trodden them down for a few yards around. Upon
three slender forks, a few pieces of bark were placed, which together
with the boughs of the poplar afforded some little shelter from the
rain. The remains of a deer were suspended to a tree, and several
skins were stretched out with the fleshy sides to the fire, for the
purpose of being dried. The Missouri is now, what the Ohio was once,
the PARADISE OF HUNTERS. The upper part of the river is still more
pleasant, on account of the openness of the plains, and the greater
facility of pursuing the wild animals, which exist in numbers almost
incredible. We found the navigation more easy this evening, from the
state of the river, than it has been for several days past. We were
enabled to make nine miles, chiefly under oars--weather disagreeably
cool.
We have now passed the last settlement of whites, and probably will
not revisit them for several months. This reflection seemed to have
taken possession of the minds of all. I almost repented of having
undertaken this voyage, without an object of suitable importance.
Our men were kept from thinking too {58} deeply by their songs and
the splashing of the oars, which kept time with them. Lisa himself
seized the helm, and gave the song,[19] and at the close of every
stanza, made the woods ring with his shouts of encouragement.
The whole was intermixed, with short and pithy addresses to their
fears, their hopes, or their ambition. Hunt and his party, were at
least eighteen days before us. In the distance of three hundred
{59} miles we had gained five days on him. By great exertions,
we might overtake him at the little Cedar island which was six
hundred miles further. We should then be safe. For my part I felt
great solicitude to overtake him, for the sake of the society of
Mr. Bradbury, a distinguished naturalist with whom I had formed an
acquaintance at St. Louis, and who had accompanied Mr. Hunt for
the purpose of pursuing his researches in natural history on the
Missouri. In the society of this gentleman, I had promised myself
much pleasure, as well as instruction; and indeed, this constituted
one of the principal motives of my voyage--there was also in the
same company, a young gentleman of the name of Nuttal, engaged in
similar pursuits--my apprehensions with respect to Mr. Hunt, were not
such as Lisa entertained; but, I was well aware that there existed a
reciprocal jealousy and distrust. Hunt might suppose, that if Lisa
overtook him, he would use his superior skill in the navigation of
the river to pass by him, and (from the supposition that Hunt was
about to compete with him in the Indian trade) induce the Sioux
tribes, through whose territory we had to pass for the {60} distance
of six hundred miles, to stop him, and perhaps pillage him. Lisa had
strong reasons, on the other hand, to suspect that it was Hunt’s
intention to prevent us from ascending the river; as well from what
has already been mentioned, as from the circumstance of his being
accompanied by two traders, Crooks and M’Clelland, who had charged
Lisa with being the cause of their detention by the Sioux, two years
before; in consequence of which they had experienced considerable
losses. The quarrel which took place between these two traders and
the Sioux was the principal cause of their present inimical temper
to the whites. I fully believed, however, that if we could unite our
parties, we should present so formidable an appearance, that the
Indians would not think of incommoding us. The conduct of the Sioux
is governed by the same motives as those of the barbarous tribes of
the Nile. They are unwilling to let the traders pass up the river,
and carry supplies to the Arikaras, Mandans, and other tribes at war
with them; and their country affording few objects for the trader
beside the buffaloe robe, they are tempted to pillage, or impose
terms upon the trader, which {61} are almost as injurious. Thus much,
that the reader may enter into our feelings; at least form an idea of
the anxiety we experienced in the pursuit of the party before us.
Now removed beyond the verge of the frontier, not merely out of my
country, but almost in another world; for, considered in reality,
and not according to that imaginary ownership, which civilization
has invented, I was in a foreign land. Thus abstracted, thus removed
from my country, I seemed to look back as from an eminence, and
fancied that, I contemplated it, with more accuracy than I could,
while cherished, and protected in its bosom. I heaved a sigh, when I
reflected that I might possibly never see it again. I felt a thousand
affections, linked to the cords of the heart, of which I had not been
aware. These things are salutary thought I, as they teach a man to
know himself. Should I return in safety, the recollection of these
little incidents, will afford pleasure to myself and to others: and,
should my bones be deposited on some dreary spot, far from my home
and the haunts of civilized man, it is yet certain, that there is no
place however distant in this quarter, where I may {62} be buried,
but will in time, be surrounded by the habitations of Americans;
the spot will be marked, it will be approached with respect, as
containing the remains of one of the first to venture into these
distant and unfrequented regions.
_Saturday 27th._ After a long continuance of bad weather, we are
again somewhat favoured: this is a delightful morning though cool.
At daylight we proceeded on our voyage, and about six o’clock had a
light breeze from the east. Passed Vincent’s island, above which the
river is extremely narrow; the highlands on the S. W. side. About
eleven o’clock the sun shone out warm and pleasant, the wind died
away. Shortly after this we met a large party of traders, in two
canoes lashed together, and a platform raised upon them, constituting
what is called a raft. This was heavily laden with buffaloe robes.
They had come from the river _a Jaque_, on the country of the
Yanktons, the nearest tribe of the Sioux, where they had remained all
winter; they found the Indians peaceably disposed.[20] The party of
Hunt had been passed by them five days before, at the little Nimaha,
and proceeds slowly. The traders {63} being informed of the rate at
which we came, were of opinion that we should overtake them before
they would be able to reach the river Platte, three hundred miles
above us. Our party were much animated by this news.
We passed, towards evening Benito’s island, and sand bar, so called
from a trader of that name having been robbed of his peltry, by a
party of the Ayuwa tribe; and not content with this, the trader with
four men in his employment, were forced to carry enormous burdens
of it on their backs to the river des Moines. Instances of such
insults were formerly not uncommon; several spots have been shewn
me where the like acts have been committed, accompanied even with
murder. Having approached within two leagues of the Kansas river, we
encamped. Large sand bars now make their appearance at every point
of the river; some of them a mile or two in length, and a quarter of
a mile in width in the widest place; but they are uniformly in the
shape of a crescent. It is very pleasant to walk on them; towards the
bank there is a border of willows and young cotton-wood trees; the
rest is a smooth sand beach.
{64} _Sunday 28th._ A cool morning--somewhat foggy on the river. A
light breeze from the east, but not sufficient to enable us to carry
sail. Passed Highland, N. E. side, with some rocks on the shore; we
are constantly delighted with the gentle hills, or rather elevated
upland, of the Missouri. In this part of the river deer are very
numerous; while out this morning I counted thirty sporting on a sand
bar.
This morning we passed the Kansas, a large river, which enters from
the S. W. side. The ground is low and flat at its mouth, and covered
with a profusion of willows; this tree is observed to become more
abundant than below, but the size is very small. The Kansas takes
its rise in the open plains between the Platte and the Arkansas; and
passes through a country almost devoid of wood. The patron of our
boat informs me, that he has ascended it upwards of nine hundred
miles, with a tolerable navigation. The Kansas tribe live in the
country through which it passes. It has a number of considerable
tributary streams.
In the evening we passed the little river Platte, navigable with
canoes fifty or sixty miles, and said to abound with beaver. We {65}
encamped near a mile above it, having made about fifteen miles.
In the course of this day, we find the river, in most places,
extremely narrow, and the sand bars very extensive.
_Monday 29th_. Somewhat cloudy this morning--A light breeze from the
S. E. At seven, breakfasted under sail. At nine, reached a beautiful
island, called Diamond island, fifteen miles above the Kansas. From
this, there is a long reach of six or eight miles. The weather is
fine--the breeze still continuing.
At three o’clock we had made twenty-four miles. The wind, from the
change of the course of the river, could not serve us. We lost two
hours in passing one of the most difficult places I have seen on the
river: after which, we had a fair wind again, until night.
Passed in the course of this day, some beautiful country on both
sides, the upland chiefly S. W. and a greater proportion of prairie
than we have yet seen. The river generally narrow, and the sand bars
of great extent.
Having made about thirty miles, we encamped a short distance below
Buffaloe island, opposite a range of hills, and at the upper end of
a {66} long view. During the whole of the day, we saw astonishing
quantities of game on the shore; particularly deer and turkies. The
buffaloe and elk are not yet seen.
_Tuesday 30th._ Last night there was much thunder and lightning, but
little rain. At day light embarked with a favourable wind, which
continued until seven, when, from the course of the river, the
wind failed us for an hour. The river extremely crooked. Mr. Lisa
and myself went on shore, and each killed a deer. There were great
numbers of them sporting on the sand bars. There are great quantities
of snipes, of a beautiful plumage, being a curious mixture of dove
color, and white. I saw one of a different kind, which was scarlet
underneath the wings.[21]
At two o’clock we hoisted sail at the beginning of a long reach,
to the great joy of the whole company. High prairies S. W.
side--continued under sail through another long reach, and had a
view of the old Kansas village, at the upper end of it. It is a high
prairie; smooth waving hills, perfectly green, with a few clumps of
trees in the hollows. It was formerly a village of the Kansas nation.
There {67} are many of these _deserted villages_, on the Missouri,
with hardly any traces but the different path-ways along the side of
the hills, and down to the river. There is a melancholy feeling in
viewing these seats, once the abode of intelligent beings, now lonely
and silent. But for the scarcity of wood this would be a delightful
situation for a town.[22] At this place, the bend of the river
rendered the wind unfavourable. Continued under oars about three
miles further, having in the course of this day made thirty-three
miles.
_Wednesday, 1st May._ Very high wind all last night. Embarked this
morning about daylight, and continued under sail until six o’clock.
Upland N. E. side, thinly timbered. It may be remarked, that the
hills of the Missouri are not so high as those of the Ohio, seldom
rocky, and rise more pleasantly from the water’s edge. Continued
under sail until eleven, when we were brought up by a considerable
bend in the river. Passed St. Michael prairie, a handsome plain in
front, with variegated hills in the back ground, and but little wood.
At two o’clock we came to a very great bend in the river, but did not
get through until evening. The river {68} from being narrow, changes
to an unusual width, and very shallow. We were detained about an
hour, having been so unlucky as to run aground.
Saw but one or two deer to day, as we approached the open country
their numbers will be found to diminish, there being no thickets to
shelter them. They are said to lessen perceptibly from Nodawa river
upwards.
In the evening, the weather, which has been for some days cloudy,
cleared up, and the wind abated entirely: the Missouri and its
scenery appeared in their natural state. A calm sky and a placid
stream, which harmonize with every other object of nature. The river
is falling fast, approaching to a low stage of water--came to-day
twenty-seven miles.
_Thursday 2d._ Embarked at daylight, the river unruffled by a breeze;
the birds, as if rejoicing that the strife of the elements had
ceased, tuned their sweetest notes.
At seven o’clock, breakfasted opposite some bluffs, N. E. side.
A very large mass appeared at no distant period, to have slipped
into the river, leaving a clay precipice fifty or sixty feet high.
A little above, there are rocks of freestone {69} at the edge of
the water. Below this place, there is an extensive prairie, partly
river bottom, and partly upland, with a considerable rivulet passing
through it. What a delightful situation for a farm, or even a town!
Description of such a country as this, can give no idea of its
peculiar character. The hills, or bluffs, begin to appear, thinly
wooded with dwarf trees, principally oak or ash.
In the evening we reached Nodowa channel, on the N. E. side, which
is about sixty yards in width, the island bordered with willow, but
on the main land there is an open wood, chiefly the cotton tree.
The rushes are now seldom seen, and the variety of trees evidently
diminish. This part of the country is very abundant in deer.
_Friday 3d._ A delightful sunny morning. As usual we set off to-day
at day-break. Not a moment of our time is lost: we stop half an
hour at breakfast; about the same length of time for dinner, and
continue late at night. It is by thus taking less time for repose,
the skill of Lisa in encountering the currents and difficulties of
the navigation, and the continuing our voyage during the contrary
winds, {70} that we gain on the party of Hunt. But our Canadians
are beginning to feel the effects of this effort: they not only make
greater exertions, but continue employed longer than usual by several
hours in the day. It sometimes happens that during the prevalence of
a favourable wind, the veering course of the river suddenly renders
it directly contrary; it therefore becomes necessary to make every
possible exertion for a few miles in doubling the point, before we
can again catch the favoring breeze. By this exertion we are all
sometimes nearly exhausted. The strength of our men begins to fail,
and sometimes murmurs escape their lips, in spite of every reason
that can be urged.
About noon passed the wintering ground of Crooks and M’Clelland,
where there are some log huts. Here they joined the party of Hunt to
proceed up the river. This is four hundred and fifty miles from the
mouth of the Missouri. Here these men must have led the most solitary
lives, with no companions but a few hunters and an occasional Indian
visitor. Their chief amusement consisted in hunting the deer, or
traversing the plains. M’Clelland was one of Wayne’s runners, and is
celebrated for his {71} courage and uncommon activity. The stories
related of his personal prowess, border on the marvellous. Crooks is
a young Scotchman, of an enterprising character, who came to this
country from the trading associations in Canada.
After passing this place we came in sight of the S. W. side, more
elevated than any we have yet seen: in some places covered with wood,
chiefly dwarf oak; but in others entirely bare, or overgrown with
shrubs. The lands on the opposite side are fine. Towards evening a
breeze springing up, we hoisted sail, and continued four or five
miles. Passing along a large prairie, in the hollow of the land in
the S. W. and after doubling the woody point with our oars and poles,
encamped at the commencement of another prairie. Here there is not a
shrub to the abrupt edge of the bank, and the bottom stretches from
the river at least a mile wide, covered with dried grass of a very
luxuriant growth. From the first glance its yellowish appearance, is
not unlike that of ripe oats. This is another object to remind us of
the industry of man.
{72} _Saturday 4th._ Heavy rain last night, and this morning
drizzling. Passed the extensive lowland prairie, along which the men
were able to walk with facility, and drag the boat along with the
cordelle. At ten o’clock passed an encampment of Hunt, where our
augurs once more set to work to find out the length of time which
has elapsed since he was here. After making about twenty miles, with
rather disagreeable navigation, we encamped some distance above the
Nimaha and Tarkio creeks.[23]
This evening, which was damp and chilly, while warming myself at
the fire, I overheard, with much chagrin, some bitter complaints on
the part of the men. These discontents were not a little fomented
by some Thersites of the party, who took advantage of the state
of mind arising from their sufferings. “It is impossible for us,”
said they, “to persevere any longer in this unceasing toil, this
over-strained exertion, which wears us down. We are not permitted a
moment’s repose; scarcely is time allowed us to eat, or to smoke our
pipes. We can stand it no longer, human nature cannot bear it; our
bourgeois has no pity on us.” I endeavoured to quiet their minds, by
representing {73} to them the importance of the object for which we
were exerting ourselves, the safety of their lives probably depended
on it: that great exertions, it is true, had been made, but that we
had already overcome the most difficult part of the navigation; that
on approaching the open country, we might expect to be carried by the
wind: that the weather was now becoming warmer and more pleasant, and
the navigation less arduous, as they could diversify their labours,
when there would be no wind, with the pole, the oars, or by the
cordelle, at this time, little more than a promenade along the edge
of the prairie, or the smooth sand bars. I exhorted them to cease
these complaints, and go to work cheerfully, and with confidence in
Lisa, who would carry us through every difficulty. These admonitions
had some effect, but were not sufficient to quell entirely the
prevailing discontent.
_Sunday 5th._ Passed an encampment of Hunt this morning. The sun
shone out, but the air was cold--wind from N. E. but not so hard as
to form any great obstacle. In the evening hailed two men descending
in a bark canoe; they had been of Hunt’s party, and had left him on
{74} the 2d of May, two days above the Platte, at Boyer’s river.
He had had a fair wind for several days, and ascended with great
rapidity. This information came very unseasonably, and will tend to
dishearten our men.--It thus appears, that we have not gained upon
them as much as was expected.
The weather very fine throughout the day, encamped in the evening at
the upper end of a handsome prairie; opposite a large sand bar.
_Monday 6th._ About ten this morning, passed a river called
Nis-na-botona, after which there are some long reaches very favorable
for sailing. At four o’clock arrived at the little Nimeha, the
course of the river here is for a considerable distance nearly N.
E.[24]--Wind being N. W. were enabled to hoist sail, but having
proceeded about a mile, a squall suddenly springing up from the N. we
were compelled with all despatch, to take in sail, and gain the shore
S. W. side. Here a dreadful storm raged during the remainder of the
evening, and the greater part of the night, our boat lay between the
shore and a number of trees which had fallen into the river, and thus
sheltered us from the waves.
{75} Our encampment is at the edge of a large prairie, but with a
fringe of wood along the bank of the river. The greater part of the
country, particularly on the S. W. side, is now entirely open. The
new grass is at this time about four inches high.
_Tuesday 7th._ Continued our voyage at daylight, the weather fine,
though somewhat cool. Wind still continues N. W. Passed an island and
sand bar, and towed along a prairie S. side for nearly a mile. This
prairie is narrow, bounded by hills which are somewhat broken and
stony.
At ten o’clock arrived at _L’isle a beau soleil_; the wind here
became so high that we proceeded with great difficulty.[25] In the
evening, arriving at the head of the island, were compelled to put
to shore. Mr. Lisa seized this opportunity to replace his mast, by a
young oak which he found in the wood along the shore. All hands were
set to work on it, in order that it might be ready the next day. This
was rendered necessary on account of the old one having given way.
I took this opportunity of making an excursion into the
country--ascended the hills or {76} bluffs, which, though steep, are
not much more than two hundred feet above the level of the river, and
command prospects of great extent. I could see the meandering course
of the stream, between the two ranges of hills, or more properly of
high land, for thirty or forty miles. Some of these hills are cut
into precipices forty or fifty feet high, without any appearance
of stone. It is a light yellow colored earth, with a considerable
mixture of sand. There is an immense extent of prairie on both sides
of the river. The hills are not always abrupt, but in many places
rise gently, and are extremely beautiful. The river hereabout is very
crooked: in following the hills, along which there is an Indian path,
I could go to a point within view, which will most probably be our
place of encampment to-morrow night.
On my return to the boat, killed some pigeons and wild ducks, and saw
a flock of turkies. Lisa and his men continued at work by torch light
until late at night, every man who could assist was busily employed.
_Wednesday 8th._ Last night having finished our mast, we had it put
up this morning before day, and at day break set off on our voyage.
Weather {77} cool, but no wind, and the sun apparently regaining his
empire.
Passed through a country in the course of this day, chiefly open,
with very little wood. The river very wide: in one place it appeared
to me two miles. Encamped at the falling in banks, or _grand
eboulment_. Wind has entirely abated. In nearly all the bends there
are a great many fallen trees, the bank being acted upon by the
current, appears to have fallen in with every thing growing upon it.
We often pass between these trees and the shore.
_Thursday 9th._ Set off at day light--continued a short distance
under sail with a light breeze.
Several of the men are sick; one has a pleurisy, and others slight
fevers and coughs, from frequent exposure in the water.
There appear to be no hills or bluffs on the N. E. side, the whole
distance to the Platte.
Encamped some distance above a hill, called _L’œil aufer_, from an
Indian chief who was scaffolded here some years ago.[26]
_Friday 10th._ A dreadful storm raged during the whole of last night.
Set off this morning under sail, in expectation of reaching the
Platte {78} before twelve, but in the course of an hour it failed
us, and changed to N. W. At ten, it became so violent that we were
compelled to put to shore, where we remained until towards evening,
and then attempted to proceed, but finding the wind too strong, again
landed and encamped, having passed the mouth of the Platte. At the
mouth of this river there is so great a number of bars and small
islands, that its entrance is scarcely perceptible. It enters by a
number of channels or mouths: the color of its waters is the same
with that of the Missouri. The country hereabouts, is entirely open,
excepting in some spots along the river, where there are groves of
cotton-wood, and on the hills a few scattered dwarf oaks.
_Saturday 11th._ The wind continues too high to proceed. This morning
we advance about three miles, and encamp until near noon--very cold.
Set off with my gun to take a walk into the country. Traversed the
prairie which had been burnt, and reached the high land about three
miles distant; the ground rises gradually to the height of about two
hundred feet, and then assumes an irregular surface. The other side
of {79} the Missouri appears extremely bare. I wandered towards the
Platte, or rather to the point of the upland between this river and
the Missouri, which commands a very extensive prospect. I discovered
a great extent of open country, grounds gently rising, with a soil
every where extremely rich. The Platte is full of islands and sand
bars, and appears as wide as the Missouri. On my return, I saw
several Indian mounds.
On reaching camp I found that the wind had abated, and that the river
was rising fast.
The river Platte is regarded by the navigators of the Missouri as
a point of as much importance, as the equinoctial line amongst
mariners. All those who had not passed it before, were required to
be shaved, unless they could compromise the matter by a treat. Much
merriment was indulged on the occasion. From this we enter what is
called the Upper Missouri. Indeed the change is perceptible and
great, for the open bare plains, now prevail. A close wood is not to
be seen, but the face of the land so varied as to be pleasing and
picturesque. The river Platte rises in the same mountains, with the
Missouri and is little short of two {80} thousand miles in length,
but affords little navigation, owing to the great number of shoals
and quicksands which its channel contains. Various Indian nations
reside upon it, the Missouris, Ottos, Panis, and others. This river
takes its rise with the Rio del Norte, and with the Colerado of
California, and flows through an open country like the Missouri.
