CHAPTER IV

GRASPING THE NETTLE

We are told that the way to handle a nettle is to grasp it firmly. Never

having had any need of handling a nettle, I have not tested the truth of

this popular saying and consequently have some hesitation about using it

in connection with our international relations. It is quite applicable

as far as the stinging quality of the subject is concerned; but whether

taking hold of it firmly will help matters remains to be seen. Anyway, I

propose to set down the truth as I have found it without further

persiflage or evasion.

It is beyond question that there is a growing bitterness between the

United States and Great Britain--including the Dominions Overseas. On

both sides of the borderline between Canada and the United States there

are constant bitter expressions of opinion, and unless something can be

done to check the evil the results may be disastrous. On the platform

and in the press dislike and contempt are finding daily expression. What

is the cause of this and what is its significance?

In the first place, there is the watchfulness and jealous sense of honor

due to what Herbert Spencer has called the "bias of patriotism." Few

patriotic citizens can avoid being irritated by any disparagement of the

land of their birth. We are taught in the schools to be proud of our own

country and to guard her rights even to the extent of giving our lives

in her defence. This is something that has the approval of all

governments and of most citizens. But the majority are firmly convinced

that in order to love their own country it is not necessary to hate any

other man's country. Though patriotism may be shown in the irritation

between two countries it is not the cause of the irritation. We must

seek the cause elsewhere.

During the later years of the war there was a wonderfully friendly

feeling among the Allied countries. Since the signing of the armistice

the friendship has been vanishing and a growing cleavage becoming

evident. For over a year I have been watching the matter closely, and

now that I have had a chance to investigate on both sides of the line I

feel safe in making a few definite statements. To begin with, I found in

Canada that dislike of the United States is confined very largely to the

platform and press. The plain people--the farmers and all classes of

workers--have very little feeling in the matter. They simply want a

chance to put their affairs in order after the war. What I have been

able to learn while visiting the United States has convinced me that the

attitude of the farmers and workers of that country is either friendly

or indifferent to the people of Canada. Then why the attitude of the

press and platform? They are supposed to voice the sentiments of the

great mass of the people.

That may have been the case in an earlier and undeveloped age, but the

situation has changed. The partisan spirit which inclines people to

stick to their own party organization through all vicissitudes of public

opinion practically cancels their political influence. A million

hidebound Conservative voters who can be depended on not to change their

opinions will cancel a million hidebound Liberal voters. Therefore, the

press and platform--not to mention the political workers who use more

sordid and corrupt methods--direct their efforts to capturing the

remaining vote that through ignorance, high-mindedness, discontent, or

any other reason is not attached to either party. Thus it becomes

evident that the utterances of the press and platform do not voice the

sentiments of the mass of the people. They merely show the efforts that

are being made to capture the floating vote which will finally decide in

any election. They are sectional and often criminally reckless. There is

no need of giving specific instances of the attempts to capture any

particular group of voters outside of the party folds either in the

United States or Canada. Every reader can call to mind instances where

this has been done.

But this does not deal with the specific grievances that are aired in

official utterances. Quite true, but it casts some light on the reason

for airing them. But if we are to handle this nettle we must deal with

these grievances.

Very well. First there is the egotism of Americans regarding the part

they played in the war. This finds expression, not only in the press and

from the platform, but in the movie shows. (As the movies play so

important a part in making trouble I shall devote a separate chapter to

them.) Then there is the question of exchange.

The adverse exchange rates cause much wrath in Canada, and though I

suspect that speculation may have much to do with augmenting the

difference, there is something fundamental in our trade relations that

makes a certain amount of adverse exchange inevitable at the present

time. If this is not true, then we loyal Canadians have much to answer

for. If the Wall Street financiers are doing a grievous wrong to

Canadians every time they discount a dollar, then how about us every

time we discount a pound sterling and discount it more severely than our

own dollar is discounted? The most loyal Canadian in dealing with the

Mother Country takes advantage of adverse exchange. Does this mean

disloyalty, hatred of Great Britain, and all greed and unkindness?

Certainly not. No one thinks so for a moment. It is the result of

international conditions. Then may not the attitude of the United States

be governed by the same international conditions? Anyway, it can hardly

be an avoidable policy, adopted maliciously and on purpose to humiliate

and rob us, or we would not be adopting an avoidable, malicious policy

of this kind against our Mother Country. One does not need to be deep in

the mysteries of finance to realize this proposition. Either we are

disloyal and rapacious toward Great Britain or the Americans not wholly

rapacious in exchange dealings with us. They are entitled to the benefit

of a doubt. This question of exchange and the wickedness of the United

States is much in the mouths of the supporters of the high tariff--so it

is possible that their inability to see the truth of the situation is

due more to selfish purpose than to lack of financial understanding.

In the case of the press I got an impression of opinion from an American

who controls or influences a great amount of publicity. I called to see

him to ask if something could not be done to allay the irritation and

improve the situation. With cheerful cynicism he laid bare the real

situation.

"To tell you the truth we are making the most of the irritation for

party reasons. But the other party is just as bad as we are. I know it

is rotten and even dangerous, but we are forced to do it if we want to

get the floating vote."

Few men in public life are so candid, but he wanted to be friendly and

to save me trouble, and was talking as one public writer to another. I

am thankful to him for his straight-forwardness in the matter. Now let

us turn to Canada.

There are few Canadians who have forgotten how the indiscreet utterances

of Mr. Champ Clark and of President Taft were used to rouse the wrath of

Canadians when "no truck or trade with the Yankees" was a slogan of

power. The success of that slogan entrenched the protectionists. And now

that every possible cause of irritation between the neighboring

countries is being commented upon and aggravated, it does not seem out

of place to suspect that further tinkering on that wall is to be

undertaken as one of our fall chores. This indicates that back of the

patriotic jealousy displayed on the platform and in the press there is a

sinister purpose. Men who use politics to achieve their purpose do not

hesitate to stir up racial strife--no matter what the ultimate

consequences. As this line of conduct has crystallized in Canada in the

phrase "No truck or trade with the Yankees," the blame for playing with

this evil fire rests on the party that benefits by the hatred provoked.

They attain their ends by what a leader of the United Farmers of Ontario

described as "the most criminal conduct possible to a public man."

For fear the reader may think I am holding a brief for free trade, I may

as well state my personal position on that question also. I am not an

out-and-out free trader. Though the theory of free trade satisfies my

reason it is not supported by my experience. This is an imperfect world

and free trade, like the single-tax, with which it is involved, is too

perfect for our present state of development. It is rather a goal to be

worked toward than a panacea to be applied suddenly. As I have long been

of the opinion that almost every advance in history has been made

through a benevolent opportunism, I believe in approaching the ultimate

goal of free trade by steps, as opportunity affords. In consequence I

have no deep quarrel with the protectionist or high-tariff advocate on

the score of the application of his political and economic principles.

But there is a matter on which I have an unappeasable quarrel with him.

When he bolsters up his tariff wall by appeals to racial hatred he is

guilty of a treason to humanity that cannot be lightly condoned. At the

present time, when all humanity is crying for peace, the cultivation of

race hatred is especially criminal. So if it should be found that the

irritation existing between Canada and the United States is due to the

desire of the supporters of the high tariff, then let us have free trade

"red in tooth and claw." Tariff wars lead to blood wars and surely we

have had enough of them.

The Affable Stranger · 第 4 / 23 章