THE DISCOVERY OF NORTHERN NIGERIA—(_cont._)
On the borders of the Lake the travellers observed the cotton shrub
growing well and innumerable flocks of waterfowl disporting themselves.
So tame were the latter that when approached they “merely changed their
position a little to the right or left.” Following the Western shore of
the Chad, the travellers pushed on to Kuka. Within a few days’ march
of that once-flourishing city they began to realise how erroneous were
the popular ideas of the “Sudan.” Instead of “ragged negroes armed with
spears,” who, with the assistance of a few Arabs, managed to terrorise
the country, the travellers were astonished to see a dense cloud of
cavalry riding towards them, the guard of honour sent by the Sheik of
Bornu to bid them welcome. With loud cries of “Blessing, blessing!
Welcome! welcome!” the black warriors, clad “in coats of mail, composed
of iron chain,” bore down upon them in orderly array, waving swords and
spears. Surrounded by this imposing mass of horsemen they entered Kuka,
and were received in audience by the Sheik. After a short residence in
Kuka the companions separated, Denham going off with Bu-Kalum on the raid
which turned out so disastrously for all concerned in it.
The energetic Major subsequently visited a large portion of the Eastern
parts of Bornu, located and ascended the Shari as far as Logon, then the
capital of an important kingdom, and explored a considerable portion
of the Eastern shores of the Lake. The information he collected in the
course of his peregrinations and the maps of the district which he
compiled were of very great value. The Southern and Eastern shores of
the Lake were entirely unknown, the Lake itself practically unlocated,
and the existence of the Shari unsuspected. It has always appeared to
me that Denham never received the credit which was due to him for his
exploring work. In view of his unscientific training, he was unable to
turn his discoveries to the best advantage, but all things considered,
his investigations proved in the main surprisingly accurate. His
ignorance of African history, too, was very much against him. He was
distinctly an unlettered man, neither possessed of a ready pen nor
imbued with much imagination. The natural result of these shortcomings
is apparent in every page of his Journal. We find him recording the
most trivial incidents, and almost neglecting the social, political and
ethnological problems with which he came daily in contact. The same lack
of study and intelligent research—of education, really—is visible, but
perhaps to a lesser extent, in Clapperton’s writings.
It was in a sense a new world which the explorers had entered, a
world of absorbing interest, where Eastern magnificence and barbaric
display mingled with the naked barbarism of Africa; where semi-Arabised
potentates went a-warring with mail-clad knights, and powerful Barons
brought their contingent of retainers to assist their liege lord
in his campaigns of plunder and conquest. The travellers had left
nineteenth-century England, had plunged into the Desert, and had emerged
therefrom amid a feudalism which recalled in many ways that of their own
land in the Middle Ages. What an opportunity was theirs in this region,
which for centuries, by reason of its fertility, had proved a magnet
to attract the migration of races from the North, West, and East! Some
twenty years later a man with a truly scientific mind went over the same
ground, and then, and only then, did people realise all that Denham and
Clapperton had left untold. But, although it was reserved for the genial
and cultured German who succeeded Denham to show how profound is the gulf
between a character such as Barth’s, studious and observant, replete
with historical lore and scientific attainment, and men like Denham and
Clapperton, notable only for their courage, dogged perseverance, and
love of adventure, yet the prestige of the former, which increases rather
than diminishes as our knowledge of these regions in question becomes
more extensive, can never rob the Englishmen of the right of priority of
discovery. They were the first white men to reach the Chad, to discover
the Shari, to explore Bornu, Sokoto, and part of Kanem, and to describe,
however indifferently, the wonderful social fabric, the picturesque
civilisation, teeming with energy and industrialism, which existed, and
exists, in the upper portion of the Niger Basin.