[18] Notes upon the following subjects mentioned in this
chapter are found in Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. v of
our series: Thomas Nuttall, note 8; Ramsay Crooks,
note 3; Robert McClellan, note 72; Kansas Indians,
note 37; Oto Indians, note 42.--ED.
[19] The patron usually sings the first couplet, the
chorus is then sung by the whole; the songs are
very trifling, but the tunes not disagreeable. The
following are some verses of a favorite song:--
Derrière chêz nous, il y ǎ un etang,
Ye, ye ment:
Trois canards s’en vons baignans,
Tous du lóng de la rivière,
Legèrement ma bergère,
Legèrement, ye ment.
Trois canards s’en vons baignans,
Ye, ye ment:
Le fis du roi s’en va chassant,
Tous du lóng de la rivière.
Legèrement ma bergère,
Legèrement, ye ment.
Le fis du roi s’en va chassant,
Ye, ye ment:
Avec son grand fusil d’argent,
Tous du lóng de la rivière,
Legèrement ma bergère
Legèrement, ye ment.
&c. &c.
--BRACKENRIDGE.
_Comment by Ed._ A translation of this boating song is
given in Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. v of our series,
p. 40.
[20] River à Jaque (Jacque) is the present James or
Dakota River, a large affluent of the Missouri, in
South Dakota. For the Yankton Sioux, who lived on
this river, see Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. v of our
series, note 55.--ED.
[21] Apparently these were the grey and red-bellied snipe
(_macrorhampus griseus_ and _scolopaceus_).--ED.
[22] About the site of the present city of Leavenworth,
Kansas.--ED.
[23] Great Nemaha River, in southeastern Nebraska, and
Big Tarkio River in northwestern Missouri, empty
into the Missouri River nearly opposite to each
other.--ED.
[24] The present Nishnabotna River, flowing nearly
parallel to the Missouri River in Iowa and
northwestern Missouri. The word is said to signify,
“canoemaking river.” Little Nemaha River is a
western affluent in a Nebraska county of the same
name.--ED.
[25] Lewis and Clark translated this term, and called the
island “Fair-sun.” It is now known simply as Sun
Island.--ED.
[26] Lewis and Clark met hereabouts an Oto chief whom
they called Iron Eyes. There is a bluff on the river
still called Iron Eye Hill. On the Siouan custom of
scaffolding the dead, see Bradbury’s description of
a Mandan cemetery.--ED.
CHAPTER IV[27]
Council Bluffs--Blackbird Hills--Maha villages--Disappointment in
not overtaking Hunt--Floyd’s Bluff.
_Sunday 13th_ [_i. e._, _12th_]. Weather pleasant--the river rising
rapidly; the drift wood descends in great quantities, and the current
seems to augment every moment. We were enabled to ascend the greater
part of this morning with the towing line.
{81} In the afternoon, some distance above the old Otto village,
S. W. side, I went on shore, and wandered several miles through
shrubby hills, and saw several elk and deer, without being able to
approach them. Towards evening I entered a charming prairie, and of
the richest soil. Followed a rivulet until it formed a lake in the
river bottom, its banks for six or eight feet a rich black earth.
In pursuing the upland I might have fallen upon the Missouri six
miles above, in the distance of a mile, the river forming here a
considerable bend. The prairies or meadows to the water’s edge,
enabled us to continue the greater part of this day with the line.
_Monday 13th._ Water falling--continued with the towing line. At ten,
a fine breeze springing up, hoisted sail. Passed the river _a Boyer_,
and the houses of M’Clelland, who formerly wintered here. Some woody
country hereabouts; but that on the upland is very inferior, chiefly
shrubby oak. A short distance above this place we encountered a very
difficult and rapid current, but being luckily a little aided by
the sail, we passed tolerably well. We have now reached the highest
point to which settlements {82} will probably extend on the western
side for many years. In the evening passed high clean meadows, called
the Council bluffs, from the circumstance of Lewis and Clark having
held a council with the Otto and Missouri Indians, when ascending
this river.[28] It is a beautiful scene. Encamped four miles above
this place on a large sand bar. The Council bluffs are not abrupt
elevations, but a rising ground, covered with grass as perfectly
smooth as if the work of art. They do not exceed in height thirty or
forty feet above the plain below. On ascending, the land stretches
out as far as the eye can reach, a perfect level. The short grass,
with which the soil is covered, gives it the appearance of a sodded
bank, which has a fine effect, the scene being shaded by a few
slender trees or shrubs in the hollows. In the course of this day
found the river crooked and narrow: it appeared in one place almost
closed up by drift-wood and sawyers.
_Tuesday 14th._ Set off with a slight breeze--compelled by heavy rain
to put to shore for some hours; after which continued under a fine
breeze that lasted throughout the day; but from {83} the winding
course of the river we were not much benefited by it.
At most of the points on the river, the timber, principally
cotton-wood, is large, and tolerably close, but the prairies and
upland are entirely bare of trees. The prairies compose more than
two-thirds of the margin of the stream--the soil extremely rich: for
the three first feet, generally a light mould, another stratum is a
deep black, almost approaching the colour of coal, but not hard or
stiff; the lower stratum is marle. I have no doubt but that these
natural meadows would yield surprisingly. Encamped at the beginning
of a great bend of the river, twelve miles round, and not more than
three hundred paces across.
_Wednesday 15th._ Although the wind is favourable, it was of no use
to us, from the sudden turns of the river. At twelve hoisted sail,
and passed the Soldier’s river, a small stream.[29] After doubling
some points we came into a reach of some extent; wind here became
very violent, and blew almost a tempest; with our sail reduced to
half its size we easily encountered the strongest current. The storm
at length became so serious that it was deemed imprudent {84} to
continue under way. The air was darkened by clouds of sand, and
we found ourselves at the upper end of the reach, in the midst of
sawyers and planters, our situation dangerous in the extreme. Nothing
but our great anxiety to force our voyage would have justified the
running such a risk. It was almost a miracle that we escaped. Had
our boat struck a sawyer she would have been thrown into the trough
of the sea, and we should inevitably have perished. We fortunately,
but not without great exertions, escaped safely to the shore, where
we remained until evening; the wind abating, proceeded a few miles
further.
_Thursday 16th._ A tremendous storm of thunder and lightning last
night--being fortunately in a good harbor we suffered but little.
Were not able to get under way this morning until late. A fine serene
morning, strangely contrasted with the turbulence of last night. Came
in sight of the hills, S. W. every one bitterly regretting that the
wind of yesterday could not serve us here, where there is a view of
twelve miles up the river. There appears to reign an unusual calm,
the sky cloudless, {85} and the river as smooth as a mirror. Words
cannot convey what I feel, and it is only the lover of nature that
could understand me.
The points are tolerably wooded. At the upper end of the long reach
we saw an encampment of Hunt, where the party seemed to have remained
for several days, judging from the quantity of wood burned, the grass
trodden down by frequent going and coming, and the bones of buffaloe
they had killed, which were strewed about. It also appeared that oars
had been made here. It is conjectured that this was his encampment
during the unfavorable weather we experienced for several days, near
the river Platte, and against which we had to struggle so severely.
If this be the case, it is not more than six or seven days since Hunt
has left this place. Our men feel new animation on this unexpected
turn of fortune. The rushes before described are now rarely seen--the
woods more free from undergrowth. Encamped before sunset on a sand
bar below _la coupe a L’Oiselle_.
_Friday 17th._ A charming morning--slight indication of wind from the
S. E. Passed _la coupe a L’Oiselle_. This name originated, in {86}
the circumstance of a trader having made a narrow escape, being in
the river at the very moment that this cut-off was forming. It had
been a bend of fifteen miles round, and perhaps not more than a few
hundred yards across; the gorge, which was suddenly cut through by
the river, became the main channel. This was effected in a few hours.
While remaining a short time at a sand bar in the river, a curious
phenomenon occurred; the sand began to dissolve, and every instant
to diminish like the melting of snow, it was thought prudent to
embark immediately. This I am informed is not unfrequent. Bars are
sometimes formed during the continuance of a single flood, but being
principally of loose sand, without anything to unite, as soon as the
waters begin to rise again, are entirely carried off.
At ten passed a similar cut-off called _la coupe a Jacque_. At twelve
continued under sail, made several long reaches--passed the Yellow
banks, and encamped within a few miles of the Black-bird hill.
Throughout this day the river border is chiefly wood.
_Saturday 18th._ A fine breeze S. W. At seven arrived at the
Black-bird hill. As this is {87} one of the curiosities of the
Missouri, a description may be amusing. It rises on the common
range to the height of four or five hundred feet. The Missouri at
its base, begins a strange winding course, several times returning
upon its steps, and at length coming within nine hundred yards of
where the hills first approach; so that in a course of thirty miles
the Black-bird hill is still near us. It takes its name from a
celebrated chief of the Mahas, who caused himself to be interred on
the top: a mound has been erected on the pinnacle, with a branch
stuck in it, a flag was formerly attached to it. He was buried,
sitting erect on horse back; the reason which he gave for choosing
this spot, was that he might see the traders as they ascended. This
chief was as famous in his lifetime amongst all the nations in
this part of the world, as Tamerlane or Bajazet were in the plains
of Asia; a superstitious awe is still paid to his grave. Yet, the
secret of his greatness was nothing more than a quantity of arsenic,
which he had procured from some trader. He denounced death against
any one who displeased him, or opposed his wishes: it is therefore
not surprising, that he, who held {88} at his disposal the lives of
others, should possess unlimited power, and excite universal terror.
The proud savage, whenever this terrible being appeared, rendered the
homage of a slave. The gods and heroes of antiquity, were, perhaps,
little better. We may learn this lesson, that ignorant and savage
man, is most effectually ruled by fear, or superstitious awe; and in
comparison with these, other motives have but little force.
At four o’clock, got through the last bend, and hoisted sail, with a
fine wind--sailed along some hills, S. W. side, and encamped amongst
some cotton wood, in a low bottom.
_Sunday 19th._ We continued our voyage this morning at daylight where
we remained with the hope of reaching the Maha village in the course
of the day. Here we entertained sanguine hopes of overtaking the
party of Hunt, and with these hopes the spirits of our men, almost
sinking under extreme labor, were kept up; their rising discontents,
the consequences of which I feared almost as much as the enmity of
the Indians, were by the same means kept down. Shortly after starting
we passed along some precipitous bluffs, rising {89} from the edge
of the water, and extending for a quarter of a mile. Some of them
were faced with a curious sand rock of variegated fantastic hues;
at the first glance resembling the decorations of a theatre. There
were mimic groves, the representation of castles, of towns, and
landscapes; on more attentive examination it was found that this
deception, was produced by the different colors and shades of the
rock.
We continued, with little interruption from the course of the river,
under sail until twelve o’clock, when we came in sight of the trading
houses near the village. We anxiously looked towards the place, and
endeavoured to descry the party of Hunt; but as we drew near we
found, alas! they were not there. On landing we saw several traders,
of whom eager inquiries were made, who informed us that Hunt had set
off under sail _four days_ before our arrival, and that he must have
ascended rapidly. This was calculated to depress our spirits not a
little, being now on the borders of the Sioux territory. To this
disappointment was added the unfriendly temper of those tribes; it
seems they have learned that a number of traders {90} are ascending
the river, in consequence of which, instead of going into the plains
as is usual at this season of the year, they are resolved to remain
on the river, with a determination to let no boats pass: that they
had lately murdered several white traders, and were exceedingly
exasperated at the conduct of Crooks and M’Clelland. These gentlemen,
who had set off for the Upper Missouri, having been compelled by
a party of the Sioux to stop against their will, affected to be
contented, and requested that the warriors, excepting five or six,
would go and bring their tribes, in order to trade; they had no
sooner departed than the traders embarked all their effects, and
pushed into the stream; the Indians who had been left with them were
found by their companions tied. This conduct, which was unavoidable,
exasperated the nation very much, and had produced a serious enmity,
the consequences of which we had great reasons to fear. From the
intimation of the traders, we were induced to believe that Hunt would
be glad that we should join his party, and that a sense of the common
danger would induce him to wait for us. It was therefore deemed
adviseable to despatch a messenger {91} by land, who might overtake
him at the Poncas village, about two hundred miles further by water,
and about three day’s journey by land. For this purpose a half Indian
was hired, and set off immediately in company with Charboneau. As the
wind was still favorable, and blowing fresh, we resolved not to lose
a moment, and therefore set off without seeing the Big Elk, the chief
of the Maha village; a piece of etiquette, which is never omitted
without giving offence: a present was left for him, with a talk,
explaining the reasons for our conduct. The village is situated about
three miles from the river, and contains about three thousand souls.
After having remained here but a few hours we again embarked, the
day obscured with clouds, and the wind blowing with great violence.
The clouds of sand which are swept from the sand bars, incommoded
us considerably. Towards evening, the wind having spent its fury,
gradually died away, and we continued under oars--the current gentle.
The scenery now undergoes an entire change; forests are seen no more;
the wooded portions of the river are composed of small cotton-wood
trees, whose slender {92} and delicate growth have a much more
beautiful appearance than the huge giants on the lower part of the
river. The uplands look like old fields, and the bottoms are rich
meadows.
Shortly before sun-down the air became calm, and our disturbed minds,
(such is the effect upon our feelings of the objects which surround
us) appeared to grow composed as the strife of the elements gave way
to calmness and serenity. We had been suspended between hope and
fear, but were now disposed to think all would be well, and that Hunt
would gladly wait for us.
About a mile below our encampment we passed Floyd’s bluff and river,
fourteen miles from the Maha village. Sergeant Floyd was of the party
of Lewis and Clark, and was highly esteemed by them and his loss much
regretted. The place of his interment is marked by a wooden cross,
which may be seen by navigators at a considerable distance. The grave
occupies a beautiful rising ground, now covered with grass and wild
flowers. The pretty little river, which bears his name, is neatly
fringed with willow and shrubbery. Involuntary tribute was paid to
the spot, by the feelings even of the most {93} thoughtless, as we
passed by. It is several years since he was buried here; no one has
disturbed the cross which marks the grave; even the Indians who pass,
venerate the place, and often leave a present or offering near it.
Brave, adventurous youth! thou art not forgotten--for although thy
bones are deposited far from thy native home, in the desert-waste;
yet the eternal silence of the plain shall mourn thee, and memory
will dwell upon thy grave!
The appearance of the river is much changed--it continues a handsome
width, with a diminished current. The banks low, and the trees much
smaller in size; we now rarely see a large tree. The bluffs and
upland on the N. E. side, are not high, and without any appearance of
trees and shrubs.
_Monday 20th._ Passed at day light the great Sioux river, which
takes its rise in the plains, between the Missouri, and the waters
of the lake Winipec; it is five or six hundred miles in length.[30]
I ascended the bluffs, high clay banks of sixty or an hundred feet.
The current is here very strong. We ascended along the sand bars
with difficulty on account of the wind, which blew the sand in our
{94} faces, and our men suffered much from fatigue. Hailed a trader
descending in a large canoe, made of skins of the buffaloe, upwards
of twenty feet in length, who wintered at the river a Jaque. He met
Hunt eight leagues above that river, proceeding with a fair wind, and
is by this time at the Poncas village. These skin canoes are formed
by stretching the skins of the buffaloe over the red willow, of which
a kind of frame is in the first instance prepared. They require to
be frequently exposed to the sun, and dried, as they would otherwise
become too heavy from the quantity of water absorbed.
The water has been rapidly rising for twenty-four hours. The sand
bars are all covered and the banks in many places inundated.
_Tuesday 21st._ This morning fine, though somewhat cool. Wind
increasing from the N. E. Current rapid, but for the eddies in the
bends, it would be almost impossible to ascend. There are but few
embarras, or collection of trees, &c. The sand bars are fringed with
a thick growth of willows, immediately behind which there are young
cotton-wood trees, forming a handsome natural avenue, twenty or
thirty feet wide. The banks are {95} very low, and must be inundated
every season. Passed in the evening, a rapid of frightful appearance,
the water, in the middle of the river, foaming and rolling in waves,
as if agitated by violent wind, while on either side it was calm. We
were compelled to pass along the sand bar, and through the willows.
It was with difficulty that we could obtain dry land this evening,
the water, in most places, flows into the woods. In the night, the
water had risen so much that the men were compelled to abandon their
encampment, and sleep on board. Very little prairie in the course of
the day, but the timber of a small size.
[27] Notes upon the following subjects mentioned in this
chapter are found in Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. V of
our series: McClellan’s (Crooks’s) post, note 41;
Registre Loisel (L’Oiselle), note 105; Blackbird,
notes 47 and 48; Omaha (Maha) Indians, note 49;
Big Elk, note 52; Ponca Indians, note 63; Sergeant
Floyd, note 56.--ED.
[28] The original Council Bluffs were on the left bank
of the river, above Omaha, very near the later site
of Fort Calhoun, in Washington County, Nebraska.
The name was afterwards transferred to the Iowa
city.--ED.
[29] An Iowa affluent of the Missouri, the origin of
whose name is apparently not now known.--ED.
[30] Big Sioux River, which forms the boundary between
the present states of Iowa and South Dakota, heads
near the source of the Red River of the North, which
drains into Lake Winnipeg.--ED.
{96} CHAPTER V
Frightful rapids--News of Mr. Henry--A buffaloe--The Poncas--Meet
the Sioux--Overtake Mr. Hunt.
_Wednesday, 23d_ [_i.e._, _22d_]. A delightful day--the water has
risen to its utmost height, and presents a vast expanse--the current
uniformly rapid, in some places rolling with the most furious and
terrific violence. One of these places, below Vermillion creek,[31]
was sufficient to appal the stoutest heart: the river forms an elbow
at the termination of some bluffs, the water, compressed between them
and the sand bar, dashes against the opposite rocks. The middle of
the river appeared several feet higher than the sides. The distance
to cross, before we could reach the opposite eddy, was not more than
twice the length of the boat, but we were not able completely to
effect it, being swept down with the rapidity of flight, but fell
into the current of the opposite side, before it had {97} gained its
full force, and were not able, without great difficulty, to gain the
eddy.
The high waters enable us to cut off points, which is no small saving
of the distance. The waters begin to fall, though great quantities of
drift wood descend, and thirty or forty drowned buffaloes pass by us
every day.
I observe a much greater variety of trees and shrubs, than below,
and some altogether new to me. There is a shrub which the French
call _graisse de boeuf_, bearing a red berry, of a pungent taste;
its leaves, though smaller and more delicate, bear a resemblance
to those of the pear tree.[32] In the hollows, clumps of trees are
usually found, but what surprises me, they are very low, some of
the oaks and ash are eighteen or twenty inches in diameter, but look
like orchard trees, and have much greater resemblance to regular
plantations than wild woods.
_Thursday 23d._ Water falling rapidly--a fine breeze S. E. sailed
until eleven--passed the Hot, or Burning bluffs, on the S. W. side.
Here I observed enormous masses of pumice, and other matter, which
appeared to have undergone the action of heat, of a very high degree.
{98} I saw what was the fragment of a hill, the greater part at
present composed of pumice. From not being able to discover other
volcanic substances, I concluded these effects to have been produced
by simple ignition, whether of coal banks or not, I was unable to
ascertain. I took several large lumps of the pumice lying along the
shore, and threw them into the river, and found that they floated.
In one place the soil seemed to have all burnt away, and the remains
looked like some old ruined building. The action of fire was every
where perceptible, and no vegetation could be discovered for a
considerable distance. I observed no volcanic appearances.
About noon, we espied at some distance before us, on a sand bar,
a number of persons, whom we at first took to be Indians, but on
a nearer approach recognised to be whites. On coming to the spot,
we found a Mr. Benit, the Missouri Company’s factor at the Mandan
village.[33] He was descending in a small batteaux, loaded with
peltry, with five men. From him we learn, that with the exception
of the Mandans, Arikaras, and one or two small tribes, all the
nations of the Missouri are inimical to {99} the whites, and that
the Sioux have broken out into open hostilities. Mr. Benit, about
eleven o’clock last night, in passing by some fires below the Poncas
village, was fired on as he supposed by a party of the Yankton
band of Sioux, which was returned by him. Benit saw nothing of the
party of Hunt, having probably passed it in the night time. He also
informed us that Mr. Henry is at this time over the mountains, in
a distressed situation, that he had sent word of his intention to
return to the Mandan village in the spring, with his whole party.
Proceeded on our voyage at three o’clock, not a little disheartened
at this intelligence. A gloom overspread every countenance except
that of Lisa, who seized the helm, made an encouraging speech, sent
round the grog, and then raised the song. My thoughts, to say the
truth, were rather unpleasant, but I was inclined to believe that
if the danger was such as we were led to believe, the party of Hunt
would wait for us; or if an attack should be made upon him, or he
compelled to descend the river, we should hear of it in time to save
ourselves. Mr. Benit and an American hunter {100} were persuaded
to return with us. Passed some beautiful upland N. E. side, but
without wood; after a beautiful regular rise of twenty or thirty
feet, resembling a sodded bank, an immense level plain stretches out,
bounded only by the horizon. The hunter informs me that it extends
nearly an hundred miles with little variation. Here we remarked a
Sioux lodge, or tent, made of the dressed skins of the elk, of a
conical shape. It appears to be the custom of these people to leave
their dead in tents like these, in the course of their migrations,
until it is convenient for them to gather up their remains.
