A GRATEFUL REPUBLIC

During the long, dark night of Lafayette's imprisonment he had

dreamed of America as the land of dawn and hope, and planned to make

a new home there, but when release came this had not seemed best.

Madame Lafayette's health had been too frail, and La Grange, with its

neglected acres, was too obviously awaiting a master. "Besides, we

lack the first dollar to buy a farm. That, in addition to many other

considerations, should prevent your tormenting yourself about it," he

told Adrienne. One of these considerations was the beloved old aunt

at Chavaniac, who lived to the age of ninety-two and never ceased to

be the object of his special care. Also his young people, with their

marriages and budding families, were too dear to permit him willingly

to put three thousand miles of ocean between them and himself.

But he had never lost touch with his adopted country. At the time he

declined Napoleon's offer to make him minister to the United States

he wrote a correspondent that he had by no means given up the hope of

visiting it again as a private citizen; though, he added, humorously,

[Pg 259]he fancied that if he landed in America in anything except a

military uniform he would feel as embarrassed and as much out of place

as a savage in knee-breeches. After Napoleon sold Louisiana to the

United States, foreseeing he could not profitably keep it, Jefferson

sounded Lafayette about coming to be governor of the newly acquired

territory. That offer, too, he had seen fit to refuse; but his friends

called him "the American enthusiast."

Time went by until almost fifty years had passed since the "Bostonians"

took their stand against the British king. To celebrate the

semi-centennial, America decided to raise a monument to the heroes

of Bunker Hill. Lafayette was asked to lay the corner-stone at the

ceremonies which were to take place on the fiftieth anniversary of the

battle. It became the pleasant duty of President James Monroe, who

had served as a subaltern in the battle where Lafayette received his

American wound, to send him the official invitation of Congress and

to place a government frigate at his disposal for the trip. A turn of

French elections in 1824 had left him temporarily "a statesman out of a

job," without even the duty of representing his district in the Chamber

of Deputies. There was really no reason why he should not accept and

every reason why he might at last gratify his desire to see America and

American friends again.

He sailed on July 12, 1824, not, however, upon the United States

frigate, but on the _Cadmus_, a regular packet-boat, preferring, he

said, to come as a private individual. His son accompanied him, as did

[Pg 260]Col. A. Lavasseur, who acted as his secretary. These, with his

faithful valet, Bastien, made up his entire retinue, though he might

easily have had a regiment of followers, so many were the applications

of enthusiastic young men who seemed to look upon this as some new

sort of military expedition. On the _Cadmus_ he asked fellow-travelers

about American hotels and the cost of travel by stage and steamboat,

and M. Lavasseur made careful note of the answers. He had no idea of

the reception that awaited him. When the _Cadmus_ sailed into New York

harbor and he saw every boat gay with bunting and realized that every

man, woman, and child to whom coming was possible had come out to meet

him, he was completely overcome. "It will burst!" he cried, pressing

his hands to his heart, while tears rolled down his cheeks.

Whether he wished or no, he found himself the nation's guest. The

country not only stopped its work and its play to give him greeting;

it stopped its politics--and beyond that Americans cannot go. It was

a campaign summer, but men forgot for a time whether they were for

Adams or Crawford, Clay or Jackson. Election Day was three months off,

politics could wait; but nobody could wait to see this man who had come

to them out of the past from the days of the Revolution, whose memory

was their country's most glorious heritage. They gave him salutes and

dinners and receptions. They elected him to all manner of societies.

Mills and factories closed and the employees surged forth to shout

[Pg 261]themselves hoarse as they jostled mayors and judges in the

welcome. Dignified professors found themselves battling in a crowd of

their own students to get near his carriage. Our whole hard-headed,

practical nation burst into what it fondly believed to be poetry in

honor of his coming. Even the inmates of New York's Debtors' Prison

sent forth such an effusion of many stanzas. If these were not real

poems, the authors never suspected it. There was truth in them, at any

rate. "Again the hero comes to tread the sacred soil for which he bled"

was the theme upon which they endlessly embroidered. Occasionally the

law sidestepped in his honor. A deputy sheriff in New England pinned

upon his door this remarkable "Notice. Arrests in civil suits postponed

to-day, sacred to Freedom and Freedom's Friend."

Lafayette arrived in August and remained until September of the

following year, and during that time managed, to tread an astonishing

amount of our sacred soil, considering that he came before the day

of railroads. The country he had helped to create had tripled in

population, and, instead of being merely a narrow strip along the

Atlantic, now stretched westward a thousand miles. He visited all the

states and all the principal towns. It was not only in towns that he

was welcomed. At the loneliest crossroads a musket-shot or a bugle-call

brought people magically together. The sick were carried out on

mattresses and wrung his hand and thanked God. Babies were named for

him. One bore through life the whole name Welcome Lafayette. Miles of

[Pg 262]babies already named were held up for him to see--and perhaps

to kiss. Old soldiers stretched out hands almost as feeble as those

of babies in efforts to detain him and fight their battles o'er. With

these he was very tender. Small boys drew "Lafayette fish" out of the

brooks on summer days, and when he came to their neighborhood ran

untold distances to get sight of him. Often he helped them to points

of vantage from which they could see something more than forests of

grown-up backs and legs during the ceremonies which took place before

court-houses and state-houses. Here little girls, very much washed and

curled, presented him with useless bouquets and lisped those artless

odes of welcome. Sometimes they tried to crown him with laurel, a

calamity he averted with a deft hand. Back of the little girls usually

stood a phalanx of larger maidens in white, carrying banners, who were

supposed to represent the states of the Union; and back of the maidens

was sometimes a wonderful triumphal arch built of scantling and covered

with painted muslin, the first achievement of its kind in local history.

The country was really deeply moved by Lafayette's visit. It meant to

honor him to the full, but it saw no reason to hide the fact that it

had done something for him as well. "The Nation's Guest. France gave

him birth; America gave him Immortality," was a statement that kept

everybody, nations and individuals alike, in their proper places. In

short, the welcome America gave Lafayette was hearty and sincere.

Whether it appeared as brilliant to the guest of honor, accustomed from

[Pg 263]youth to pageants at Versailles, as it did to his hosts we may

doubt. It was occasionally hard for M. Lavasseur to appear impressed

and not frankly astonished at the things he saw. Lafayette enjoyed it

all thoroughly. The difficult rôle fell to his son George, who had

neither the interest of novelty nor of personal triumph to sustain

him. He already knew American ways, and it was equally impossible for

him to join in the ovation or to acknowledge greetings not meant for

himself. He made himself useful by taking possession of the countless

invitations showered upon his father and arranging an itinerary to

embrace as many of them as possible.

[Illustration: MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE IN 1824

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