Still this does not comprise the whole of nationalism, for no less
ardent is the patriotism of bilingual Belgium and of trilingual
Switzerland. Even here in America we see that the bond of tongue is
not the only one. Else we should feel that there is no reason for a
division between Canada and the United States, and that the political
ties between western Canada and French Quebec must be artificial.
Neither would it be intelligible why modern Germany should never have
pursued the policy of unifying all German-speaking peoples in Europe,
why she should not covet the large German provinces of Austria, and
should patiently witness the forcible Russianization of the German
towns in the Baltic provinces and the Magyarization of the Germans in
Hungary.
Neither the bonds of blood nor those of language alone make a nation.
It is rather the community of emotional life that rises from our
every-day habits, from the forms of our thoughts, feelings, and
actions, which constitute the medium in which every individual can
unfold freely his activities.
Language and nation are so often identified, because we feel that among
a people that uses the same language every one can find the widest
field for unrestricted activity. Added to this is the powerful idea
of political unity, which emphasizes the interests of the citizen as
opposed to those of the foreigners. These beliefs combine to create a
sense of national unity. Nevertheless it is perfectly clear that there
is no individual, nor any group of individuals, that represents the
national ideal. It is rather an abstraction based on the current forms
of thought, feeling, and action,--an abstraction of high emotional
value, that is further enhanced by the consciousness of political power.
It is well to bear in mind that nationality is not necessarily based
on unity of speech; for when the same type of cultural ideals prevails
in a polyglottal area, in which each group is too weak to give to the
individual a free field of action, this can be attained only by the
development of a union of the independent groups. Those who claim on _a
priori_ ground that there cannot be any Austrian patriotism on account
of the polyglottal mixture that is found in the empire, might do well
to consider that during the past seventy years a co-ordination of the
various linguistic groups has slowly developed. Against the wishes of
the Monarchy, Hungary has gained its independence of German domination;
and during the last few decades the Government of Austria itself, much
against the clamor of the German element, has given due recognition to
the wishes of the Slavic population. In all this we see the beginning
of a new national life, probably the only one that can lead to a free
unfolding of human activity in this region that is split up like no
other part of Europe.
The attitude of Italy in the present situation illustrates also that
the linguistic bond is not the only source of national aspirations.
While national unity of the Italian-speaking people is their avowed
aim, those Italians who have cast their lot with Switzerland are
willingly left to themselves. In other areas the ardor with which unity
is sought depends upon the historic past. The Italians under Austrian
rule appeal most strongly to the Italian imagination, and Austria is
reaping her reward for long-continued oppression. This has taken such
strong hold of the Italian mind, that the French encroachments in the
west, and Mazzini’s condemnation of the Third French Republic for not
restoring the lost territory, seem to have been forgotten.
For the full development of his faculties, the individual needs the
widest possible field in which to live and act according to his modes
of thought and inner feeling. Since, in most cases, the opportunity
is given among a group that possesses unity of speech, we feel
full sympathy with the intense desire to throw down the artificial
barriers of small political units. This process has characterized
the development of modern nations, and is now active in part of
southeastern Europe.
When, however, these limits are overstepped, and a fictitious racial
or alleged national unit is set up that has no existence in actual
conditions, the free unfolding of powers, for which we are striving,
is liable to become an excuse for ambitious lust for power. When
France dreamt of a union of all Latin people in a Pan-Latin union
under her leadership, the legitimate limits of natural development
were lost sight of for the sake of national ambition. If Russia
promotes a Pan-Slavistic propaganda among the diverse peoples, solely
on the ground that the Slavs are linguistically related, and assumes
a fictitious common racial origin, the actual usefulness of the
nationalistic idea is lost sight of, and it is made the cover for the
desire of expansion of power.