_Friday 24th._ Set off early--weather warm. The water is falling
very fast--there is still a very strong current. Passed bluffs of a
chalky appearance, perhaps limestone. A piece of ice floated by us
this morning, probably from the breaking up of some of the northern
rivers, which have contributed to the present rise. In putting off
from a bluff on the S. W. side, to cross over, my attention was
called to an object which attracted the notice of the company. A huge
buffaloe bull made his appearance on the top of the bluff standing
almost at the edge {101} of the precipice, and looking down upon us.
It was the first we had seen. Long and matted wool hung over his
head, and covered his huge shoulders, while his body was smooth,
as also the tail, except a turf at the end. It was a striking and
terrific object: he eyed us with the ferocity of the lion, seemed
at length to “snuff the tainted breeze:” threw his head into the
air, wheeled round and trotted off. It was fifteen minutes before he
disappeared entirely, and I continued to follow him with my eyes,
with a kind of delight. I was told he had gone to join his comrade;
the males at this season of the year always go in pairs, a singular
fact in the natural history of the animal.
Had a fine breeze towards evening--which enabled us to make five or
six miles more than we expected.
_Saturday 25th._ This morning ran aground, and were detained several
hours. Passed the river _a Jaque_; the principal rendezvous of the
traders with the Yankton Sioux. It is a large handsome stream,
navigable several hundred miles, with more wood on its borders than
is generally found in this part of the country. {102} Immediately at
the mouth there is an open wood, of ash and cotton trees.
_Sunday 26th._ At daylight, discovered a canoe descending with two
men, who prove to be those sent by us, to Hunt. They bring us the
pleasing information, that Hunt, in consequence of our request, has
agreed to wait for us, at the Poncas village.
Saw some buffaloe to day, and with Mr. Lisa, went several miles in
pursuit of them, but without success.
Passed a beautiful island _L’isle a bon homme_, upon which there
are the remains of an ancient fortification.[34] In the evening our
hunter killed a buffaloe, upon which we all feasted.
It is becoming very warm in the middle of the day, and our men
suffer considerably from the heat of the sun. As we had no wind this
morning, and ascended with the cordelle, I made my escape from the
boat with my rifle. Passed through a most delightful prairie, the
grass short and close, of a deep blue, and intermixed with a great
variety of beautiful flowers. With what delight could I roam over
these lovely meads, if not under restraint from the fear of meeting
some party of Indians, who {103} may be lurking about. The plain was
strewed with the ordure of the buffaloe, which gave it the appearance
of an immense pasture field. We discovered this morning, a great
deal of smoke up the river, which we suppose to have been made by
the Indians, in order to give notice of our approach; some of their
scouts having probably discovered us. This is the usual mode of
giving warning; the ordure of the buffaloe is gathered up in heaps,
and fire set to it; and such is the clearness of the atmosphere, that
this smoke can be easily discerned at the distance of ten or twenty
miles.
The scenery this evening is beautiful beyond any thing I ever
beheld. In spite of every injunction to the contrary, I could not
help wandering a few miles from the boat. The sky as clear as that
represented in Chinese painting. The face of the country enchanting.
The flowery mead, the swelling ground, the romantic hill, the bold
river, the winding rivulet, the groves, the shrubberies, all
disposed and arranged in the most exquisite manner. No idea can
be conveyed to the mind, but by recurring to one which would be
as sad as this is pleasing. Suppose for a moment, the most {104}
beautiful parts of France or Italy should at once be divested of
their population, and with it their dwellings and every vestige
of human existence--that nothing but the silent plains and a few
solitary groves and thickets should remain, there would then be some
resemblance to the scenery of the Missouri; though the contemplation
would produce grief instead of pleasure. Yet even here, I could not
but feel as if there existed a painful void--something wanting--“a
melancholy stillness reigns over the interminable waste”--no animated
beings--
----scarce an insect moves
Its filmy wing--and o’er the plain, naught breathes
But scouling blasts, or th’ eternal silence
Breaks--save when the pealing thunder roars.
In fact, I saw no living thing in the course of my evening ramble,
except a few buzzing insects. But there is a pleasure in giving wing
to fancy, which anticipates the cheerful day when this virgin soil
will give birth to millions of my countrymen. Too happy, if my after
fame might but survive on the plains of the Missouri. If the vast
expanse of ocean is considered as a sublime spectacle, this is even
{105} more so; for the eye has still greater scope, and, instead of
its monotony, now reposes upon the velvet green, or feeds on the
endless variety of hill and dale. Instead of being closed up in a
moving prison, deprived of the use of our limbs, here we may wander
at our will. The mind naturally expands, or contracts, to suit the
sphere in which it exists--in the immeasurable immensity of the
scene, the intellectual faculties are endued with an energy, a vigor,
a spring, not to be described.
The water has fallen considerably, and the current is much lessened.
_Monday 27th._ Had to oppose a contrary wind until eleven. While
exerting ourselves to pass a difficult and dangerous rapid, Lisa who
was at the head of the boat, with the grappling hook, fell overboard,
and narrowly escaped being drowned. Our boat floated down the stream.
When we renewed the attempt, strange to tell, it was my turn to fall
over, while exerting myself with a pole, in the afterpart: I was near
being swept away by the swiftness of the current, but by good luck
seized the steering oar, and drew myself into the {106} boat, before
the accident was perceived by more than two or three.
At one, arrived at the Poncas village. On our approach we found all
the inhabitants crowded to the bank, and several had waded into
the water up to the waist. The greater part of the men were naked;
the women and children filthy and disgusting. Two of the chiefs
came on board, and immediately began to beg;--“Take pity on us,
strangers--we are very poor--we have no knives to cut our meat, but
are obliged to tear it with our nails--we have no guns--we have no
powder--or lead--take pity on us, we are very poor.” This is the
contemptible whine of nearly all the nations of the Missouri. We made
a few presents; the principal chief then begged for some whiskey,
a small dram was given him, which we afterwards regretted, for in
a few moments he became troublesome--looked like a mad monkey, his
teeth chattered, his tongue moved incessantly, and his countenance
underwent a thousand ridiculous contortions and grimaces. It was with
much difficulty we could get him out of the boat; when he was led
to the edge, he appeared to be afraid to step off, though the {107}
boat was almost touching the shore; his limbs quaked, he burst into
tears, and bellowed like an ox; it was found absolutely necessary
to lift him out and set him on the ground. He had no sooner touched
it, than this babe, was converted into a ferocious demon: he seized
a huge limb of a tree, and fell on the crowd of warriors, women, and
children, and laid about him with the utmost fury; these stumbled
over each other, and ran off helter skelter, exhibiting a scene truly
ludicrous.
We could obtain no information here, further than, that Hunt had
gone off three days before, but we suppose in order to wait for us
a short distance above. Proceeded on our voyage and encamped at the
mouth of the Qui Courre, four miles above the village.[35] In the
evening, two men who proved to be deserters from the party of Hunt,
came to us with very unwelcome intelligence. It seems that Hunt, was
much astonished to find from our messengers that we were so near;
but fearing to be passed, had sent us a feigned answer in order to
conceal his real design, which was to make all possible haste to keep
out of our reach. In order to affect this, he was now making every
possible {108} exertion. Our suspicions are now fully confirmed--Hunt
is apprehensive that Lisa will endeavour to pass, and then induce
the Sioux to stop him, or he is himself resolved upon securing
his passage by the same means. Such is the effect of this unhappy
distrust; this want of mutual confidence, I fear, may in the end,
prove equally injurious to us all. Nothing is now left for us, but to
push our voyage with greater vigor than ever.
_Tuesday 28th._ Weather smoky, and extremely warm. High land on both
sides of the river, with some dwarf trees in the hollows, principally
cedar. At ten, a fine breeze springing up, we continued under sail
the rest of the day, and determining to strain every nerve, in order
to overtake Hunt, we resolved to run the risk of sailing after
night, and fortunately it happened to be moonlight. We continued
under way until eleven o’clock. As the water was in a middling stage,
there was danger of running aground, and being detained several days.
But little confidence can be placed in the soundings, on account of
the bends of the river, and the sudden changes from deep to shoal
water. {109} There is scarcely any lowland from the Qui Courre--the
country hilly.
_Wednesday 29th._ After lying by a few hours, at one o’clock, again
continued under sail--but the moon disappearing, and it becoming
dark, it was thought adviseable to lie by until day-light. The
hills hereabout, high and broken, and little or no river bottom on
either side. At two o’clock, arrived at a beautiful island, called
Little Cedar island, on which grows fine cedar, the trees uncommonly
large.[36] This is a delightful spot, the soil of the island is rich,
and it may contain about three thousand acres--the middle of the
island is a beautiful prairie, but the adjacent country is bleak and
barren. At the point of the island, discovered an encampment of Hunt,
and on examination, we discovered, to the great joy of the company
that the fire was not yet extinguished; it is therefore but a few
days since he was here. Continued under sail until eleven at night,
having in little better than twenty-four hours, made seventy-five
miles.
_Thursday 30th._ This morning, favoured with a continuance of fair
wind. The country is exceedingly rough and broken--the greater {110}
part without the least vegetation. The hills have a very singular
appearance. Near the top they look black, and seem to have been
burnt. About noon, saw some tracks, which we supposed to be of
yesterday.
In the evening, passed a very fine stream, called White river, about
three hundred yards wide at the mouth.[37] Here there is some bottom
land, and wood points; the hills covered with grass. Heard several
gun shots, which we supposed to have been from the party of Hunt.
This evening the wind abated.
_Friday 31st._ This morning, a contrary wind, and some rain.
Proceeded with the cordelle. In the course of the day, saw a large
flock of antelopes--they appear to be numerous in this part of the
country. Observed in the sand, a number of Indian tracks, and a
place, where it appeared that the boats of Mr. Hunt had stopped with
the Indians some time. One of our men discovered a curious place,
contrived by the Indians, for taking fish; it was something like a
fish basket--we found two fine catfish in it.
When about to put into the river, to cross to a point, we discovered
three buffaloes, swimming {111} towards us, and contrary to the
precautions we had agreed to observe, in making no noise, (lest
we should be discovered by the Indians, who were probably in the
neighborhood) a firing was commenced upon the poor animals, which
continued half an hour. The report of the guns, as might have been
foreseen, brought an Indian to the top of the hill, but we were too
far in the river, to return to him, or to be heard.
Towards evening, the boat having received some injury, were compelled
to stop--I went in pursuit of a buffaloe calf--on my return, found
the party somewhat uneasy on account of the length of my stay, having
been drawn by the eagerness of pursuit to a considerable distance.
Set off again, and continued to drag the boat along until late at
night. The men much fatigued.
_Saturday, June 1st._ At daylight we heard the firing of guns on the
hills below us, on the other side of the river; and concluded that
all our precautions and extraordinary exertion had been vain; that
we should be robbed and killed, or at least compelled to return;
for it was in vain to think of ascending the river if these {112}
people were determined to oppose us. In a short time they made their
appearance on the opposite sand beach, hoisted an American flag, and
fired a few shots. There was but one thing to be done, which was to
cross over to them at once, and meet the worst, every man preparing
himself for defence. Each rower had his gun by his side, and Lisa and
myself beside our knives and rifles had each a pair of pistols in
our belts. On reaching the shore, we discovered twelve or thirteen
Indians seated on a log of wood, but we supposed the principal body
of them were concealed in the woods, so as to be at hand if required.
Lisa and I leaped ashore, and shook hands with them. Having no
interpreter at this critical juncture, we were fearful of not being
understood: however, with the aid of certain signs which form a
kind of universal language amongst the Indians, and with which Lisa
was acquainted, he was enabled to hold a conversation. He told them
that he was their trader, but that he had been very unfortunate,
for all the peltries which he had collected among them, as they
well knew, had been burnt the year before; while his young men,
who had passed up to {113} the head of the river, had been greatly
distressed by the natives of those parts, who were bad people. That
he was now poor and much to be pitied, and was on his way to bring
back his young men, having resolved to leave the upper country. He
concluded, by requesting the chief to give notice to all the Sioux
bands that in three months he would return and establish a trading
factory for them at the Cedar island. This speech, together with a
handsome present, had the desired effect; though not without apparent
reluctance. Remaining as short a time as possible, we recrossed the
river. The chief is a fine looking Indian, the others were very
young men, nearly naked, with long braids of hair hanging over their
foreheads, and confined in small tubes. They have all fine features,
and are well formed. I observed a singular appendage to their
moccasins; a fox’s tail was fastened to the heel, and which trailed
along the ground as they walked. It is two days since Hunt passed
here.
We experienced a momentary relief, but did not by any means, consider
ourselves yet safe. It is possible we may have passed the principal
body of the Sioux in the night, while under {114} sail, in which
case, they will be able to overtake us by this evening, or to-morrow
morning. We therefore resolved not to remit our exertions.
About twelve o’clock we reached the great bend, twenty miles round,
and but one mile and an half across the gorge. A remarkable part
of the river. In the evening there was every appearance of an
approaching change in the state of the atmosphere; and the wind, as
usual, veered gradually round to the different points of the compass,
from south to east, from east to north, and from north to west; and
what appeared almost miraculous, shifted with the course of the river
so as to enable us to sail with a favourable wind, nearly the whole
way round the bend. In this, however, we were exposed to considerable
danger, and suffered much from a very heavy rain. Thus favoured, we
have gained a day upon Hunt.
_Sunday 2d._ Set out with my gun early this morning on the S. W. side
of the river--walked about four miles along the hills, and at length
approaching in sight of the point where the great bend terminates,
I descried on the opposite side, with much satisfaction, the boats
{115} of Mr. Hunt. I immediately returned to give the joyful
intelligence to our people. On coming opposite the place where I had
seen the boats, we discovered a great number of Indians, who beckoned
to us to cross; but supposing them to be Sioux, we determined to
continue on until we should overtake the party before us. We suffered
them to shout, to gallop their horses, and to wave their robes
unnoticed. Some distance above, two men came to us, who had been with
Hunt; the Indians we had just passed, were a party of three hundred
Arikaras, who, on hearing of our approach, had come for the purpose
of enabling us to ascend. It appears also, that we have passed all
the Sioux bands, who had been seen by Hunt, but probably finding his
party too strong, they had resolved to stop and plunder ours; that we
must have passed them in the night, or under sail, as they did not
expect to hear of us so soon.
At eleven o’clock we overtook Hunt’s party, to the satisfaction
of our little company. It was with real pleasure I took my friend
Bradbury by the hand; I had reason to believe our meeting was much
more cordial than that of {116} the two commanders. Continued under
sail in company the rest of the day, forming a handsome little fleet
of five sail. Encamped in the evening opposite the larger Cedar
island, twelve hundred miles from the mouth of the Missouri.[38]
[31] Lewis and Clark called this the Whitestone River--a
translation of its Indian name, Wassisha. It is now
Vermilion River, in South Dakota, with a town of the
same name at its mouth.--ED.
[32] This is the plant called buffalo-berry, also (by
Lewis and Clark) rabbit-berry; scientifically it is
_shepherdia argentea_.--ED.
[33] Probably this was Francis M. Benoit (Benoist), a
prominent fur-trader of St. Louis, who had formerly
maintained a post among the Oto and Pawnee. He was
born in Canada in 1768, came to St. Louis in 1790,
and was occupied with Indian trade until his death
in 1819. His son, Louis C. Benoist, was a leading
St. Louis banker.--ED.
[34] Bon Homme Island retains its name, and this has
been extended to a South Dakota county and town.
The fortification which Brackenridge mentions Lewis
and Clark described in much detail. For drawings
thereof, see _Original Journals of Lewis and Clark
Expedition_ (New York, 1904).--ED.
[35] The French name of the present Niobrara River was
L’eau qui court (rapid-running water).--ED.
[36] This was the first of the islands bearing this name,
which is still retained. It is in Gregory County,
South Dakota. The second is near Chamberlain. See
Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. v of our series, note
67.--ED.
[37] White River rises in northeastern Nebraska and flows
through South Dakota, emptying into the Missouri in
Lyman County.--ED.
[38] This was the Cedar Island upon which Loisel’s fort
stood; see Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. v of our
series, note 105.--ED.
CHAPTER VI[39]
Messrs. Bradbury and Nuttal--An excursion--Rupture between the
leaders of our parties--Arrival at the Arikara villages.
Hitherto the rapidity of our movements, and the continual anxiety
which prevailed amongst us, precluded the possibility of making any
distant excursions, or of observing the different objects which
came under our notice, with the attention I could have wished.
These inconveniences were now all passed, and I now promised myself
much pleasure in the examination {117} of the country, and of its
productions; as well as much information from the society of two
scientific men. I had little or no practical knowledge of natural
history myself, and thus far we had passed through a district
affording little else to excite attention. The surface of the
land--its shape--its appearances--was all that I could pretend to
note with accuracy, and this only on the immediate borders of the
river. We are now twelve hundred miles from the mouth; the last
six hundred, with little variation composed of grassy stepps, with
open groves at intervals along the margin of the river, and on the
uplands and hollows at a distance from it, a few copses of wood and
shrubberies. The hills of no great elevation, scarcely exceeding
those on the Ohio, and like that through which this beautiful river
holds its course, a region entirely calcareous. The shores of the
river are seldom bound by rocks; and where the bluffs or higher banks
are precipitous, we seldom see any thing but enormous masses of bare
clay, often sixty or an hundred feet in height, which is constantly
crumbling into the river. The limestone, freestone, or sandstone, but
rarely shews itself on the river. {118} From this it will be seen,
that to the mineralogist, few objects of interest are found. The
masses of pumice, and the burnt bluffs in the country of the Poncas,
are to be attributed most probably to the burning of coal banks;
for it is a well known fact, that such have been known to burn for
several years without being extinguished; and why may not the same
thing have occurred here. In one place above the Poncas village,
the river is bounded on both sides by hills of no great elevation,
bare of vegetation, and the earth from the effects of burning, in
nearly the whole of this distance, of a dark color, quite hard and
heavy, as if containing a portion of iron. Emetites are observed in
considerable quantities, from which it is probable that iron ore
exists.
Mr. Bradbury has met with but little on the subject of mineralogy;
but has been very successful in his botanical researches. He has
encountered nearly an hundred undescribed plants, many very beautiful
and curious. Within a few days he finds a great number which he calls
Mexican. We have now in fact reached that inclined plain over which
the rivers of the Provincias Internas, run into the {119} Gulf of
Mexico. There are also many alpine plants, by which he conjectures,
that we have already attained a much greater height, than any
part, of the Eastern section of the valley of the Mississippi. Mr.
Bradbury, in company with some Indians and hunters has made an
excursion from the river Platte, to the Otto villages on that river,
to the mouth of Elkhorn, which he describes as a deep navigable
stream, containing nearly as much water as the Thames at London
bridge, but this water is swallowed up in the shoals and quicksands
of the river, into which it is discharged. He passed for one hundred
and fifty miles, through a delightful champaign country, of rich,
open, smooth meadows, the borders of the streams fringed with wood:
within eight or ten miles of the Missouri, the country is more
broken and hilly, and with a still smaller proportion of wood.
There is in company a gentleman of whom I have already spoken, Mr.
Nuttal, engaged in similar pursuits, to which he appears singularly
devoted, and which seems to engross every thought, to the total
disregard of his own personal safety, and sometimes to the {120}
inconvenience of the party he accompanies. To the ignorant Canadian
boatmen, who are unable to appreciate the science, he affords a
subject of merriment; _le fou_ is the name by which he is commonly
known. When the boat touches the shore, he leaps out, and no sooner
is his attention arrested by a plant or flower, then every thing
else is forgotten. The inquiry is made _ou est le fou?_ where is the
fool? _il est apres ramassee des racines_, he is gathering roots. He
is a young man of genius, and very considerable acquirements, but is
too much devoted to his favorite pursuit, and seems to think that no
other study deserves the attention of a man of sense. I hope, should
this meet his eye, it will give no offence; for these things, often
constituted a subject of merriment to us both.
The day after this fortunate junction, we continued our voyage, but
were opposed by a strong wind from the N. E. which, compelled us,
after we had proceeded a few miles, to encamp for the remainder of
the day.
Took my gun, and set off to make an excursion. The country is
altogether open, excepting some groves of cotton-wood in the bottom.
{121} The upland rises into considerable hills, about one third
covered with a very short grass, intermixed with a great variety of
plants and flowers, the rest consists of hills of clay, almost bare
of every kind of vegetation. On the tops of the higher hills, at some
distance from the river, there are masses of granite, of several tons
weight, and great quantities of pebbles. In the course of my ramble,
I happened on a village of barking squirrels, or prairie dogs, as
they have been called. My approach was announced by an incessant
barking, or rather chirping, similar to that of a common squirrel,
though much louder. The village was situated on the slope of a hill,
and appeared to be at least a mile in length; the holes were seldom
at a greater distance from each other than twenty or thirty paces.