While Denham bent his steps eastwards, Clapperton and Oudney left Kuka
in a westerly direction with the intention of entering the Empire
of Sokoto, founded by Othman Fodio (the Fulani reformer during the
first years of the nineteenth century) out of the heterogeneous and
mutually antagonistic Hausa States. Of this Empire and the remarkable
race which created it, the travellers had heard a great deal while in
Bornu. The two States were for the time being at peace, and the Sheik
Mohammed-el-Kanemy, the virtual, and subsequently the absolute ruler
of Bornu, made no opposition to the Englishmen’s visit. Shortly after
leaving Katagum, at the small village of Murmur, Dr. Oudney, who had
been ailing for many months, died, much to Clapperton’s distress. The
sad event did not, however, deter his companion from pushing onwards,
noting as he went the extraordinary beauty and fertility of the country,
the numerous plantations of cotton, tobacco and indigo, the rows upon
rows of date-palms, the splendid cattle, the luxurious foliage, and the
industry of the inhabitants, tending their flocks and herds, toiling in
the fields, carrying fruit and butter to the markets, weaving and dyeing
their handsome cotton cloths. On January 19, 1824, Clapperton reached
Kano, the great Emporium of the Central Sudan, his first feeling being
one of disappointment, which was not diminished by the circumstance that,
although he had donned his naval uniform, no one took the slightest
heed of him, “but all intent on their own business, allowed me to pass
by without remark.” This little incident, trivial in itself, throws an
interesting sidelight upon the character of the gallant sailor, who was
imbued with a proper sense of the dignity befitting his position and
never failed to uphold it, as witness the following conversation which
took place between him and the Governor of Kano. There is, by the way, a
passage in this short dialogue which may be commended to the attention of
certain missionary enthusiasts at the present time:
“‘How do you do, Abdullah (Clapperton’s native name)? Will you
come and see me at Hadyja on your return?’ I answered, ‘God
willing,’ with due Moslem solemnity. ‘You are a Christian,
Abdullah?’ ‘Yes.’ ‘And what have you come to see?’ ‘The
country.’ ‘What do you think of it?’ ‘It is a fine country,
but very sickly.’ At this he smiled, and again asked, ‘Would
you Christians allow us to come and see your country?’ I said,
‘Certainly.’ ‘Would you force us to become Christians?’ ‘By no
means; we never meddle with a man’s religion.’ ‘What,’ said he,
‘and do you ever pray?’ ‘Sometimes; our religion commands us to
pray always; but we pray in secret, and not in public, except
on Sundays.’ One of his people abruptly asked what a Christian
was? ‘Why a Kaffir,’[28] rejoined the Governor. ‘Where is your
Jew servant?’ again asked the Governor; ‘you ought to let me
see him.’ ‘Excuse me, he is averse to it, and I never allow my
servants to be molested for their religious opinions.’ ‘Well,
Abdullah, thou art a man of understanding, and you must come
and see me at Hadyja.’”
Clapperton came very satisfactorily out of that interview, but he did not
fare quite so well in a later colloquy with Sultan Bello, the ruler of
the Sokoto Empire, who asked him one day whether he was a Nestorian or a
Socinian. The puzzled Englishman, who probably had never heard of either
sect, excused himself by replying that he was a Protestant. The fact of
having such a question put to him thousands of miles in the interior of
the Dark Continent, supposed to be the abode of primitive savagery, was
sufficient evidence of the intelligence of the inhabitants, of which
he received abundant proof every fresh day he prolonged his stay in
the country. Under the able guidance of Bello, Othman’s successor and
“a noble-looking man,” as Clapperton calls him (with the aristocratic
and finely cut features peculiar to the Fulani), the statesmanlike
qualities of the ruling race and the wonderful commercial and industrial
activity of the Hausa population, reached their full development,
and law and order reigned throughout that portion of the new States
which had accepted the Fulani dominion. The country had been divided
into Provinces, to each of which Governors were appointed. Trade was
encouraged, industries protected, and manufactures promoted. Prosperity
was everywhere apparent, and, to quote the words used by Clapperton in
the course of one of his interviews with Bello:
“The people of England could all read and write, and were
acquainted with most other regions of the earth; but of this
country alone they hitherto knew scarcely anything, and
erroneously regarded the inhabitants as naked savages, devoid
of religion, and not far removed from the condition of wild
beasts; whereas, I found them, from my personal observation, to
be civilised, humane, and pious.”