Near each hole, there was a small elevation of earth, of six or eight
inches, behind which, the little animal posted himself, and never
abandoned it, or ceased the demonstrations of alarm, ‘insignificantly
fierce,’ until I approached within a few paces. As I proceeded
through the village, they disappeared, one after another, before
me. There was never more than one at each hole. I had {122} heard
that the magpie, the Missouri rattle snake, and the horn frog, were
observed to frequent these places; but I did not see any of them,
except the magpie. The rattle snake of the prairies, is about the
same length with the common rattle snake, but more slender, and the
color white and black.
In the course of the evening, I had an opportunity of seeing the
manner in which the antelope is taken in these open plains, where
there is no possibility of approaching by insidious means. A
handkerchief is placed on the end of a ramrod, and waved in the air,
the hunter lying flat on the ground. If any of the animals be in
sight, they run instantly to the place, and perform a circuit around,
approaching often within twenty or thirty yards, which gives an
opportunity of firing on them. This is the most swift and beautiful
little animal on our continent.[40] The description of the gazel of
Africa, the favorite theme of Arabian poetry, might be applied to
the antelope of the Missouri. It is perhaps, the most swift of all
animals; and the most timid. Its course over the country is more like
flight, than the movement of a quadruped. Its color is that of the
deer, but {123} in shape it bears a greater resemblance to the goat,
though larger, and of a form much more delicate; I often amuse myself
with watching the motions of this little animal.
The party of Mr. Hunt consists of about eighty men, chiefly
Canadians, the rest are American-hunters.
_Tuesday 4th._ Set off at seven--wind contrary, though not so strong
as yesterday. After doubling a point, we found that from the course
of the river, the wind would be favorable, and accordingly sailed
for eight or ten miles. We saw at the mouth of a small creek, a
herd of buffaloe of all sizes, crowded together, to the number of
several hundred. We immediately debarked, but they disappeared before
we succeeded in killing any of them. The appearance of the country
has varied but little for several days past. Bleak and dreary--the
bottoms narrow; in some places none at all, and clay bluffs.
_Wednesday 5th._ This morning after proceeding a short distance we
were compelled, by rain, to put to shore, where we continued until
towards evening, and seeing no probability that the weather would
clear up, crossed {124} over to the S. W. side, where Hunt and his
party were encamped. On the side we had left, the hills approach
close to the river, and bare of vegetation; the earth a stiff clay,
which being now moistened by the rain is exceedingly slippery. On
the other side there is a handsome plain, with a row of trees along
the margin of the river, and a handsome wood along the borders of a
little rivulet which flows across the plain. The upland rises at the
distance of a quarter of a mile, to the height of sixty or seventy
feet, in a number of projecting points, or hills. On ascending this
ground we found ourselves on an extended plain, upon which at the
distance of a few miles the hills rose in strange, irregular broken
masses. Mr. Bradbury and I took a stroll from the camp, in quest of
specimens and adventures. Before reaching the upland we observed on
the river bottom a large encampment of Sioux, where they had probably
remained during winter, from the traces of tents, the quantity of
bones, and the appearance of the ground. Their position was well
chosen; the wood of the Missouri, and that of the streamlet I have
just mentioned, at {125} right angles with it, formed two sides of
the camp, on the other sides there is an open plain. In this place
it would have been difficult to have attacked them by surprise. On
coming to the upland we found the points of the hills stony, and
large masses of detached rock here and there on the more elevated
places. The grass short, intermixed with many beautiful small
flowers, but no weeds. A few prickly pears (cactus) were seen, but of
a small size, not exceeding a few inches in length, and the thorns
not strong. The upland was at every little distance, indented with
ravines, or hollows, some of them bare of soil and still subject to
the washing of the rains, others well covered with grass. Upon one
of these projecting points, we observed at some distance a small
group of buffaloes lying down. Stealing along the brow of the hill,
we ascended from a ravine, approached within thirty or forty yards,
and taking aim together, fired at a cow that happened to be nearest
to us; she started up and bellowed, the others seemed to be but
little alarmed, until we rose up and advanced towards them, when
they trotted off slowly to the hills, leaving the cow who went {126}
off in a different direction. The wounded buffaloe, or deer, always
leave the herd. I pursued her for some distance, but found that she
was not mortally wounded. The flight of these alarmed other herds
which were feeding at a distance; there was something picturesque in
the appearance of these herds of buffaloe, slowly winding round the
sides of the distant hills, disappearing in some hollow and again
emerging to view. Wide and beaten roads formed by the passing of the
buffaloe, may every where be seen. While Mr. Bradbury was engaged in
collecting specimens, I ran to a point at the distance of a mile,
where I saw some antelopes, and had the good fortune, by ascending a
ravine to approach within sixty yards. They proved to be six females
and one male; the latter at every instant performed a circuit in
a small trot, and then suddenly stopped short, as if to see that
nothing came near. The tail like that of the goat, and perfectly
white, the limbs small and delicate, the horns like those of the
deer, with several prongs, but they are never shed, and the female
has them as well as the male, though of a smaller size. On shewing
myself they flew off, and I {127} had scarce time to reach the spot
they left, until they reappeared upon another point, as far off as
when I first saw them. We saw in the course of the evening, several
wolves, villages of prairie dogs, a herd of elk, and a hare of the
species called _lepus variabilis_, its color was at this time grey,
but becomes white in winter.
On our return, I found that a disagreeable misunderstanding had taken
place between the two chiefs of the parties: The interpreter of Mr.
Hunt, had improperly relinquished the service of the company, to
which he was still indebted. Mr. Lisa had several times mentioned
to him the impropriety of his conduct, and perhaps had made him
some offers, in order to draw him from his present service. This
was certainly imprudent, and placed him in the power of a worthless
fellow, who, without doubt, retailed the conversation to his
master, with some additions. This evening, while in Hunt’s camp,
to which he had gone on some business, he was grossly insulted by
the interpreter, who struck him several times, and seized a pair of
pistols belonging to Hunt;--that gentleman did not {128} seem to
interest himself much in the affair, being actuated by feelings of
resentment, at the attempt to inveigle his man. On my return to our
camp, I found Mr. Lisa furious with rage, buckling on his knife, and
preparing to return: finding that I could not dissuade, I resolved
to accompany him. It was with the greatest difficulty I succeeded
in preventing the most serious consequences. I had several times to
stand between him and the interpreter, who had a pistol in each hand.
I am sorry to say, that there was but little disposition on the part
of Mr. Hunt to prevent the mischief that might have arisen. I must,
in justice to him declare, however, that it was through him that
Mr. M’Clelland was induced not to put his threat[41] in execution,
having pledged his honour to that effect. I finally succeeded in
bringing Lisa off to his boat. When it is recollected that this was
at a distance of a thousand miles from all civil authority, or power,
it will be seen that there was but little to restrain the effects of
animosity. Having obtained, in some measure, the confidence of {129}
Mr. Hunt, and the gentlemen who were with him, and Mr. Bradbury that
of Mr. Lisa, we mutually agreed to use all the arts of mediation in
our power, and if possible, prevent any thing serious.
_Thursday 6th._ Weather clearing up. The water rising very
fast--supposed the annual flood. This morning passed the ruins
of an Indian village, there were great piles of buffaloe bones,
and quantities of earthen ware. The village appears to have been
scattered round a kind of citadel, or fortification, enclosing four
or five acres, and of an oval form. The earth is thrown up about four
feet, there are a few cedar palisadoes remaining. Probably, in cases
of siege, the whole village was crowded into this space.
_Friday 28th_ [_i. e._, _7th._] Continued under way as usual. All
kind of intercourse between the leaders has ceased. In the evening,
passed several old villages, said to be of the Arikara nation. The
bottoms, or points, become wider, and the bluffs of a less disgusting
appearance; there are but few clay hills, the country being generally
covered with grass.
{130} _Saturday 8th._ Contrary wind to-day, though delightful
weather. This morning, passed a large and handsome river, called
the Chienne, S. W. side. It appears as large as the Cumberland
or Tennessee. Saw at this place, the ruins of an old village and
fortification. The country hereabouts is fine, and better wooded
than any I have seen for the last three hundred miles. A tolerable
settlement might be supported here. Game is very abundant--elk, deer,
and buffaloe without number. We observed this evening, forty or
fifty skin canoes, which had been left by some war party which had
crossed here. Such is the wanton destruction of the buffaloe, that,
I am informed, the Indians will kill them merely for the purpose of
procuring their skins for these canoes.
Encamped a few miles above the Chienne river, in a beautiful bottom.
No art can surpass the beauty of this spot; trees of different kinds,
shrubs, plants, flowers, meadow, and upland, charmingly dispersed.
What coolness and freshness breathes around! The river is bordered
with cotton-wood, and a few elms, there is then an open space of
thirty or forty paces, after which begins a delightful shrubbery
{131} of small ash trees, the graisse de beouf, the gooseberry,
currant, &c. forming a most delightful avenue. We all remark, that
the singing of the birds is much sweeter than in the forests of the
states. This is fancifully accounted for by Mr. Bradbury, from the
effects of society; from the scantiness of woods, they are compelled
to crowd on the same tree, and in this way impart improvement to
each other. Assuming it as a fact, that the birds of Europe sing
better than those of America, he asks, can it be owing to any other
reason than this? There are great numbers of the common field lark;
the black bird, thrush, martin, and wren, are also numerous. Turkeys,
patridges, or pheasants, are not to be seen beyond the Maha village.
The moschetoes have been exceedingly troublesome for several days
past. They disappear in the evenings, which are cool, or with the
slightest wind.
_Sunday 9th._ Got under way this morning, with fine weather.
Discovered great numbers of buffaloe; on the N. W. side, an extensive
level meadow. Numbers began to swim across the river, as Hunt whose
party was before us, {132} was passing along; they waited and killed
as many as they wanted; a number which were started from an island,
swam towards us, and we killed several also.
Mr. Bradbury and I went out on the N. W. side, where the buffaloe
had been first seen, and walked several miles. A very beautiful
and extensive meadow, at least a mile wide, but without a tree or
shrub--the upland bare. Passed a Sioux encampment of last fall--from
appearance there must have been three or four hundred here. Amongst
other things, our curiosity was attracted, by a space, about twenty
feet in diameter, enclosed with poles, with a post in the middle,
painted red, and at some distance, a buffaloe head raised upon
a little mound of earth. We are told, this is a place where an
incantation for rendering the buffaloe plenty, had been performed.
Amongst other ceremonies, the pipe is presented to the head. I
started several elk and departed from Mr. Bradbury to go in pursuit
of them--I ran several miles along the hills, but without success. I
had wandered about a mile from the river, but could distinctly see
it. The country rises in steps, each step an extensive plain. Herds
{133} of buffaloe could be seen at such a distance as to appear like
black spots or dots. How different are the feelings in the midst of
this romantic scenery, from those experienced in the close forests of
the Ohio?
At four o’clock hoisted sail with a fair wind. From the moment of our
departure, we were hardly ever out of sight of herds of buffaloes,
feeding on the hills and in the plains, and in the course of the
day saw elk and antelopes in abundance. These objects enliven the
scenery, but there is something strange in thus passing day after day
without meeting any human beings. A vast country inhabited only by
buffaloes, deer, and wolves, has more resemblance to the fictions of
the ‘Arabian Nights Entertainments’ than to reality. Towards evening,
seeing a number of buffaloes crowded on a small beach at the foot
of an island, orders were given to observe silence, while seven or
eight of us posted ourselves to the best advantage. They suffered us
to approach within thirty or forty yards, while they stood gazing at
the sail with blank indifference. We selected the fattest and fired
on him together. Notwithstanding his wounds, which must have been
mortal, he endeavoured to make off with {134} the rest. We pursued
him into the island--the animal had now become ferocious from his
wounds, and it was found dangerous to approach him. He received
twenty balls in his body before he was brought to the ground.
The island is beautiful. It is completely surrounded by cotton
wood and cedar trees, but the space within is a handsome clear
meadow. Along the edges of the woods in the inside, there are great
quantities of gooseberry bushes; all these islands are much alike in
this respect, and surpass any I have seen on the lower part of the
river.
_Monday 10th._ During the whole of this day had a fine wind which
enabled us to make thirty-five miles. Encamped opposite a fine
stream, called Ser-war-cerna, N. W. side.
The country wears a handsome aspect; the hills gently swelling, and
some delightful prairie on the river. There is but little wood. In
the course of the day we saw great numbers of buffaloe, in herds of
several hundreds each.
_Tuesday 11th._ Continued our voyage with a slight wind. The country
much the same as that of yesterday. Encamped some distance below
the island on which the Arikara village {135} was situated some
years ago--they have removed a few miles further up. This evening I
went to the camp of Mr. Hunt to make arrangements as to the manner
of arriving at the village, and of receiving the chiefs. This is
the first time our leaders have had any intercourse directly or
indirectly since the quarrel. Mr. Lisa appeared to be suspected; they
supposed it to be his intention to take advantage of his influence
with the Arikara nation, and do their party some injury in revenge. I
pledged myself that this should not be the case.
_Wednesday 12th._ Heavy rains accompanied by thunder and lightning
last night.
At nine o’clock two of the chiefs with the interpreter employed by
the company, came on board our boat. They are both fine looking
men, much above the common size, and with much fairer complexions
than any Indians I have seen. One is the hereditary village chief;
named the _Left handed_; the other a ferocious, and gigantic looking
fellow, is the principal war chief, named the _Big man_. At ten we
put to shore opposite the village, in order to dry our baggage, which
was completely wet. The leaders of the party of Hunt were still
suspicious {136} that Lisa intended to betray them.--M’Clelland
declared that he would shoot him the moment he discovered any thing
like it. In the mean time, the chief spoke across the river, which is
here about a half mile wide; we understood that he was giving orders
to prepare the council lodge. The village appeared to occupy about
three quarters of a mile along the river bank, on a level plain, the
country behind it rising into hills of considerable height. There are
little or no woods any where to be seen. The lodges are of a conical
shape, and look like heaps of earth. A great number of horses are
seen feeding in the plains around, and on the sides of the hills.
I espied a number of squaws, in canoes, descending the river and
landing at the village. The interpreter informed me, that they were
returning home with wood. These canoes are made of a single buffaloe
hide, stretched over osiers, and of a circular form. There was but
one woman in each canoe, who kneeled down and paddled in front. The
load was fastened to the canoe and dragged along. The water being a
little rough, these canoes sometimes almost disappeared between the
waves, which produced a {137} curious effect; the squaws with the
help of a little fancy, might be taken for mermaids, sporting on the
billows; the canoe rising and sinking with them, while the women were
visible from the waist upwards.
About two o’clock, all matters being arranged, fourteen of us crossed
over and accompanied the village chief to his lodge. Mats were laid
around for us to sit upon, while he placed himself on a kind of stool
or bench. The pipe was then handed round and smoked; after which the
herald (every chief or great man has one of them) ascended to the top
of the lodge, and seating himself near an open place, began to bawl
out like a town crier; the chief every now and then addressing him
something through the before mentioned aperture or skylight. We soon
discovered the object of this, by the arrival of the other chiefs,
about twenty in number, who came dropping in as their respective
names were called over, and squatted down upon the bear, or buffaloe
skins.
When all were seated, the crier prepared the pipe, then handed it to
the chief, who, as is usual on solemn occasions, began by blowing
{138} a whiff upwards, as it were to the heavens, then to the earth,
and afterwards to the east.
“----O Jove! O earth!
And thou fair sun,----”
After which the pipe was sent round. A mark of respect in handing the
pipe to another, is to hold it until he has taken several whiffs.
After this ceremony, the chief began the usual complaint of poverty,
&c. not in the spirit of the good Evander, who only alludes to his
poverty, to show how much he is above the love of wealth, and tells
his guests that his humble roof was not scorned even by a deity.
He then declared that he was happy to see us in his village and to
take us by the hand as friends. Lisa in reply to this, after the
usual common-place, observed that he was come to trade amongst them
and the Mandans, but that these persons, (pointing to Hunt and his
comrades,) were going a long journey to the great Salt lake, to the
west, and he hoped would meet with favourable treatment; and that
any injury offered them, he would consider as done to himself; that
although distinct parties, yet as to the safety of either, they were
but one. This candid and {139} frank declaration, at once removed
all suspicion from the minds of the others, who had become seriously
apprehensive that Lisa, finding himself amongst a people who were
perfectly at his disposal, might betray them. A number of short
speeches were made by the other chiefs and warriors. On the proposal
of trading, the _Left handed_ required a day or two, until he could
consult with his people, and fix the terms upon which the trade would
be conducted: with this the council ended, the boats were ordered
over and encamped a little distance below the village. A guard of
Indian warriors was placed to keep off the populace and prevent
pilfering.
[39] Notes upon the following subjects mentioned in this
chapter are found in Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. v
of our series: Arikara Indians, notes 76 and 83;
Cheyenne River, note 81; Surwarcarna River, note
82.--ED.
[40] The American antelope (_Antilocapra americâna_) was
first made known to the scientific world by the
description of Lewis and Clark. It is frequently
called “cabra,” from the Spanish word for goat.--ED.
[41] That if ever he fell in with Lisa, in the Indian
country, he would shoot him.--BRACKENRIDGE.
{140} CHAPTER VII[42]
Arikara villages--An alarm in the village--Manners and customs.
The morning after the council, we were completely drenched by heavy
rains, which had fallen during the night. The chief has not given
his answer as to the conditions of the trade. It is for him usually
to fix the price, on a consultation with his subordinate chiefs; to
this the whole village must conform. The Indian women and girls were
occupied all this morning in carrying earth in baskets, to replace
that which the rain had washed off their lodges. Rambled through the
village, which I found excessively filthy, the ‘villainous smells,’
which every where assailed me, compelled me at length, to seek refuge
in the open plain. The lovers of Indian manners, and mode of living,
should contemplate them at a distance. The rains had rendered their
village little better than a hog pen; the police appeared to me, in
general, extremely negligent. Some of {141} the ancient cities of
the old world, were probably like this village, inattentive to that
cleanliness so necessary to health, where a great mass of beings are
collected in one place; and we need not be surprised at the frequency
of desolating plagues and pestilence. The village is swarming with
dogs and children. I rank these together, for they are inseparable
companions. Wherever I went, the children ran away, screaming and
frightened at my outre and savage appearance. Let us not flatter
ourselves with the belief, that the effect of civilization and
refinement, is to render us agreeable and lovely to the eyes of those
whom we exclusively denominate savages! The dogs, of which each
family has thirty or forty, pretended to make a show of fierceness,
but on the least threat, ran off. They are of different sizes and
colors. A number are fattened on purpose to eat, others are used for
drawing their baggage. It is nothing more than the domesticated wolf.
In wandering through the prairies, I have often mistaken wolves for
Indian dogs. The larger kind has long curly hair, and resembles the
shepherd dog. There is the same diversity amongst the wolves of this
country. {142} They may be more properly said to howl, than bark.
The lodges are constructed in the following manner: Four large forks
of about fifteen feet in height, are placed in the ground, usually
about twenty feet from each other, with hewn logs or beams across;
from these beams other pieces are placed above, leaving an aperture
at the top to admit the light, and to give vent to the smoke. These
upright pieces are interwoven with osiers, after which the whole is
covered with earth, though not sodded. An opening is left at one side
for a door, which is secured by a kind of projection of ten or twelve
feet, enclosed on all sides, and forming a narrow entrance, which
might be easily defended. A buffaloe robe suspended at the entrance,
answers as a door. The fire is made in a hole in the ground, directly
under the aperture at the top. Their beds elevated a few feet, are
placed around the lodge, and enclosed with curtains of dressed elk
skins. At the upper end of the lodge, there is a kind of trophy
erected; two buffaloe heads, fantastically painted, are placed on
a little elevation; over them, are fixed a variety of consecrated
things, such as shields, {143} skins of a rare or valuable kind,
and quivers of arrows. The lodges are placed at random, without any
regularity or design, and are so much alike, that it was for some
time before I could learn to return to the same one. The village
is surrounded by a palisade of cedar poles, but in a very bad
state. Around the village there are little plats enclosed by stakes,
entwined with osiers, in which they cultivate maize, tobacco, and
beans; but their principal field is at the distance of a mile from
the village, to which, such of the females, whose duty it is to
attend to their culture, go and return morning and evening. Around
the village they have buffaloe robes stuck on high poles. I saw one
so arranged as to bear a resemblance to the human figure, the hip
bone of the buffaloe represented the head, the sockets of the thigh
bones looked like eyes.
_Friday 14th._ It rained again last night, which prevented the trade
from commencing until some time in the day. Mr. Lisa sent a quantity
of goods to the lodge of the principal chief before mentioned, and
Hunt to the one who accompanied him to meet us, the principal war
chief. The price of a horse was commonly {144} ten dollars worth of
goods at first cost. Hunt had resolved to purchase horses at this
place, and proceed by land to the Columbia, being assured by some
hunters, who met him before his arrival here, that this would be his
best route.
Mr. Bradbury and I, took a walk into the upper village, which is
separated from the lower by a stream about twenty yards wide--Entered
several lodges, the people of which received us with kindness,
placed mats and skins for us to sit on, and after smoking the pipe,
offered us something to eat; this consisted of fresh buffaloe meat
served in a wooden dish. They had a variety of earthen vessels,
in which they prepared their food, or kept water. After the meat,
they offered us homony made of corn dried in the milk, mixed with
beans, which was prepared with buffaloe marrow, and tasted extremely
well. Also the prairie turnip, pounded and made into gruel. This
is a root that abounds in the prairies--has something of the taste
of the turnip, but more dry. Their most common food is homony and
dried buffaloe meat. In one of the lodges which we visited, we found
the doctor, who was preparing some {145} medicine for a sick lad.
He was cooling with a spoon a decoction of some roots, which had a
strong taste and smell, resembling jalap. He showed us a variety of
simples which he used. The most of them were common plants with some
medical properties, but rather harmless than otherwise. The boy had
a slight pleurisy. The chief remedy for their diseases, which they
conceive to be owing to a disorder of the bowels, is rubbing the
abdomen and sides of the patient, sometimes with such violence, as
to cause fainting. When they become dangerous, they resort to charms
and incantations, such as singing, dancing, blowing on the sick, &c.
They are very successful in the treatment of wounds. When the wound
becomes very obstinate, they resort to the actual cautery, after
which it heals more easily.
_Saturday 15th._ Fine weather--Took a walk with Mr. Bradbury through
the country, which is entirely open, and somewhat hilly. Large masses
of granite were usually found on the highest knobs. We saw a great
variety of plants, and some new ones--One or two of the vallies are
beautiful, with scarcely any shrubs {146} but dwarf plum trees,
scattered along a rivulet.
On our return in the evening, an alarm prevailed in the village,
which appeared to be all in commotion. We were informed that the
Sioux, their enemies, were near. This was probably all preconcerted.
I was shewn, at the distance of about two miles, four horsemen on the
top of a hill, at full gallop, passing and re-passing each other,
which I understand is the usual signal given by the scouts, (some of
whom are constantly on the alert,) of the approach of an enemy. To
give intelligence of the appearance of a herd of buffaloe, instead
of crossing each other, they gallop backward and forward abreast.
Presently the warriors issued from the village with great noise
and tumult, pursuing the direction in which the signal was made,
down the river, and past our encampment; observing no regular march,
but running helter skelter, like persons in one of our towns to
extinguish a fire--and keeping up a continual hallooing to encourage
each other. A number were on horseback, but the greater part on foot.
Some were dressed in their most gaudy {147} stile, with the cincture
of feathers, and their ornaments of the head made of plumes, fitted
round a kind of crown. The tops of the lodges were crowded with women
and children, and with old men, who could give no assistance, but by
their lungs, which they kept well employed: yet there were several
who sallied forth, bending under the weight of years. I counted
upwards of five hundred in all. They soon after returned; whether
they had chased away the enemy, or the alarm had turned out false, I
never learned.
In the course of the next day, several parties arrived from different
directions. According to custom they were met by warriors and
conducted to the council lodge, where they gave an account of what
had occurred, which was afterwards announced to the village by
heralds, who went round bawling out the news at the door of each
lodge. These occurrences contribute to enliven the village; yet
independently of these, it continually presents a busy and animated
scene. Great numbers of men are engaged in the different games of
address and agility, others judging, or looking on, and many employed
in a variety of other ways. There are {148} a great number of women
constantly at work in dressing buffaloe robes, which are placed
on frames before the lodges. One of the parties which arrived to
day, came from the snake nation, where they had stolen horses. This
arrested their employments for a moment, the immediate friends and
relatives of such as returned, spent the evening in rejoicing; while
several females who had lost a relation, retired to the hills behind
the village, where they continued to cry the whole afternoon.
In the evening they usually collect on the tops of the lodges, where
they sit and converse: every now and then the attention of all is
attracted by some old man who rises up and declaims aloud, so as
to be heard all over the village. There is something in this like
a quaker meeting. Adair labors to prove the Indian tribes to be
descended from the Jews,[43] I might here adduce this as an argument
in favor of these people being a colony of quakers. The object of
this harangue was to urge the people to treat the strangers well.
To have such amongst them, is regarded as a matter of pride and
exultation amongst the Indian nations, and often gives rise to
jealousies. {149} There is hardly such invidious distinction as that
of natives and foreigners. If a man brings any thing useful to the
society in which he happens to be, he is thought to confer a favour
on it--he is thought to increase the wealth or safety of the tribe.
_Monday 17th._ This day arrived a deputation from the Chienne nation,
to announce that those people were on their march to Arikara, and
would be here in fifteen days. I sometimes amused myself with the
idea of forming a gazette of the daily occurrences. We here see an
independent nation, with all the interests and anxieties of the
largest; how little would its history differ from that of one of
the Grecian states! A war, a treaty, deputations sent and received,
warlike excursions, national mourning or rejoicing, and a thousand
other particulars, which constitute the chronicle of the most
celebrated people.
In the evening, about sundown, the women cease from their labors,
and collect in little knots, and amuse themselves with a game
something like jack-stones: five pebbles are tossed up in a small
basket, with which they endeavor to catch them again as they fall.
{150} _Tuesday 18th._ Confidence had been somewhat restored between
the leaders of the two parties, since the council in the village. Mr.
Hunt having resolved to start from this village, a bargain was made
with Mr. Lisa, for the sale of Hunt’s boats and some merchandise; in
consequence of which, we recrossed the river in order to make the
exchange, after which we returned and encamped. We are to set off
to-morrow morning to the Mandan villages.
Before I bid adieu to Arikara, I must note some general matters
relating to their character and manners.
The men are large and well proportioned, complexion somewhat fairer
than that of Indians generally--usually go naked:--the dress they
put on seems intended more for ornament than as essential; this
consists of a sort of cassoc or shirt, made of the dressed skin of
the antelope, and ornamented with porcupine quills, died a variety of
colors; a pair of leggings, which are ornamented in the same way. A
buffaloe hide dressed with the hair on, is then thrown over the right
shoulder, the quiver being {151} hung on the other, if armed with a
bow.[44] They generally permit their hair to grow long; I have, in
one or two instances, seen it reach to their heels, when increased
by artificial locks of horse hair; and is then usually divided into
several braids, matted at intervals, with a white tenacious clay;
sometimes it is rolled up in a ball, and fixed on the top of the
head. They always have a quantity of feathers about them; those of
the black eagle are most esteemed. They have a kind of crown made
of feathers, such as we see represented in the usual paintings of
Indians, which is very beautiful. The swan is in most estimation for
this purpose. Some ornament the neck with necklaces made of the claws
of the white bear. To their heels they sometimes fasten foxes’ tails,
and on their leggings suspend deers’ hoofs, so as to make a rattling
noise as they move along. On seeing a warrior dressed in all this
finery, walking with his wife, who was comparatively plain in her
dress or ornaments, I could not but think this was {152} following
the order of nature, as in the peacock, the stag, and almost all
animals, the male is lavishly decorated, while the female is plain
and unadorned. I intend this as a hint to some of our petit maitres.
The dress of the female consists of a long robe made of the dressed
skins of the elk, the antelope, or the agalia, and ornamented with
blue beads, and stripes of ermine, or in its place, of some white
skin. The robe is girded round the waist with a broad zone, highly
ornamented with porcupine quills, and beads. They are no better
off than were the Greeks and Romans, in what we deem at present so
essential, but like them they bathe themselves regularly, twice a
day. The women are much fairer than the men; some might be considered
handsome any where; and exceed the other sex in point of numbers; the
dreadful consequence of the wars in which the nation is constantly
engaged. Polygamy is general, they have often four or five wives.
Their courtship and marriage resemble that of most of the Indian
nations; if the parties are mutually agreeable to each other, there
is a consultation of the family; if this be also favourable, the
father of the girl, or whoever {153} gives her in marriage, makes a
return for the present he had received from the lover--the match is
then concluded.
They display considerable ingenuity and taste in their works of
art: this observation applies to all the American nations, from
the Mexicans to the most savage. Their arms, household utensils,
and their dresses, are admirably made. I saw a gun which had been
completely stocked by an Indian. A curious instance of native
ingenuity which came under my notice, ought not to be omitted. I
was told one day, of an old Indian who was making a blanket; I
immediately went to see him. To my surprise, I found an old man,
perfectly blind, seated on a stool before a kind of frame, over which
were drawn coarse threads, or rather twists of buffaloe wool, mixed
with wolf’s hair; he had already made about a quarter of a yard of
a very coarse rough cloth. He told me that it was the first he had
attempted, and that it was in consequence of a dream, in which he
thought he had made a blanket like those of the white people. Here
are the rudiments of weaving. They make beautiful {154} jugs, or
baskets, with osier, so close as to hold water.
I observed some very old men amongst them--from the purity of the
air, and the healthiness of the climate it is not surprising that
human life should be drawn out to a great length. The ravages of the
small pox, that dreadful scourge to the Indians, has been felt by
these people in all its severity. These villages are the remains of
seventeen distinct tribes. One day, in passing through the village, I
saw something brought out of a lodge in a buffaloe robe, and exposed
to the sun; on approaching, I discovered it to be a human being, but
so shrivelled up, that it had nearly lost the human physiognomy:
almost the only sign of life discernible, was a continual sucking
its hands, and feeble moan like that of a young infant. On inquiring
of the chief, he told me that he had seen it so ever since he was a
boy. He appeared to be at least forty-five. It is almost impossible
to ascertain the age of an Indian when he is above sixty; I made
inquiries of several, who appeared to me little short of an hundred,
but could form no satisfactory conjecture. Blindness is very common,
arising {155} probably from the glare of the snow, during a greater
part of the year. I observed the goitre, or swelled neck, in a few
instances.
Their government is oligarchical, but great respect is paid to
popular opinion. It is utterly impossible to be a great man amongst
them, without being a distinguished warrior; and though respect is
paid to birth, it must be accompanied by other merit, to procure much
influence. They are divided into different bands or classes; that of
the pheasant, which is composed of the oldest men; that of the bear,
the buffaloe, the elk, the dog, &c. Each of these has its leader, who
generally takes the name of the class, exclusively.[45] Initiation
into these classes, on arriving at the proper age, and after having
given proofs of being worthy of it, is attended with great ceremony.
The band of dogs, is considered the most brave and effective in war,
being composed of young men under thirty. War parties are usually
proposed by some individual warrior, and according to the confidence
placed in him, his followers are numerous or otherwise. In these
excursions they wander to a great distance, seldom venturing to
return home without {156} a scalp, or stolen horses. Frequently when
unsuccessful they “cast their robes,” as they express it, and vow
to kill the first person they meet, provided he be not of their own
nation. In crossing the river, they use canoes made of the buffaloe
hide, or a few pieces of wood fastened together. They usually leave
some token, as a stake, which is marked so as to convey some idea of
their numbers, the direction which they have taken, &c. To avoid
surprise, they always encamp at the edge of a wood; and when the
party is small, they construct a kind of fortress, with wonderful
expedition, of billets of wood, apparently piled up in a careless
manner, but so arranged as to be very strong, and by this means to
withstand an assault from a much superior force. They are excellent
horsemen--they will shoot an arrow at full speed, and again pick
it up from the ground without stopping: sometimes they will lean
entirely upon one leg, throwing their bodies to that side, so as
to present nothing but the leg and thigh, on the other. In pursuit
of the buffaloe, they will gallop down steep hills, broken almost
into precipices. Some of their horses are very fine, run swiftly,
and are {157} soon worn out, from the difficulty of procuring food
for them in winter, the smaller branches of the cotton-wood tree
being almost the only fodder which they give them. Their hunting is
regulated by the warriors chosen for the occasion, who urge on such
as are tardy, and repress often with blows, those who would rush on
too soon. When a herd of buffaloe is discovered, they approach in
proper order, within half a mile, they then separate and dispose
themselves, so as in some measure, to surround them, when at the
word, they rush forward at full speed, and continue the chase as long
as their horses can stand it: a hunter usually shoots two arrows
into a buffaloe, and then goes in pursuit of another; if he kills
more than three in the hunt, he is considered as having acquitted
himself well. The tongue is the prize of the person who has slain
the animal; and he that has the greater number, is considered the
best hunter of the day. Their weapons consist of guns, war clubs,
spears, bows, and lances. They have two kinds of arrows, one for the
purpose of the chase, and the other for war; the latter differs in
this particular, that the barb or point is fastened so slightly, that
when it enters the {158} body, it remains in, and cannot be drawn
out with the wood; therefore, when it is not in a vital part, the
arrow is pushed entirely through. They do not poison them. Their bows
are generally very small; an elk’s horn, or two ribs of a buffaloe,
often constitute the materials of which they are made. Those of wood
are of willow, the back covered with sinews. Their daily sports, in
which, when the weather is favorable, they are engaged from morning
till night, are principally of two kinds. A level piece of ground
appropriated for the purpose, (and beaten by frequent use,) is the
place where they are carried on. The first is played by two persons,
each provided with a long pole; one of them rolls a hoop, which,
after having reached about two-thirds of the distance, is followed at
half speed, and as they perceive it about to fall, they cast their
poles under it; the pole on which the hoop falls, so as to be nearest
to certain corresponding marks on the hoop and pole, gains for that
time. This game excites great interest, and produces a gentle, but
animated exercise. The other differs from it in this, that instead of
poles, they have short pieces of wood, with barbs at one end, and a
{159} cross piece at the other, held in the middle with one hand; but
instead of the hoop before mentioned, they throw a small ring, and
endeavor to put the point of the barb through it. This is a much more
violent exercise than the other.[46]
With respect to their religion, it is extremely difficult,
particularly from the slight acquaintance I had with them, to form
any just idea. They have some notion of a supreme being, whom they
call the “Master of Life,” but they offer him no rational worship,
and have but indistinct ideas of a future state. Their devotion
manifests itself in a thousand curious tricks of slight of hand,
which they call magic, and which the vulgar amongst them believe
to be something supernatural. They are very superstitious. Beside
their magic, or medicine lodge, in which they have a great collection
of magic, or sacred things, every one has his private magic in his
lodge, or about his person. Any thing curious is immediately made an
amulet, or a talisman; and is considered as devoted or consecrated,
so as to deprive the owner of the power of giving it away. The
principal war chief lately took advantage {160} of this. Having
obtained a very fine horse, which he was desirous of keeping, but
fearing that some one might ask him as a gift, and as to refuse would
be unbecoming a great man, who ought not to set his heart upon a
matter of so little importance, he announced that he had given, or
consecrated his horse to his magic or medicine! Some parts of their
superstitious devotions, or modes of worship, are the most barbarous
that can be imagined. I observed a great number whose bodies were
scarred and cut in the most shocking manner; I was informed that this
was done in their devotion; that to shew their zeal, they sometimes
suspend themselves by the arms or legs, or the sides, by hooks. I was
shewn a boy, who had drawn two buffaloe heads several hundred yards,
by cords fixed in the fleshy part of his sides. I might enumerate a
variety of other particulars, in which this strange self punishment
is carried to the greatest lengths.[47] They have frequent public
holy days, when the greater part of the village appears to desist
from labor, and dress out unusually fine. On these occasions, each
one suspends his private magic on a high pole before his door; the
painted {161} shields, quivers of a variety of colors, scarlet cloth,
and highly ornamented buffaloe robes, which compose these trophies,
produce a very lively effect. I several times observed articles of
some value suspended on the trees. I was told, they often leave their
property in this manner without being under any apprehension that any
of the same tribe will touch it, provided that there be the least
sign to shew that it is not lost. A kind of superstition similar to
that of the Druids, which protected their offerings hung up in the
woods.
Since the unfortunate affair of lieutenant Prior, these people have
shewn themselves friendly to the whites. Lieutenant Prior had been
sent in a boat, with twenty or thirty men, to convey the Mandan chief
to his village, after his visit to the United States, in company
with Lewis and Clark. On arriving at the Arikara village, he was set
upon, and made his escape with great difficulty, one half of his
little party being killed or wounded. The expedition of the Missouri
company, which ascended the next year, demanded satisfaction for this
outrage, and every concession having been made {162} by the Arikaras,
the matter was adjusted. Since that time they have endeavored to keep
a good understanding with the whites, and express much regret at
the unfortunate occurrence, which, as is usual, they disavow as the
act of the nation, but declare it to have been perpetrated by a bad
chief, who would not listen to their councils.
During my short stay amongst them, I endeavored to form a vocabulary
of such words as are most likely to be primitive.[48] I found a great
diversity in the pronunciation, which I discovered to be partly owing
to the circumstance of the present population being composed of the
fragments or remains of different tribes; but I was also informed by
the chief, that amongst the principal families there was a better
language than that in use with the common people. The slaves, of whom
there is a much greater number than I had supposed, and those of
foreign tribes who have domiciliated themselves here, speak also an
inferior dialect.
{163} To give an account of the vices of these people, would only be
to enumerate many of the most gross which prevail amongst us, with
this difference, that they are practised in public without shame. The
savage state, like the rude uncultivated waste, is contemplated to
most advantage at a distance. Mr. Bradbury had been an enthusiast, as
most philanthropic Europeans are, on the subject of Indian manners,
and I was myself not a little inclined to the same way of thinking,
but now both agreed that the world would loose but little, if these
people should disappear before civilized communities. In these vast
plains, throughout which are scattered so many lovely spots, capable
of supporting thousands such nations as the Arikara, or wandering
Sioux, a few wretches are constantly roaming abroad, seeking
to destroy each other. To return to the subject of their moral
characters--they have amongst them their poor, their envious, their
slanderers, their mean and crouching, their haughty and overbearing,
their unfeeling and cruel, their weak and vulgar, their dissipated
and wicked; and they have also, their brave and wise, their generous
and magnanimous, their rich and {164} hospitable, their pious and
virtuous, their kind, frank, and affectionate, and in fact, all the
diversity of characters that exists amongst the most refined people;
but as their vices are covered by no veil of delicacy, their virtues
may be regarded rather as the effect of involuntary impulse, than
as the result of sentiment. In some respects they are extremely
dissolute and corrupt; whether this arises from refinement in vice,
or from the simplicity of nature, I cannot say; but much are they
mistaken who look for primitive innocence and simplicity in what
they call the state of nature. It is true that an intercourse with
the whites, never fails to render these people much worse than
before; this is not by imparting any new vices, but by presenting
temptations which easily overcome those good qualities, which “sit so
loosely about them.” Want of constancy, and uniformity of character,
is the defect universally remarked with regard to the Indians, and
this naturally arises from the want of fixed principles of virtue.
One thing I remarked as constituting the great difference between the
savage and the civilized state, _their youth undergo no discipline_,
there are no schools, {165} and the few instructions which are given
by parents, are directed only to the mere physical man, and have
little to do with the mind, unless it be to inculcate fortitude and
courage, or rather ferocity and thirst for blood: no genuine virtues
are _cultivated_ and the evil propensities of the individual are
suffered to mature without correction, while he wanders about a
vagabond, responsible to no one for the waste of time; like a young
colt, he is considered as unfit for employment until he attains his
growth. The lessons of morality are never taught either in public
or in private; at least of that morality which instructs us how to
fulfil all the duties attached to our social relations, and which
regard us as candidates for a future and more happy existence.
Instead of such lessons of morality, the precepts first instilled
into their hearts, are cruelty, murder, and rapine. The first step
the young savage is taught to take, is in blood; and is it any
wonder that when manhood nerves his arm, we should see him grasp the
tomahawk and the scalping knife, and his savage heart thirst for
blood!
Amongst others of their customs which appeared to me singular, I
observed that it was {166} a part of their hospitality, to offer the
guest, who takes up his residence in their lodges, one of the females
of the family as a bedfellow; sometimes even one of their wives,
daughters, or sisters, but most usually a maid-servant, according
to the estimation in which the guest is held, and to decline such
offer is considered as treating the host with some disrespect;
notwithstanding this, if it be remarked that these favours are
uniformly declined, the guest rises much higher in his esteem. Self
control, in the midst of temptations which overpower the common mind,
being thought, even amongst these people, to indicate a superior
character. Our common boatmen soon became objects of contempt, from
their loose habits and ungovernable propensities. To these people, it
seemed to me that the greater part of their females, during our stay,
had become mere articles of traffic; after dusk, the plain behind
our tents, was crowded with these wretches, and shocking to relate,
fathers brought their daughters, husbands their wives, brothers
their sisters, to be offered for sale at this market of indecency
and shame. I was unable to account for this {167} difference from
any people I had ever heard of; perhaps something may be attributed
to the inordinate passion which had seized them for our merchandize.
The silly boatmen, in spite of the endeavors of the leaders of our
parties, in a short time disposed of almost every article which they
possessed, even their blankets, and shirts. One of them actually
returned to the camp, one morning entirely naked, having disposed of
his last shirt--this might truly be called _la derniere chemisse de
l’amour_.
Seeing the chief one day in a thoughtful mood, I asked him what was
the matter--“I was wondering,” said he, “whether you white people
have any women amongst you.” I assured him in the affirmative.
“Then,” said he, “why is it that your people are so fond of our
women, one might suppose they had never seen any before.”