Clapperton very much desired to continue his westward journey, and, if
possible, strike the Niger, follow it to its mouth, and thus attain the
supreme object of the mission; for the information which the traveller
had obtained in Sokoto made it a practical certainty that the Niger
discharged itself somewhere in the Atlantic Ocean. But Bello objected,
alleging the disturbed condition of the westward country, which had not
yet been subjected. Much to his disappointment, therefore, the Englishman
was compelled to forego his plans. He, however, parted on the best of
terms with his enlightened host, who gave him a letter to the King of
England, and begged him to return at the earliest possible opportunity.
The letter is worth reproducing here:
“BELLO TO KING GEORGE IV.
“In the name of God, the merciful and the clement. May God
bless our favourite prophet Mahommed and those who follow
his sound doctrine. To the head of the Christian nation, the
honoured and the beloved among the English people, George
the Fourth, King of Great Britain. Praise be to God who
inspires, and peace be unto those who follow the right path.
Your Majesty’s servant, Rayes Abdullah, came to us, and we
found him a very intelligent and wise man; representing in
every respect your greatness, wisdom, dignity, clemency, and
penetration. When the time of his departure came he requested
us to form a friendly relation and correspond with you, and to
prohibit the exportation of slaves by our merchants to Ataghar,
Dahomi, and Ashanti. We agree with him upon this, on account
of the good which will result from it both to you and to us;
and that a vessel of yours is to come to the harbour of Racka,
with two guns and the quantities of powder, shot, &c., which
they require; as also a number of muskets. We will then send
our officer to arrange to settle everything with your consul,
and fix a certain period for the arrival of your merchant
ships, and when they come they may traffic and deal with our
merchants. Then, after their return, the consul may reside in
that harbour, viz., Racka, as protector, in company with our
agent there. May God be pleased. Dated, 1st of Rhamadan, 1239
of Hejra. April 18, 1824.”
Furnished with this letter, which he might well regard as a signal proof
of success, and which augured a promising development of relations in
the future, Clapperton travelled back to Kuka, where Denham joined him
in due course, after his return from the Chad. The homeward journey was
accomplished without mishap, and on January 25, 1825, the survivors of
the mission reached Tripoli, after four adventurous years, replete with
interest to their country and to the world.
As already stated, Clapperton, when he parted company with Sultan Bello,
did so with the full intention of returning at the earliest opportunity.
Bello had shown himself most eager to establish durable relations with
Great Britain, and had suggested that a British vessel should go to
“Racka,” there to deliver the warlike stores which were to cement the
understanding between his Christian Majesty King George IV. and the
Fulani Ruler. Clapperton found the British Government eager to profit
by the opportunity of concluding an alliance with so influential a
potentate, and lost no time in giving Clapperton (who was raised to the
rank of commander) authority to organise another expedition. Clapperton
himself was all enthusiasm. On the 27th August 1825 he left England in
H.M.S. _Brazen_, in company with his trusted servant, Richard Lander,
and attended by three companions, Mr. Dickson, Captain Pearce, and Dr.
Morrison. Dickson, for some unexplained reason, landed at Whydah with
the intention of reaching Sokoto alone, and was never heard of again.
Disappointed at not meeting any of Bello’s messengers at Lagos, which
it appears had been arranged, Clapperton started his inland march from
Badagry, after trying the Benin route and being dissuaded from adopting
it by an English merchant established in that river. Shortly afterwards
both Captain Pearce and Dr. Morrison contracted fever and died.