This want of chastity among the Arikara was by no means
universal--perhaps a more minute acquaintance with them might have
enabled me to explain the phenomenon: indeed from the remains of a
singular exhibition, which several of us witnessed, I was induced
to believe that Diana had not altogether yielded {168} the village
to the dominion of her rival goddess. On one of their festive days,
as we drew near the medicine lodge or temple, we saw in front of
the entrance, or door, a number of young girls tricked out in all
their finery of paint, beads, and dresses of the antelope, agalia,
or deer skins, red or white, according to the taste of the wearer;
their robes were richly ornamented with porcupine quills, stained of
various colors, and with fringes, or borders, of silvery ermine. We
observed a cedar bough fixed in the earth on the top of the lodge.
Prizes of beads, vermillion, and scarlet cloth were exhibited: and
the old men who live in the temple to the number of five or six,
now proclaimed, as I was informed, that whosoever amongst the young
girls of Arikara had preserved unsullied her virgin purity, might
then ascend the temple and touch the bough, and one of the prizes
would be given to her; that it was in vain to think of deceiving,
for the Manitoo, or Spirit, knowing all things, even their secret
thoughts, would most certainly reveal the truth; and moreover, the
young men were enjoined under the severest denunciations, to declare
all that might be within their knowledge. Curiosity {169} was now
much excited. In a few moments, the daughter of the interpreter, (a
Frenchman who had resided upwards of twenty years,) a beautiful girl
of sixteen, came forward, but before she could ascend to touch the
bough, a young fellow stepped forth, and said something, the amount
of which I easily conjectured from its effect, for the young lady
instantly shrunk back confused and abashed, while the surrounding
crowd was convulsed with laughter. A pause ensued, which lasted
for some considerable time. I began to tremble for the maidens of
Arikara, when a girl of seventeen, one of the most beautiful in the
village, walked forward, and asked, “where is the Arikara who can
bring any accusation against me?” then touched the bough, and carried
off the prize. I feel a pleasure in adding, for the honor of the
ladies of Arikara, that others followed, though I did not take the
trouble of noting the number.
[42] Notes upon the following subjects mentioned in this
chapter are found in Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. v
of our series: Snake Indians, note 123; Cheyenne
Indians, note 88; Mandan Indians, note 76.--ED.
[43] For the work of James Adair to which Brackenridge
here refers, see J. Long’s _Voyages_, vol. ii of our
series, note 31.--ED.
[44] A warrior is seldom seen without his arms, even in
the village.--His bow, spear, or gun, is considered
part of his dress, and to appear in public without
them is in some measure disgraceful.--BRACKENRIDGE.
[45] This is doubtless some form of totemism: see J.
Long’s _Voyages_, vol. ii of our series, note
56.--ED.
[46] For a description of a similar game among the
Mandan, see Smithsonian _Report_, 1885, part ii, p.
304.--ED.
[47] George Catlin, the painter of Indians, described
at some length the religious mysteries and the
self-torture of the Mandan tribe. His account was
discredited, but appears to have been substantially
correct. See _op. cit._, pp. 349-383.--ED.
[48] This, in the course of my peregrinations, has
unfortunately, been mislaid.--BRACKENRIDGE.
{170} CHAPTER VIII[49]
Proceed to the Mandan villages--A buffaloe hunt--Arrival at the
Mandan village.
On _Wednesday the 19th_, it was resolved by Lisa, to leave one of his
men to continue the trade with the Arikaras, and then to continue his
voyage. As a part of the price of the goods bought from Hunt, was
to be paid for in horses, a party was sent by land to the company’s
fort at the Mandan village, for the purpose of bringing them. Mr.
Bradbury, desirous of seeing the interior of the country determined
to accompany them.
We sat off about eleven o’clock in the morning with a favorable wind,
but the weather rainy and disagreeable. Having made fifteen miles,
encamped. The moschetoes more troublesome than they have yet been
known--I am informed that this is not usual on the Missouri, and is
owing to this being a wet season. Indeed, since our departure, we
have scarcely {171} had three days in succession without very heavy
rain.
_Thursday 20th._ Weather more pleasant, but the wind during a part of
the afternoon, on account of the course of the river unfavorable. The
water is at a very high stage, and now rising rapidly. Having made
five points, or fifteen miles encamped. We continued our voyage on
Friday with a fine breeze, which continued the whole day, and which
enabled us to make an extraordinary run of more than forty miles.
The appearance of the country thus far is very agreeable--handsome
green hills, and fine bottoms, with but little wood. The navigation
much less difficult, we sailed along the edge of beautiful meadows,
clothed with grass about six inches high; the water is not more than
three feet below the top of the bank.
_Saturday 22d._ The favorable winds still continued, but we found
the river extremely crooked. We landed an hour or two to kill some
buffaloe, several were standing close to the water’s edge on a small
bar covered with willows. Great numbers of them are to be seen on
the sides of the hills. In viewing them at the {172} distance of six
or eight miles, they appear to be diminished to mere specks or dots,
which has a curious yet pleasing effect.
On the 23d, after proceeding a few miles, it was found necessary to
encamp, while we were assailed by a dreadful storm, succeeded by
a heavy rain. Towards evening it cleared up, but a violent north
west wind prevailing, it was impossible for us to proceed. A party
was formed and it was resolved to go in pursuit of the buffaloe. On
ascending the hills, which rise at the distance of a quarter of a
mile from the river, I discovered in every direction immense herds
of buffaloe, some reclining, or quietly feeding, and many at such a
distance as scarcely to be distinguishable by the eye.--Immediately
before me lay a deep ravine or hollow, about two miles in length,
through which a small stream seemed to take its course, bordered
with shrubs, and on the other side, the ground again rose with an
irregular ascent into a high plain, terminated by hills. In this
valley there appeared to be several thousand, chiefly feeding. The
question was now how to approach them undiscovered, there was no
bush, or tree, nothing behind which we could conceal ourselves, {173}
excepting the blocks of granite, strewed over the plain. Should we
alarm one of these herds all the rest would start at the same time.
On looking towards the southern end of the valley, we discovered
that in this direction there was a space of half a mile in which no
buffaloes were to be seen; and that passing round the valley with
the wind in our favor we might steal along the brow of the hill on
the other side and leaving half of our hunters here, would be able
to place them between two fires. In company with the American hunter
I set off and ran about a mile, having successfully passed round
the hollow, we next advanced with great caution. Our approach was
very much facilitated by a number of small ravines which make into
the valley. Having advanced as far as was intended, we stole down
to the opening of one of the ravines, and rising up, saw a large
buffaloe bull standing within a few yards of us; his body completely
exposed to view, but feeding with his head down; we took aim over
the intervening hillock, our rifles almost touching him--fired
almost at the same moment, and brought him instantly to the ground.
Those of his companions that were near him immediately {174} started
and alarmed the rest, and in a short time they were every where in
motion. We ran to an elevated point, and set up a shout in order to
drive them towards the river, but without success for those of the
valley and the side of the hill beyond it, made towards us, at which
we were at first somewhat alarmed, lest the herd in moving in a crowd
might run over us: they however passed up the different ravines
on each side. There was something extremely pleasing in the sight
of these armies of buffaloe all in motion as far as the eye could
distinguish in every direction. We succeeded in killing another
before they had passed us, and our comrades on the other side of the
valley killed two. Great numbers of wolves were now seen in every
direction; we could hardly go forty yards from the buffaloe, before
a half a dozen would shew themselves. It was amusing to see them
peeping over hillocks, while we pelted them with stones.
On our return to camp, the meat having been brought in by the
boatmen, we sat about preparing our feast. A large fire was made, and
each one cooked for himself. Certainly ours was not a feast to be
despised even by the {175} epicure, although with no other seasoning
than health and exercise. As our biscuit had been spoiled two months
before, in consequence of being frequently wet, instead of bread we
roasted some of the liver on one stick, and a choice morsel (for we
had nothing but tit-bits,) on the other. The flesh of the buffaloe is
remarkably tender and juicy, and highly flavored; it is universally
allowed to surpass that of the common ox. Of all the animals given
to satiate our carnivorous appetites, none can afford such a feast
as the buffaloe. The hump is a delicious morsel; the tongue, the
marrow, the tender loin, and the ribs are all excellent. The hump is
formed by a number of bones in the shape of ribs, which rise on the
back near the shoulders, gradually increasing and then diminishing
in length, on which the fat and lean are finely mixed, and the meat
extremely tender. The hump in a large ox, is about a foot in length,
(when separated from the back bone, to which it is attached,) and six
inches in breadth.
On the 24th, we proceeded on our voyage. This morning we had
delightful weather. I could not help remarking the clearness of the
{176} air, and the enchanting blue of the sky. Whether it is to be
attributed to the Alpine height, to which we have attained, or to
the openness of the country, which permits every breeze to have its
full scope, and thus chase away the vapors, I am not able to say.
I have certainly not been misled by fancy. We are now two thousand
six hundred miles from the ocean; as the Missouri, some distance
above the Mandan villages, flows from the west, it is probable that
its descent is not so great as below: so that allowing one foot
per mile, we can be little short of three thousand feet above the
ocean. It is said, that on the high plains of Switzerland, between
the mountains, the sky is observed to possess a deeper azure; the
same cause may produce the like effect on these plains. Here, we are
elevated above the fogs and mists of lakes and rivers, and the sun
does not transmit his rays through the white medium of clouds. The
light dress of vegetation, with which these plains are clothed, may
likewise be considered. Where the vegetation is luxuriant, dense
vapours arise during the night; and noxious gases are produced, which
floating into the atmosphere, lessen its brightness {177} as well as
its purity. But, whatever may be the cause of the superior beauty of
the azure in the heavenly vault, I experienced a peculiar pleasure in
contemplating it. The sun beams seemed to have less fierceness than
I had ever experienced, in fact, I could almost fancy myself in the
midst of enchanted scenes.
Continued the greater part of the day with the cordelle, along the
prairie. The country on either side, of a very pleasant appearance,
with a number of wooded points.
_Tuesday 23d_ [_i. e._, _25th_]. Hoisted sail this morning with a
fine breeze. At ten o’clock passed the remains of a Mandan village,
and at some distance espied a great number of Indians on shore,
moving down the river. We soon discovered them to be Mandans. They
sometimes go on hunting parties by whole villages, as was the case
at present. They appeared to be about five hundred in number, some
on horseback, the greater part on foot. A numerous train of dogs
were employed in dragging their baggage, tent poles, &c. On the
great hunting parties, the women are employed in preserving the
hides, drying the meat, and making provisions to serve them during
winter. Very {178} little of the buffaloe is lost, for after taking
the marrow, they pound the bones, boil them, and extract the oil. We
stopped with them some time, made them a few presents of tobacco and
knives, and then proceeded. This evening, the Mandan chief She-he-ke,
who had accompanied Lewis and Clark to the United States, came to
us with his wife and son, a small boy. He is a fine looking Indian,
and very intelligent--his complexion fair, very little different
from that of a white man much exposed to the sun. His wife had also
accompanied him--has a good complexion and agreeable features. They
had returned home loaded with presents, but have since fallen into
disrepute from the extravagant tales which they related as to what
they had witnessed; for the Mandans treat with ridicule the idea of
there being a greater or more numerous people than themselves. He is
a man of a mild and gentle disposition--expressed a wish to come and
live amongst the whites, and spoke sensibly of the insecurity, the
ferocity of manners, and the ignorance, of the state of society in
which he was placed. He is rather inclining to corpulency, a little
talkative, which is regarded {179} amongst the Indians as a great
defect; add to this, his not being much celebrated as a warrior;
such celebrity can alone confer authority and importance, or be
regarded meritorious in this state of society. Encamped this evening
on a beautiful meadow, the soil extremely rich. Immediately beyond
it, there are some high hills, and on the points detached masses of
granite and pebbles.
_Wednesday 26th._ Continued our voyage through a beautiful country,
on both sides of the river. In the afternoon passed by all five of
the Mandan villages, which are situated upon high open plains,
the village of She-he-ke, divided from the others by a handsome
stream. The inhabitants had gathered to the bank to see us, several
waded into the water, but returned when we beckoned to them not to
approach. The men were generally naked, the women dressed according
to their age or quality, from the coarse elk skin, to the elegant
agalia. It was late at night before we reached the fort of the
Missouri Company, which is situated above all the villages, and
sixteen hundred and forty miles from the mouth of the Missouri, and
in latitude 47°. 13′. N.
[49] Notes upon the following subjects mentioned in this
chapter are found in Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. V of
our series: Sheheke, Mandan chief, note 92; Missouri
Fur Company’s Mandan post, note 87.--ED.
{180} CHAPTER IX
Mandan villages--Return to Arikara--Scene after a battle.
We had now reached the utmost point of our voyage, for though it had
been at first intended to proceed to the cataracts of the Missouri,
for the purpose of attempting a treaty with the Blackfoot Indians,
the information received from Mr. Henry had produced a change in the
intentions of Lisa. He resolved to wait for him at this place, or at
the Arikara village; and, in the mean while, arrange the affairs of
the company.
In the morning, we walked to the fort of the company, about two
hundred yards from the bank of the river. It is a small triangular
enclosure with bastions. Here I found Mr. Bradbury, who had arrived
the day before. He had travelled about one hundred and fifty miles
by land, and describes the country through which he passed, at least
the distance of eight or ten miles from the river, {181} as very
handsome; it is a succession of beautiful meadows, with some wood
along the water-courses. On approaching the river it becomes more
broken and hilly.
For some distance from the fort, the upland is washed into ravines,
and is stripped of its soil, presenting nothing but bare heaps of
earth or clay. Many of these clay hills are completely detached from
the upland, and washed by heavy rains into a variety of curious and
fantastic shapes, generally of whitish color, though intermixed with
strata of various hues. The ledge of limestone, upon which the earth
or clay reposes, shews itself in many places, but mouldering and
crumbling, from the action of the frosts and rain. This limestone
constitutes at least one half in the washings which are carried to
the Missouri; and similar appearances, are to be met with on all
its tributary streams, from this upwards, as well as on many below.
Some of these clay hills, at the first glance, look like towers or
circular buildings, with domes and cupolas; and what contributes to
this, the top of some of them are covered with a beautiful creeping
vine, or evergreen, of a species, which Mr. Bradbury {182} informs
me, is described by Mishaux as growing on the lakes.[50] A short
distance below the fort, the primitive ground, or upland, is washed
into a steep precipice by the river; here we examined a strata of
coal, of a good quality, and about eighteen inches in thickness. Lisa
informed me, that on his first voyage up the Missouri, he observed
smoke issuing from a fissure of this bluff, and that on putting down
a stick, fire was communicated. On the most attentive examination we
could discover nothing of this. Amongst other objects which attracted
our attention, we observed quantities of petrified wood lying about
on the surface of the clay hills. I traced a whole tree, the stump
still remaining about three feet high, and not less than four in
diameter. The bark was in general decayed, but we could easily find
the position of the trunk and of its branches, as it had fallen. This
fact seemed to me the more extraordinary, as the trees which now
grow even in the richest bottom land, are very small, few exceeding
a foot in diameter, and seldom more than forty feet in height; while
on the upland, the soil has scarcely sufficient strength to give
nourishment to a delicate {183} grass, and here and there to a few
slender shrubs. These facts may afford a subject of amusing inquiry,
to those who have leisure for such investigation. Mr. Bradbury is
assiduously employed in collecting specimens, and in pursuing his
botanical researches; but neither he nor Mr. Nuttal have much success
in collecting minerals.
While wandering about in company with Nuttal one day, on entering a
grassy piece of ground we observed a number of ripe strawberries.
This was the first intimation that any of them grew in this part of
the world, and was a pleasing treat. The season of the year, being
now the month of July, rendered it still more unexpected.
On the _Fourth of July_, we had something like a celebration of this
glorious anniversary. The two principal chiefs happened to be with
us; the _One ey’d_, and the _Black shoe_. The former is a giant in
stature, and if his one eye had been placed in the middle of his
forehead, he might have passed for a cyclop.[51] His huge limbs and
gigantic frame, his bushy hair shading his coarse visage and savage
features, with his one eye flashing fire, constituted him a {184}
fearful demon. He sways, with unlimited control, all these villages,
and is feared by all the neighboring nations. I remarked that on one
or two occasions he treated She-he-ke, with great contempt--Lisa
having referred to something said by that chief, “What,” said this
monster, “What! does that bag of lies pretend to have any authority
here?”[52] He is sometimes a cruel and abominable tyrant. A story
was related to me of his cruelty, which has in it something of
a more refined tragic nature, than we usually meet with amongst
these people. Having fallen in love, (for even Polyphemus felt the
influence of this god, who spares neither giants nor common men,)
with the wife of a young warrior, he went to his lodge during his
absence, and carried her off by force. The warrior on his return,
repaired to the _One ey’d_ demon, and demanded his wife, but instead
of receiving redress, was put to death, while the wretched object of
the dispute was retained in the embraces of her ravisher. The mother
of the young warrior whose only child he was, became frantic, lost
her senses from {185} excess of grief, and now does nothing but go
about reviling him, and loading him with her curses: yet such is the
superstitious veneration (by the by it deserves a better name on this
occasion) for unhappy objects of this kind, that this chief, great as
he is, dare not lay his hand on her, even should she haunt him like
one of the Euminides, wherever he may appear.
We made several excursions to the villages below, the nearest about
six miles off; but as they differ but little from those of the
Arikara, I will give no particular description of them. I noticed but
one thing as remarkable. About two miles on this side of the first
village, my attention was attracted by a number of small scaffolds,
distributed over several acres of ground on the slope of a hill. I
soon discovered that this was a depository of the dead. The scaffolds
were raised on forks about ten feet, and were sufficiently wide
to contain two bodies; they were in general covered with blue and
scarlet cloth, or wrapt in blankets and buffaloe robes; we did not
approach near enough to examine closely, this frightful Golgotha,
or place of human skeletons, but we could see a great number of
valuable articles which had been left {186} as offerings to the manes
of the deceased. Several crows and magpies, were perched upon them;
we could not but experience a sensation of horror, when we thought
of the attraction which brought these birds to this dismal place.
Some of the scaffolds, had nearly fallen down, perhaps overturned by
the wind, or the effect of decay, and a great number of bones were
scattered on the ground underneath. This mode of exposing the dead
has something peculiarly horrible in it. The wolves of the prairie,
the birds of the air, and even the Indian dogs, are attracted to
the place, and taught to feed on human flesh. This custom prevails
amongst all the wandering tribes; but amongst the Arikara, the dead
are deposited in a grave as with us, which I think clearly proves
their origin to be different from that of their neighbours; for there
is nothing, in which men in all ages and countries, have manifested
more solicitude, than in the treatment of the remains of their
deceased friends.
On the sixth of July we set off from the fort to return to the
Arikara village, where we arrived in two days after without any
material occurrence. We found Mr. Hunt waiting the {187} coming of
the Chiennes, to complete his supply of horses.
A few days after our arrival, a great commotion was heard in the
village, before daylight; ignorant of what might occasion it,
and from this alone, somewhat alarmed, when we recollected our
situation, amongst beings in whom we had but little reliance, we
hastily rose and ascended the plain in order to ascertain the cause.
The interpreter, shortly after came to us with the information,
that it was a party of three hundred men, on their return, after
a battle with a party of Sioux the day before, in which they had
been victorious, with the loss of two or three killed, and ten or
twelve wounded, and that they were then within a few miles of the
village, none but the chief of the party having come in. By this our
minds were quieted. We waited with anxiety for their approach to
the village, which we were informed would be made with considerable
ceremony; that they had halted within a few miles of the place,
to prepare themselves for a formal and splendid entry, and that a
great deal of Indian finery had been sent, to enable the warriors to
decorate themselves to the best advantage.
{188} It was nearly eleven o’clock in the day, before their approach
was announced; in the meanwhile a stilly suspense reigned throughout
the village, all sports and business suspended, and resembling a
holiday in one of our towns. We discovered them at length, advancing
by the sound of their voices over a hill, about a mile below our
encampment. In a short time they made their appearance; at the same
time, the inhabitants of the town moved out on foot to meet them.
I accompanied them for some distance, and then took a favorable
position where I might have a full view of this singular scene.