Clapperton and Lander pushed safely onwards through Yoruba and Borgu, and
arrived without further calamity at Bussa. The river was crossed below
the rapids, and the expedition duly reached Kano by way of Zeg-Zeg. At
Bussa, Clapperton gathered valuable information with regard to Park’s
untimely end, fully confirming the previous information which had reached
England.
Everything seemed to promise well for the ultimate success of the
mission. Unfortunately, however, there were a number of causes at work
destined to wreck the sanguine hopes of its leader. As Clapperton neared
his destination, a doubt of the reception awaiting him at Sokoto appears
to have weighed heavily upon his mind. In the first place, Bello’s
messengers had not put in appearance at Lagos; then the seaport of
“Racka,” mentioned in Bello’s map, did not exist as such, which latter
circumstance caused Clapperton to entertain serious misgivings as to
his former host’s good faith. The absence of the messengers can easily
be explained in view of the disturbed state of the country between
Yoruba and the Niger, for the Fulani were then extending their conquests
southwards, and the entire region was in a state of effervescence; but
the misunderstanding about “Racka” is certainly strange. It is difficult
to believe that Bello purposely intended to mislead. Bello had spoken
of the “harbour” of Racka, but as is pointed out in the introduction to
Clapperton’s journal, the Arabic word Bahr, used in the manuscript, does
not necessarily signify sea, but any collection of water, whether lake
or river.[29] On Bello’s map the Niger is designated as the “sea.” It
is probable, therefore, that Bello was perfectly honest in describing
“Racka” as a “harbour,” and that the _bahr_ of the manuscript should
more correctly have been translated by “river” instead of “sea.” Racka,
however, turned out to be an inland town, and the fact strengthened
Clapperton’s suspicions. How the confusion arose it is impossible, on the
documentary evidence available, to determine, but it seems obvious that
Racka must have been meant for Rabba, an important town on the banks of
the Niger, some distance below Bussa, and at one time the capital of the
kingdom of Nupe.
To this error of interpretation and geography was really due Clapperton’s
subsequent misfortunes, because, had the suspicion that Bello was
playing him false been absent from his mind, the intrepid Englishman
would hardly have adopted the unwise attitude which he subsequently did
in his negotiations with the Fulani monarch. That attitude proved his
undoing, and the direct cause of his death. His mental condition did not
enable him to grasp the fact that the entire state of affairs had changed
since his first visit. Sokoto was then at peace with Bornu. But in the
interval war had broken out again. Now, in addition to the presents that
Clapperton had brought to Bello, his baggage also contained a number of
presents, including war-stores, for the Sheik-el-Kanemy, ruler of Bornu,
who had become Bello’s deadly enemy. It was manifestly impossible for
Bello to allow these presents to pass through the country at such a time,
and he wrote to Clapperton to that effect. To this Clapperton rejoined
that he had been instructed by his Government to go to Bornu, that he
had a letter from Earl Bathurst to the Sheik-el-Kanemy, and that he was
in duty bound to carry out his mandate. This insistence aroused Bello’s
mistrust, which seems to have been intensified by reports, doubtless
spread through the instrumentality of Arab merchants dreading commercial
competition, that Clapperton was a spy sent on behalf of the English
Government to obtain information with the idea of facilitating a future
invasion of the country by the British. Clapperton repeatedly, and with
growing exasperation, pressed his wishes upon the Sultan, and Bello, with
increasing distrust, as repeatedly declined to entertain them. The strain
and the mortification were too great, even for Clapperton’s splendid
constitution, and when Bello, yielding to his own suspicions, and to
the advice of his counsellors, demanded the production of the presents
intended for the Sheik, Clapperton fell seriously ill. After hovering
between life and death for many days, he finally expired in the arms of
his devoted servant, Lander.
Thus terminated a career of unbounding usefulness. To England and to
science Clapperton rendered great services, and had his intellectual
capacity equalled his courage and determination, those services would
have been even greater than they were. Of him we may truly say that he
was a fine type of the English gentleman of the old school, without
much erudition, but simple, God-fearing, honest, manly, a credit to his
country and to his race.