They advanced in regular procession, with a slow step and solemn
music, extending nearly a quarter of a mile in length, and separated
in platoons, ten or twelve abreast, the horsemen placed between
them, which contributed to extend their line. The different bands,
of which I have spoken, the buffaloe, the bear, the pheasant, the
dog, marched in separate bodies, each carrying their ensigns, which
consisted of a large spear, or bow, richly ornamented with painted
feathers, beads, and porcupine quills. The warriors were dressed
in a variety of ways, some {189} with their cincture and crown of
feathers, bearing their war clubs, guns, bows and arrows, and painted
shields: each platoon having its musicians, while the whole joined
in the song and step together, with great precision. In each band
there were scalps fastened to long poles: this was nothing more than
the few scalps they had taken, divided into different locks of hair,
so as to give the semblance of a greater number. The appearance of
the whole, their music, and the voices of so many persons, had a
pleasing and martial effect. The scene which took place, when their
friends and relations from the village, mingled with them, was really
affecting; the pen of a Fenelon would not be disgraced in attempting
the description of it. These, approached with song and solemn
dance, as the warriors proceeded slowly through their ranks: it was
a meeting of persons connected by the most tender relations--the
scene would baffle description. Fathers, mothers, wives, brothers,
sisters, caressing each other, without interrupting for a moment,
the regularity and order of the procession, or the solemnity of the
song and step! I was particularly touched, with the tenderness of
a woman {190} who met her son, a youth reported badly wounded, but
who exerted himself to keep on his horse, and from his countenance
one would have supposed nothing had been the matter with him. She
threw her arms round him and wept aloud. Notwithstanding this, the
young man expired, shortly after being brought to the medicine
lodge; for it is the custom to carry such as have been wounded in
battle, to be taken care of in this place, at the public expense. As
they drew near the village, the old people, who could barely walk,
withered by extreme age, came out like feeble grasshoppers, singing
their shrill songs, and rubbing the warriors with their hands. The
day was spent in festivity by the village in general, and in grief
by those who had lost their relatives. We saw a number of solitary
females, on the points of the hills round the village, lamenting in
mournful wailings, the misfortunes which had befallen them. For the
two succeeding days the village exhibited a scene of festivity; all
their painted shields and trophies, were raised on high poles near
the lodges, and all the inhabitants dressed out in their finery--all
their labors and sports were suspended, and {191} the whole joined
in the public demonstrations of joy, while music, songs, and dances
were hardly intermitted for a moment. The temple, or medicine lodge,
was the principal scene of their dancing. I entered with the crowd,
and found a spacious building, sufficient to contain five or six
hundred persons. I found to my surprise that the dancers were all
females, with arms of the warriors in their hands, and wearing
some parts of the dress of the men. They performed in a circular
inclosure, some continually leaving it and others supplying their
places. The orchestra was composed of ten or fifteen men, with drums,
bladders filled with shot, deer’s hoofs, affixed to rods, and shaken,
some striking upon war clubs with sticks; the whole accompanied with
the voice. The old men of the temple were continually going round
the inclosure, and raising their shrill voices; probably saying
something to excite and encourage. Rude as this may be supposed to
have been, there was yet something pleasing; their music was by no
means discordant, and exceedingly animated. It would be tedious to
enumerate the various ways in which their festivity displayed itself.
We see a nation, actuated {192} by the same feelings, and roused by
the same incidents as are experienced by the most powerful on earth.
How much superior does this little independent tribe appear, to the
rich, but mean and spiritless province or colony, where nothing
but individual interests are felt!--where the animating sentiments
of national glory and renown, and all the vicissitudes of national
calamity or prosperity, are never felt by it as by one man!
I must not omit a piece of hospitality, which exhibited more
refinement than I had expected to meet with. Several of the principal
chiefs came amongst us, and selecting each two or three, invited us
to their lodges to partake of the feast. This was somewhat in the
stile of an invitation to dine: I had the honor of being invited by
the _Grey eyes_, the leader of the war party. I found various dishes,
of buffaloe, of dog meat, and of homony prepared with marrow. I had
no inclination to touch the dog meat, although regarded as a great
delicacy. During the repast, six young men entertained us with music;
_after the cloth was removed_, or rather the dishes, several women
made their appearance, the band struck up, and the dance {193} was
begun. One of the dancers, an old woman, every now and then recited
something which appeared to amuse the company very much, and called
forth loud laughter. When the dance was over, the chief exhibited to
me a number of dressed buffaloe robes, on which he had painted his
different battles. The design was exceedingly rude, such as I have
seen on the rocks of the Ohio. To represent the path of horse or
foot-men, he had simply represented their tracks. There was nothing
like hieroglyphic painting, or any mark which could convey an idea of
the time when the action occurred.[53]
[50] This vine is a species of juniper, which Michaux
classifies as _Juniperus procumbens_.--ED.
[51] For the chief One-Eyed (Le Borgne), see Bradbury’s
_Travels_, vol. V of our series, note 98.--ED.
[52] She-he-ke is a fat man, extremely talkative, and no
great warrior.--BRACKENRIDGE.
{194} CHAPTER X
Set off to return--Battle of buffaloes--Fort Clark--Arrival at St.
Louis
By this time, the curiosity which first prompted me to undertake this
voyage, being amply gratified, I began to feel a strong desire of
returning to civilized pursuits. My habits were not formed to this
wild, irregular existence, and I began to wish for a return with
much anxiety. Lisa was disposed to second my wishes; he had resolved
to load with skins two of the boats purchased from Hunt, to put six
men in each, and to give me the command of them. Mr. Bradbury gladly
embraced this opportunity of returning, and put on board all his
boxes of plants and his collection of specimens. About the last of
July, with joyful hearts, we bid adieu to the village of Arikara.
Lisa gave me particular directions not to stop on account of any
Indians, and if possible, to go day and night. The river was now
extremely {195} high, and with six oars, we were able to make little
short of twelve miles an hour.
The first day, weather uncommonly fine, we passed the Chienne river,
and continued under way sometime after night; but considering this
not altogether safe, we thought it prudent to lie by until daylight.
Early the next morning we reached the great bend. Vast numbers of
buffaloes were seen at both sides; as this was near the season when
the bulls seek the society of the cows, for at other times they are
never seen in the same herd; the most tremendous bellowing was heard
on every side. The country, from the Mandan villages thus far, about
four hundred miles, is beautiful, and the soil of the river bottoms
rich. The proportion of wood is about the same as would be suffered
to remain if the land were in the highest state of cultivation: but
the upland is entirely bare, and the traveller might go many miles
before he would come to another stream where any but dwarf trees or
shrubs might be seen. The wind rising, we were compelled to remain
in the bend during the whole afternoon. On the N. E. side, the river
is lined for the whole distance, by bluffs, nearly bare, {196} and
cut up into numerous gullies; cherries, currants, gooseberries, and
dwarf plum trees, are seen along the shore. On the S. W. side, there
is a tract of bottom land the whole way, and better wooded than any
between this and the Mandan village. The islands, which are met with
at the distance of every few miles, are all surrounded by cedar or
cotton-wood, but the inside are meadows.
The next day we passed the White river, which appears to be about the
size of the Chienne, each of which is as large as the Alleghany or
Monongahela, and navigable to a great distance. No doubt, in time,
towns will be built at the confluence of those rivers, as is the case
on the Ohio at this day. With Mr. Bradbury, I amused myself in making
remarks upon the appearance of different spots, as we glided rapidly
past them; seated on the stern of the boat from morning till night,
we had no other mode of passing the time. At no great distance below
White river, the Black bluffs begin--a barren and miserable country
for nearly an hundred miles along the river: there are scarcely
any bottoms, and the bluffs in most places without even a covering
of {197} grass. What the country may be, at some distance from
the river, I do not know; but certainly as it respects the margin
of the stream, I see no likelihood of any settlements ever being
formed along it; there must consequently be a hiatus between the
settlements which may hereafter be made above, and those below. Yet
we contemplated this part of the country with much pleasure, for its
wild and romantic appearance. Descending in the middle of the river,
we had a much better view than when we came up, being then compelled
by the swiftness of the current to choose either one side or the
other. In some places, the hills rose to the height of mountains;
nothing was wanting but some old ruined castles, to complete the
sombre, yet magnificent amphitheatric landscapes. It contributed much
to our amusement, to observe the herds of buffaloe, ascending and
descending by a winding path.
Towards evening the sky became dark and lowering, the hollow sounding
wind, and the feeble distant flashes of lightning, with a frightful
redness around the edges of the horizon, foretold an approaching
storm. Our oarsmen {198} exerted themselves to their utmost, to
reach some woody point, behind which we might seek a shelter. But in
vain--the bleak and dreary bluffs continued on each side, and the
lurid darkness of the coming storm was fast obscuring what remained
of daylight. It was thought prudent to land in a little recess of the
bluffs, the best the moment would permit us to choose; but the wind
had full scope, as we were in the midst of a long reach. We were not
long in suspense. The flashes of lightning became every moment more
vivid, and the thunder, in tremendous peals, seemed to shake the
earth. A dreadful gale ensued, which threatened every moment to dash
our little barques to pieces, or whelm them in the waves: and called
forth our utmost exertions to preserve them. For nearly an hour, it
was found necessary to hold our blankets to the sides of the boats,
to prevent them from filling. Our strength was almost exhausted with
fatigue, when the violence of the wind abated, and was succeeded by a
heavy rain, which poured upon us the whole night. Had our boats sunk
we should have lost every thing, and most probably have perished. For
myself, I was accustomed {199} to these things; but I felt for my
friend Bradbury. Poor old man, the exposure was much greater than one
of his years could well support. His amiable ardor in the pursuit of
knowledge, did not permit him for a moment to think of his advanced
age; and wherever he may be, (for I have not heard from him for
several years,) he carries with him the warmest wishes of my heart.
The next day we passed the Poncas village. The inhabitants had
gone into the plains. In the evening when within a few miles of a
point above the isle _a Bon homme_, our ears were assailed by a
murmuring noise. As we drew near it grew to a tremendous roaring,
such as to deafen us. On landing we discovered the grove crowded
with buffaloe, the greater part engaged in furious combat--the air
filled with their dreadful bellowing. A more frightful sight cannot
easily be imagined. Conceive several thousand of these furious
animals, roaring and rushing upon each other, producing a scene of
horror, confusion, and fierceness, like the fight of armies: the
earth trembled beneath their feet, the air was deafened, and the
grove was shaken with the shock of {200} their tremendous battle.
I am conscious that with many, I run the risk of being thought to
indulge in romance, in consequence of this account: but with those
who are informed of the astonishing number of the buffaloe, it will
not be considered incredible. We soon discovered that a herd of males
had broken in amongst a number of females and that these were the
cause of a conflict, which raged with unparallelled fury. We fired
amongst them but without producing much effect; we then embarked
and proceeded on our voyage. On the hills in every direction they
appeared by thousands. Late in the evening we saw an immense herd in
motion along the sides of the hill, at full speed: their appearance
had something in it, which, without incurring ridicule, I might call
sublime--the sound of their footsteps, even at the distance of two
miles, resembled the rumbling of distant thunder.
The next morning great numbers of buffaloe were seen swimming the
river, we frequently steered amongst them, and fired on them through
wantonness, which I could not restrain, however blameable. The
weather was delightful, and we had an extraordinary {201} run of one
hundred and forty-two miles from daylight till dark. In the evening
we passed the grave of Floyd, and for a moment we thought it proper to
“----suspend the dashing oar,
To bid his gentle spirit rest.”
At the Maha village we found no one. This was not disagreeable to
us, as we supposed the _Big Elk_, who is a chief of great celebrity,
would not be disposed to treat us well, in consequence of the
neglect to pay him our respects in ascending. From the Poncas to the
Mahas, the bottoms are wider, and better wooded than above, but the
upland much the same. We found the lowlands almost every where under
water--were in consequence compelled this evening to encamp on some
drift wood. It was dangerous to proceed after night on account of
the number of trees fixed in the bottom of the river, and besides in
almost every bend there were a number which had fallen in: even in
the day time there was frequently great difficulty in passing along,
we several times narrowly escaped being dashed to pieces. The arks,
or flat boats, in use on the Ohio and {202} Mississippi, could not
possibly navigate this river.
The following day we passed the Blackbird hill, and the river Platte.
The navigation in this part is much more dangerous than above,
from the number of trees fixed in the bottom. The bottoms are also
much wider, and better wooded; in some places for twenty miles and
upwards, we were out of sight of the high lands: but the low grounds
were every where inundated. The water rushed into the woods with
great velocity, and in bends it poured over the gorge into the river
again; a sheet of water sometimes for a mile, flowed over the bank,
forming singular cascades of eighteen inches in height.
In something more than two days afterwards, we arrived at Fort Clark,
having come a thousand miles in eight or nine days, without meeting
a living soul. Here we were treated politely by the officers. Mr.
Sibly, the factor, had returned but a few days before, from a journey
to the interior, and shewed us specimens of salt, which he had
procured at the salines, on the Arkansas.
{203} We arrived at St. Louis early in August, having made fourteen
hundred and forty miles in little better than fourteen days. Here
we experienced all the pleasure of a safe return after an absence
of nearly five months. I was much gratified with my excursion and
if there be any thing in this rude and hasty diary, to please my
friends, that gratification will be more than doubled.
* * * * *
About the latter end of October, Lisa returned to St. Louis. Mr.
Henry had joined him at the Arikara village, having passed the
mountains early in the spring, and having encountered incredible
sufferings and dangers. Lisa had left trading establishments with
the Sioux, below the Cedar island, as well as with the Mandans, and
Arikaras. Mr. Nuttal, who had chosen to remain sometime longer with
Lisa, had also returned.
The party of Mr. Hunt had set off for its destination on the Columbia.
{204} This immense tract of country has now become the theatre of
American enterprise. There prevails amongst the natives west of
the mountains, a spirit of wild adventure, which reminds us of the
fictitious characters of Ariosto. The American hunters constitute a
class, different from any people known to the east of the mountains.
The life which they lead is exceedingly fascinating. Their scene
ever changing--ever presenting something new. Confined by no regular
pursuit--their labor is amusement. I have called the region watered
by the Missouri and its tributaries, THE PARADISE OF HUNTERS; it
is indeed to them a paradise. I have been acquainted with several,
who, on returning to the settlements, became in a very short time
dissatisfied, and wandered away to these regions, as delightful to
them, as are the regions of fancy to the poet.
“Theirs the wild life, in frolick still to range,
From toil to rest, and joy in every change.”
[53] For a representation of painted robes, see
Smithsonian _Report_, 1885, part ii, pp. 397-406.
On picture-writing in general, consult Mallery,
“Picture-Writing of American Indians,” Bureau of
Ethnology _Report_, 1888-89.--ED.
APPENDIX[54]
[_I extract the following from the “Views of Louisiana,” to assist
the reader in forming a general idea of that interesting portion
of the American empire._][55]
CHAPTER III
Face of the country--Change which a part has probably undergone--
Climate--Extent and importance.
This extensive portion of North America, has usually been described
from a small part which is occupied by the settlements; as though
{224} it were limited to the borders of the Mississippi, as Egypt is
confined to the vicinity of the Nile. Some represent it, in general
description, as a low flat country, abounding in swamps and subject
to inundation. Others speak of it as one vast wilderness;
“_Missouri marches through his world of woods._”
BARLOW.
If Louisiana were to be described like other countries, not from a
particular section, but from the appearance of the whole, combined
in a general view, we should say, that it is an extensive region of
open plains and meadows, interspersed with bare untillable hills, and
having some resemblance to the Steppes of Tartary, or the Saharas of
Africa, but without the morasses and dull uniformity of the one, or
the dreary sterility of the others. The tracts lying on the great
rivers, it is true, constitute the most valuable parts of Louisiana;
but these, in geographical extent, are very inconsiderable, when
compared with the remainder. They are principally on the Mississippi,
Missouri, Arkansas, and Red river; and are vallies, seldom exceeding
ten or twelve miles in width, {225} of a soil exceedingly rich and
productive, but much interspersed with lakes, and refluent currents,
or bayous. To give a more perfect and satisfactory view of this
country, it will be convenient to examine it under three divisions.
1. The regions beyond the settlements.
2. The territory of the Missouri.
3. The state of Louisiana.
Volney has properly called the country drained by the Mississippi
and its waters, a valley; but it is to be observed, that the western
side is nearly three times as large as the other, and traversed by
much more considerable rivers: and the mountains which enclose it
on the west and southwest, are of a much greater magnitude than the
Alleghanies.
To pursue some plan in these views, I propose to take up the first
book, with some general description of Louisiana, its rivers, soil
and productions, and to give in the next book, a more detailed
account of the territory of the Missouri, and of the state of
Louisiana--
The Rocky Mountains are without doubt a continuation of the Andes.
Their course is nearly north and south; in width and elevation, some
of them are little inferior to the {226} mountains of South America.
There are a number of peaks of immense height, and covered with
perennial snows. Their highest elevation, (which may be considered
the table land of North America,) is not further north than the 41°
of lat. It is from this quarter that many of our greatest rivers
take their rise, and flow in opposite directions;[56] the Colorado of
California, Rio del Norte, the Arkansas, the Platte, and the Roche
Jaune, (yellow stone.) It will be to the geologist an interesting
work, to trace the various ridges, connexions, spurs and dependencies
of these mountains. There is a long chain of hills, which generally
separate the waters of the Missouri from those of the Arkansas and
Mississippi, and which are commonly called the Black mountains. The
hills in the White river country, and those west of the Mississippi,
towards the head of the St. Francis and the Maramek, so abundant in
minerals, may be dependencies of the Black mountains. There are high
rugged hills, approaching to mountains, between the upper part of the
Washita river and the Arkansas, of which {227} some account may be
found in Hunter and Dunbar’s voyage up the Washita.[57]
Taking the distance from the Mississippi to the mountains, to be
about nine hundred miles, of the first two hundred miles, the larger
proportion is fit for settlements. There is a great deal of well
timbered land and the soil is generally good; this quality, however,
diminishes as we ascend north, where the soil becomes unproductive
and almost barren, and as we advance westward the land becomes more
bare of woods. For the next three hundred miles the country can
scarcely be said to admit of settlements; the wooded parts form but
trifling exceptions to its general appearance, and are seldom found
except in the neighbourhood of streams; we may safely lay it down
as a general remark, that after the first hundred miles, no timber
is found on the upland except it be pine or cedar. The rest of the
country is made up of open plains of immense extent, chequered with
waving ridges which enable the traveller to see his journey of
several days before him. Yet a great proportion of the soil would
bear cultivation, the river bottoms, being generally fine, and many
spots truly {228} beautiful: there are other places, however, barren
in the extreme, producing nothing but hyssop and prickly pears. The
same description will suit the rest of the country to the Rocky
mountains; except that it is more mountainous, badly watered, and
a great proportion entirely barren.[58] In the two last divisions
the bodies of land fit for settlements, are so distant from each
other, that there is scarcely any probability of any being formed for
centuries, if ever.
A great proportion of the country watered by the Missouri and its
tributary streams, appears to have undergone some wonderful change,
from causes not easy to ascertain; the influence of fire is however
evident. I have seen in places, banks of clay burnt almost to the
consistence of brick; of this kind, there is above the Poncas village
what is called the tower, a steep hill one hundred and fifty feet in
height, and four or five hundred in circumference: it is so hard as
not to be affected by {229} the washing of the rains. Large masses of
pumice are seen near these places, and frequently in the high bluffs
of the river banks. These appearances were formerly attributed to the
existence of volcanoes on the Missouri, but they are now generally
supposed to be the effects of coal banks continuing a long time on
fire. I am well satisfied that this fossil abounds in every part
of the great valley of the Mississippi. Many of the river hills
present the appearance of heaps of clay, great quantities of which,
on the melting of the snows, and in heavy rains, are precipitated
and carried to the principal river. This clay is of a grey color,
extremely tenacious, being mixed with a large proportion of
calcarious earth; the incumbent soil having been first carried away;
the rock on which it reposed being laid bare to the frost and sun,
and perhaps affected by the burning of coal banks near it, gradually
crumbled and united with the clay. In taking up a handful, one may
pick out pieces of gypsum, (sulphat of lime) some of half an ounce
weight. Near these spots are usually found glaubers salt, (sulphat
of soda) and common salt, oozing with water out of the ground, and
crystallized {230} on the surface. The most remarkable fact, is the
appearance on these heaps of clay, of the remains of trees, in a
state of petrifaction, and some of enormous size. Fragments may be
every where picked up, but stumps of four or five feet in height,
perfectly turned to stone, and the trunks of tall trees, may be seen
and traced. This is extraordinary in a country, where even in the
richest alluvions the timber attains but a stinted growth.
From these facts an ingenious theorist might conjecture, that the
Missouri has not always brought down in its channel, that astonishing
quantity of earth which it does at the present day. It is probable
that other causes, as in Tartary, might have operated in preventing
the growth of woods, in a great proportion of this western region;
but something of a different kind must have effected a change in this
country, which apparently was once covered with trees. What immense
quantities of the earth must have been carried off to form the great
alluvions of the Mississippi, by means of the Arkansas, Red river,
and chiefly from the Missouri, not to mention the vast quantities
lost in the gulf of Mexico. The result of a {231} calculation
would be curious. The marks of this loss, are very evident in the
neighborhood of nearly all the rivers which discharge themselves
into the Missouri above the Platte. Some of the appearances may rank
amongst the greatest natural curiosities in the world. The traveller
on entering a plain, is deceived at the first glance by what appears
to be the ruins of some great city; rows of houses for several miles
in length, and regular streets. At the first view there appears to be
all the precision of design, with the usual deviations representing
palaces, temples, &c.; which appearances are caused by the washing
away of the hills, as before described. These remains, being composed
of more durable substance continue undecayed, while the rest is
carried off. The strata have the appearance of different stories;
the isolated and detached hills constitute the remainder. I had this
description from hunters, and from persons of intelligence who have
met with them, and I have myself seen places near the Missouri very
similar.
There is but a small portion of this extensive region that is not
calcarious; in this respect resembling the section of the valley
which {232} lies east of the Mississippi. A fact which is singular
enough, on the summits of many of the river hills, about one thousand
miles up, large blocks of granite are found, of several tons weight;
these continue to be seen until we reach the first range of primitive
mountains. It is possible there may have been a lower range, which
from the change produced by the wearing away of the earth has
gradually disappeared.
Some of the peculiarities of climate may be noted in this place. The
height of this western region, and the open plains which compose it,
cause it to possess a pure elastic air. The sky has a more delightful
blue than I ever saw any where else; the atmosphere in a serene calm
evening is so clear, that a slight smoke can be discerned at the
distance of many miles; and it is of great importance to the Indians
in detecting their enemies, and in giving warning; but it also
exercises their caution in the highest degree. In point of health,
it is unnecessary to say any thing; such a country must necessarily
be salubrious. The heat of the sun is greatest in the month of July,
and at that time is not less intense than in other {233} parts of the
continent, but it is rendered more supportable by the breezes which
continually fan the air. Spring opens about the last of April, and
vegetation is in considerable forwardness by the middle of May. Such
fruits as the country affords, principally berries, sand cherries,
and currants, do not ripen until the latter end of July. I found
strawberries ripe about the fourth of that month, near the Mandan
villages. Plums ripen in the latter end of August. The winter sets
in the beginning of October, but there is frost frequently in August
and September. The cold is excessive during the winter seasons; there
are frequent storms which continue for several days, and render it
dangerous for any but Indians to stir out, without running the risk
of being frozen. These observations apply to the greater portion of
this region, but with respect to the part which lies south of the
Arkansas, must be taken with considerable allowance.
To the north of the river just mentioned, rains are not frequent,
but when they set in, pour down in torrents. To the south, there is
seldom any rain, its place being supplied by heavy dews. In the dry
season, at a distance {234} from the great rivers, water is every
where exceedingly scarce. The Indians in their journeys, generally
so shape their course as to pass where ponds of water are known to
be; but they most usually carry a sufficient quantity in bladders. In
this season, a person in traversing the country, will be frequently
surprised at crossing the beds or channels of large rivers, without
finding a drop of water. After rains, or the melting of snows,
torrents roll down these channels. It is not surprising that a
country so distant from the sea, drained by a river which has a
course of four thousand miles, before it reaches the great reservoir,
should not be so well watered. This deficiency is another amongst the
impediments to the settlements of that vast waste.
According to the boundaries before laid down, Louisiana is at least,
one-third larger than the rest of the United States, and contains
little short of one million and a half of square miles. But we should
be greatly deceived if in estimating its importance we take into view
only its geographical extent. Constituting the central or interior
part of North America, the greater portion of it, is at too remote
a distance {235} from the ocean to have an easy and advantageous
communication with the rest of the world. When compared to other
parts of America it may be considered as badly watered, and devoid
of that facility of intercourse from navigable rivers which they
possess. I am to be understood, as speaking of Louisiana generally;
there are exceptions to these general observations: the territory
of the Missouri, and the state of Louisiana, are amply sufficient
to make amends for the unpromising character of the remainder, they
may be justly reckoned amongst the most interesting portions of the
American empire.
From what has been already said, it will be seen that the prevailing
idea of those western regions, being like the rest of the United
States, susceptible of cultivation, and affording endless out-lets to
settlements, is erroneous. These out-lets when compared to the extent
of country are extremely limited; they are much less considerable
than on the eastern side of the Mississippi. The natives will
probably remain in quiet and undisturbed possession, for at least
a century, for until our country becomes in some degree surcharged
with population, {236} there is scarcely any probability of settlers
venturing far into those regions. A different mode of life, habits
altogether new and suited to the situation, would have to be adopted.
Settlements would have to be strung along water courses at such
distances from each other, that they could not protect themselves
from the wandering tribes. The distance from market, and the
difficulties of reaching it, would render the agricultural produce
of little or no value. Yet, I am convinced, that did not the Indians
possess it, there would in a very short time, be many small groups
of settlements scattered through it. This country, it is certain,
can never become agricultural, but it is in many respects highly
favorable to the multiplication of flocks and herds. Those delightful
spots where the beauty and variety of landscape, might challenge
the fancy of the poet, invite to the pastoral life. How admirably
suited to that interesting animal, the sheep, are those clean smooth
meadows, of a surface infinitely varied by hill and dale, covered
with a short sweet grass intermixed with thousands of the most
beautiful flowers, undeformed by a single weed.
{237} This contraction of the settlements will have its advantages.
The territory we possessed before the acquisition of Louisiana, would
not have been filled up for a great length of time: it will require
ages, and even centuries before our lands can be cultivated as in
Europe, or before the population presses on the means of subsistence.
A thin and scattered population is a disadvantage, as it weakens a
nation and retards the progress of improvements. There is also a
consideration which will strike at the first view; the vast open
plains which separate us from the Mexican provinces will for a long
time prevent any serious difficulties as to boundary, where there
exist so little data for determining it.
To dilate upon the political advantages of the acquisition of
Louisiana would fill a volume. It may be regarded as one of the most
fortunate occurrences in our history. Had this country continued in
the hands of any other power, it is highly probable that we should
have been involved in expensive wars, or perhaps a separation of
the western states might have taken place. To these states the free
navigation of the Mississippi is absolutely necessary, {238} and
while Louisiana remained in the possession of any European nation it
would always have been subject to interruption. This consideration
alone would have been worth the price paid for the province. The
connexion between the existence of a republic and the extent of its
territory, is still a _vexata questio_ amongst politicians, and can
only be decided by the experiment of ours. I will only venture to
suggest one idea. In a small extent of country there is danger from
the momentary bias of popular opinion; the _permanent interests_, may
not be sufficiently diversified, and should the confederacy divide on
this subject, into two great parties, nothing can long retain them
in union. In an extensive region like ours, even with the aid of our
_thousand newspapers_, popular feeling cannot be suddenly aroused to
such a pitch of passion and phrenzy, as to break down the barriers
of reason; and the northern and southern interests, (of which we
hear,) are neutralized by the weight of several important states,
whose interests are connected with that of both. The western states,
like the southern, are devoted to agriculture, but at the same time,
dependent on the commerce {239} of the northern for the conveniences
and luxuries of life.
The security our western settlements will derive against the numerous
tribes of savages, who would be at the disposal of any power holding
Louisiana, may be ranked amongst the most certain advantages of the
acquisition. Our vicinity to the Mexican provinces will enable us to
carry on a trade, which, if permitted to be free, must in a short
time become of incalculable value. It is ardently to be wished,
that these people during their present struggles may be able to
throw off the foreign government, which ruled them as it were by the
spells of Circe, by using every art to retain them in ignorance,
and to render them debased. Could these people become independent,
and be regenerated by the ennobling spirit of freedom, the northern
continent would be exclusively possessed by two great nations,
Americans and Mexicans, united in friendship by harmonizing interests
and sympathy of governments.
The intrinsic value of Louisiana, notwithstanding the vast extent
which may be considered almost barren, is beyond calculation. The
{240} territory of Missouri and the state of Louisiana, are equal in
extent to any three of the largest states, containing every variety
of soil and capable of producing whatever may administer to the
convenience or luxury of man; rich in minerals, fertile in soil, and
favorably situated for commerce and manufacture.
A TABLE OF DISTANCES[59]
_From the mouth of the Missouri to the Mandan Villages--
Rivers--Latitudes &c._
=============================+=======+========+=====+======+========
| Width | | | |
Places | of | Side |Dis- | Total|
|rivers,| of |tance| Dist.|Latitude
| yds. |Missouri| | |
-----------------------------+-------+--------+-----+------+--------
St. Charles | | N. E. | 21 | | 38° 59′
Osage river, (Little,) | 30 | N. E. | 20 | |
Charles’ creek | 20 | S. W. | 27 | |
Shepherd’s creek | | S. W. | 15 | |
Gasconade river | 157 | S. W. | 17 | 100 | 38° 45′
Muddy river | 50 | N. E. | 15 | |
Great Osage | 397 | S. W. | 18 | 133 | 38° 31′
Marrow Creek | 20 | S. W. | 5 | |
Cedar Creek and island | 20 | N. E. | 7 | |
Lead Mine hill | | S. W. | 9 | |
Hamilton’s creek | 20 | S. W. | 8 | |
Split Rock creek | 20 | N. E. | 8 | 170 |
Saline or Salt river | 30 | S. W. | 3 | |
Manitoo river | 30 | N. E. | 9 | |
Good Woman’s river | 35 | N. E. | 9 | |
Mine river | 70 | S. W. | 9 | 200 |
Arrow prairies | | S. W. | 6 | |
The Charitons }| 30 | N. E. | 14 | |
}| 70 | | | |
Ancient village of Missouri }| | | | |
Indians, near which, fort }| | N. E. | 16 | |
Orleans formerly stood }| | | | |
{244} Grand River | 90 | N. E. | 4 | 240 |
Snake creek | 18 | N. E. | 6 | |
Ancient village of the }| | | | |
Little Osage Indians }| | S. W. | 10 | 256 |
Tiger creek and Island | 25 | N. E. | 20 | |
A creek and island | | S. W. | 12 | |
Fire prairie and creek | | S. W. | 12 | |
Fort Clark or Osage | | S. W. | 6 | 306 |
Hay Cabin creek | 20 | S. W. | 6 | |
Coal bank | | S. W. | 9 | |
Blue Water river | 30 | S. W. | 10 | |
Kansas river | 233 | S. W. | 9 | 340 | 39° 5′
Little river Platte | 60 | N. E. | 9 | |
1. Old Kansas village | | S. W. | 28 | |
Independence creek | | S. W. | 28 | |
2. Old Kansas village | | S. W. | 1 | |
St. Michael’s prairie | | N. E. | 24 | |
Nodawa river | 70 | N. E. | 20 | 450 | 39° 40′
Loup or Wolf river | 60 | S. W. | 14 | |
Big Nimeha | 80 | S. W. | 16 | |
Tarkio creek | 23 | N. E. | 3 | |
Nish-na-botona | 50 | N. E. | 25 | 508 |
Little Nimeha | 48 | S. W. | 8 | |
Bald-pated prairie--the }| | | | |
river Nish-na-bo-tona }| | | | |
is at this place not }| | N. E. | 23 | |
more than 150 yards }| | | | |
from the bank of the }| | | | |
Missouri. }| | | | |
Weeping-water creek | 25 | S. W. | 29 | |
RIVER PLATTE | 600 | S. W. | 32 | 600 | 41° 4′
Butterfly creek | 18 | S. W. | 3 | |
Moscheto creek | 22 | N. E. | 7 | |
Ancient village of Ottoes | | S. W. | 11 | |
do. of Ayuwas | | N. E. | 6 | |
{245} ---- river | 28 | N. E. | 11 | |
Council Bluffs | | S. W. | 12 | 650 | 41° 17′
Soldier’s river | 40 | N. E. | 39 | |
Little Sioux | 80 | N. E. | 44 | |
Bad Spirit river | | S. W. | 55 | 788 |
A bend in the river, 20 }| | | | |
miles round, and but }| | | 21 | 809 |
900 yards across. }| | | | |
An island 3 miles N. E. } | | | 27 | 836 |
of Floyd’s village. } | | | | |
Floyd’s river and bluff | 35 | N. E. | 14 | 850 |
Big Sioux river | 110 | N. E. | 3 | 853 | 38° 48′
Commencement of the }| | | | |
Cobell, Alum, and }| | S. W. | 27 | 880 |
Copperas bluffs }| | | | |
Hot or Burning bluffs | | S. W. | 30 | |
White Stone river | 30 | N. E. | 8 | |
An old village at the mouth }| | | | |
of Little Bow creek }| | S. W. | 20 | |
River a Jaque or James R. | 90 | N. E. | 12 | 950 | 42° 53′
Calumet bluff | | S. W. | 13 | |
Ancient fortification, }| | | | |
Good Man’s Isle }| | S. W. | 13 | 976 |
Plumb creek | 12 | N. E. | 10 | |
White Paint creek | 28 | S. W. | 8 | |
Qui Courre creek | 150 | S. W. | 6 | 1000 |
Poncas river and village | 30 | S. W. | 10 | |
The village of dog prair. | | S. W. | 20 | |
The island Cedar | | | 40 | |
WHITE RIVER | 300 | S. W. | 60 | 1130 |
The 3 rivers of the Sioux | 36 | N. E. | 22 | |
An island in the upper }| | S. W. | 20 | |
part of the Big Bend }| | | | |
{246} Upper part of the } | | | | |
Big Bend, the gorge } | | S. W. | 30 | |
1¼ mile across }| | | | |
Tyler’s river | 35 | S. W. | 6 | 1208 |
L’Oiselle’s post, Cedar }| | | | |
island }| | | 18 | | 44° 12′
Titon river | 70 | S. W. | 37 | |
The upper part of five old }| | | | |
record villages of }| | S. W. | 42 | |
Arikaras, reduced by }| | | | |
the Sioux | | | | |
Chienne river | 400 | S. W. | 5 | 1310 | 44° 20′
Old record village | | | 47 | |
Ser-war-cerna | 90 | S. W. | 40 | 1397 |
Waterhoo | 120 | S. W. | 25 | 1422 | 45° 35′
Old village on an island | | S. W. | 4 | |
Arikara, 2 villages | | S. W. | 4 | |
Stone Idol creek | 18 | N. E. | 18 | |
Warecore | 35 | N. E. | 40 | |
Cannon-ball river | 140 | S. W. | 12 | 1500 | 46° 29′
Old Mandan village | | S. W. | 40 | |
do. | | S. W. | 40 | |
Mandan village | | S. W. | 20 | 1600 | 47° 13′
Company’s Fort | | | 40 | 1640 |
[54] Brackenridge includes in his appendix, matter which
is also given by Bradbury (vol. V of our series),
and which therefore is here omitted: 1st, Sibley’s
journey to the salines, incorporated by Bradbury in
the text of his journal, pp. 191-194. 2d, extract
from the Missouri _Gazette_, on voyage of the
Astorians--Bradbury, appendix iii. 3d, oration of
Big Elk--Bradbury, appendix ii.--ED.
[55] Brackenridge in the early part of 1811 wrote some
articles on Louisiana for periodical publication.
These he afterwards revised and enlarged, and
incorporated in a volume entitled _Views of
Louisiana_ (Pittsburgh, 1814). From this he has
extracted chapter iii, to include in the appendix to
the journal. See preface to the present volume.--ED.
[56] See Pike’s Journal.--BRACKENRIDGE.
_Comment by Ed._--Pike, _Account of Expeditions to
Sources of Mississippi, and through Western Parts of
Louisiana ... during the years 1805, 1806, and 1807_
(Baltimore, 1810); new edition, Coues ed. (New York,
1895).
[57] The journal of William Dunbar and Dr. Hunter up the
Red and Washita rivers was published in Lewis and
Clark, _Statistical Account_ (London, 1807), pp.
74-116.--ED.
[58] There are extensive tracts of moving sands similar
to those of the African deserts. Mr. Makey informed
me that he was several days in passing over one
of these between the Platte and the Missouri,
and near the mountains; there was no sign of
vegetation.--BRACKENRIDGE.
[59] By comparison of this table with the more detailed
list in Lewis and Clark’s _Narrative_ (Biddle ed.,
Philadelphia, 1814), ii, pp. 462-464, it will be
noticed that several changes have been made by
Brackenridge, both in the data and orthography,
while the latitude is added. From internal evidence,
there is some reason to believe that Brackenridge
had access to the original journals of Lewis and
Clark, but failed properly to interpret some of the
proper names in the manuscript.--ED.
THE END
FRANCHÈRE’S NARRATIVE OF A VOYAGE TO THE
NORTHWEST COAST, 1811-1814
Reprint of J. V. Huntington’s English translation (New York, 1854)
[Illustration: Astoria, as it was in 1813]
NARRATIVE
OF A
VOYAGE
TO
THE NORTHWEST COAST OF AMERICA
IN THE YEARS 1811, 1812, 1813, AND 1814
OR THE
FIRST AMERICAN SETTLEMENT ON THE PACIFIC
By GABRIEL FRANCHERE
TRANSLATED AND EDITED BY J. V. HUNTINGTON
[Illustration]
REDFIELD
110 AND 112 NASSAU STREET, NEW YORK
1854.
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1854,
BY J. S. REDFIELD,
in the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of the United States,
in and for the Southern District of New York.
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
In 1846, when the boundary question (that of the Oregon Territory in
particular) was at its height, the Hon. THOMAS H. BENTON delivered in
the United States Senate a decisive speech, of which the following is
an extract:--
“Now for the proof of all I have said. I happen to have in my
possession the book of all others, which gives the fullest and
most authentic details on all the points I have mentioned--a book
written at a time, and under circumstances, when the author (himself
a British subject and familiar on the Columbia) had no more idea
that the British would lay claim to that river, than {4} Mr. Harmon,
the American writer whom I quoted, ever thought of our claiming New
Caledonia. It is the work of Mr. FRANCHÈRE, a gentleman of Montreal,
with whom I have the pleasure to be personally acquainted, and one
of those employed by Mr. ASTOR in founding his colony. He was at the
founding of ASTORIA, at its sale to the Northwest Company, saw the
place seized as a British conquest, and continued there after its
seizure. He wrote in French: his work has not been done into English,
though it well deserves it; and I read from the French text. He gives
a brief and true account of the discovery of the Columbia.”
I felt justly proud of this notice of my unpretending work,
especially that the latter should have contributed, as it did, to
the amicable settlement of the then pending difficulties. I have
flattered myself ever since, that it belonged to the historical
literature of the great country, which by adoption has become mine.
The re-perusal of “Astoria” by WASHINGTON IRVING (1836) inspired
me with an additional {5} motive for giving my book in an English
dress. Without disparagement to Mr. IRVING’S literary fame, I may
venture to say that I found in his work inaccuracies, misstatements
(unintentional of course), and a want of chronological order, which
struck forcibly one so familiar with the events themselves. I thought
I could show--or rather that my simple narration, of itself, plainly
discovered--that some of the young men embarked in that expedition
(which founded our Pacific empire), did not merit the ridicule and
contempt which Captain THORN attempted to throw upon them, and which
perhaps, through the genius of Mr. IRVING, might otherwise remain as
a lasting stigma on their characters.
But the consideration which, before all others, prompts me to offer
this narrative to the American reading public, is my desire to place
before them, therein, a simple and connected account (which at this
time ought to be interesting), of the early settlement of the Oregon
Territory by one of our adopted citizens, the enterprising merchant
JOHN JACOB ASTOR. The importance {6} of a vast territory, which at no
distant day may add two more bright stars to our national banner, is
a guarantee that my humble effort will be appreciated.
_Note by Huntington_
It has been the editor’s wish to let Mr. Franchère speak for himself.
To preserve in the translation the Defoe-like simplicity of the
original narrative of the young French Canadian, has been his chief
care. Having read many narratives of travel and adventure in our
northwestern wilderness, he may be permitted to say that he has met
with none that gives a more vivid and picturesque description of it,
or in which the personal adventures of the narrator, and the varying
fortunes of a great enterprise, mingle more happily, and one may say,
more dramatically, with the itinerary. The clerkly minuteness {7}
of the details is not without its charm either, and their fidelity
speaks for itself. Take it altogether, it must be regarded as a
fragment of our colonial history saved from oblivion; it fills up a
vacuity which Mr. IRVING’S classic work does not quite supply; it is,
in fact, the only account by an eyewitness and a participator in the
enterprise, of the first attempt to form a settlement on the Pacific
under the stars and stripes.
The editor has thought it would be interesting to add Mr. Franchère’s
Preface to the original French edition, which will be found on the
next page.
BALTIMORE, _February 6, 1854_.
PREFACE TO THE FRENCH EDITION
When I was writing my journal on the vessel which carried me to the
northwest coast of North America, or in the wild regions of this
continent, I was far from thinking that it would be placed one day
before the public eye. I had no other end in writing, but to procure
to my family and my friends a more exact and more connected detail
of what I had seen or learned in the course of my travels, than
it would have been possible for me to give them in a _viva voce_
narration. Since my return to my native city, my manuscript has
passed into various hands and has been read by different persons:
several of my friends immediately advised me to print it; but it is
only quite lately that I have allowed {10} myself to be persuaded,
that without being a learned naturalist, a skilful geographer, or a
profound moralist, a traveller may yet interest by the faithful and
succinct account of the situations in which he has found himself, the
adventures which have happened to him, and the incidents of which he
has been a witness; that if a simple ingenuous narrative, stripped of
the merit of science and the graces of diction, must needs be less
enjoyed by the man of letters or by the _savant_, it would have, in
compensation, the advantage of being at the level of a greater number
of readers; in fine, that the desire of affording an entertainment
to his countrymen, according to his capacity, and without any
mixture of the author’s vanity or of pecuniary interest, would be a
well-founded title to their indulgence. Whether I have done well or
ill in yielding to these suggestions, which I am bound to regard as
those of friendship, or of good-will, it belongs to the impartial and
disinterested reader to decide.
MONTREAL, 1819.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
Departure from Montreal--Arrival in New York--Description of
that City--Names of the Persons engaged in the Expedition 189