Washington returned from his conference with the French commanders by
way of West Point to show Lafayette some improvements recently made in
the works. Several little accidents delayed the journey and brought
them to the house of the commander at a critical moment. We have
Lafayette's account, part of it written the very next day to the French
minister to the United States, part of it later to his wife.
"When I left you yesterday, M. le Chevalier, to come here to take
breakfast with General Arnold, we were very far from thinking of the
event which I am about to announce to you. You will shudder at the
danger we have run. You will be astonished at the miraculous chain
of accidents and circumstances by which we were saved.... West Point
was sold, and it was sold by Arnold! That same man who had covered
himself with glory by rendering valuable services to his country had
lately formed a horrid compact with the enemy. And but for the chance
which brought us here at a certain time, but for the chance which by
[Pg 140]a combination of accidents caused the adjutant-general of the
English army to fall into the hands of some countrymen beyond the line
of our own posts, West Point and the North River would probably be in
possession of our enemies.
"When we left Fishkill we were preceded by one of my aides-de-camp and
General Knox's aide, who found General and Mrs. Arnold at table and sat
down to breakfast with them. During that time two letters were brought
to General Arnold giving him information of the capture of the spy. He
ordered a horse to be saddled, went to his wife's room and told her
he was lost, and directed one of his aides-de-camp to say to General
Washington that he had gone to West Point and should return in an hour."
Arnold had been gone only thirty minutes when Washington and Lafayette
rode up.
"We crossed the river and went to look at the works. Judge of our
astonishment when, upon our return, we were informed that the captured
spy was Major André, the adjutant-general of the English army, and that
among the papers found upon him was a copy of a very important council
of war, a statement of the strength of the garrison and of the works,
and certain observations upon the methods of attack and defense, all
in General Arnold's handwriting.... A search was made for Arnold, but
he had escaped in a boat on board the sloop-of-war _Vulture_, and as
nobody suspected his flight, no sentry could have thought of arresting
him.... The first care of General Washington was to return to [Pg
141]West Point the troops whom Arnold had dispersed under various
pretexts. We remained here to insure the safety of a fort which the
English would value less if they knew it better....
"I cannot describe to you, M. le Chevalier, to what degree I am
astounded by this piece of news.... That Arnold, a man who, although
not so highly esteemed as has been supposed in Europe, had nevertheless
given proof of talent, of patriotism, and especially of the most
brilliant courage, should at once destroy his very existence and should
sell his country to the tyrants whom he had fought against with glory,
is an event, M. le Chevalier, which confounds and distresses me, and,
if I must confess it, humiliates me to a degree that I cannot express.
I would give anything in the world if Arnold had not shared our labors
with us, and if this man whom it still pains me to call a scoundrel had
not shed his blood for the American cause. My knowledge of his personal
courage led me to expect that he would decide to blow his brains out.
This was my first hope. At all events, it is probable that he will
do so when he reaches New York, whither the English sloop proceeded
immediately upon receiving Arnold on board....
"I am not writing to M. le Comte de Rochambeau or to M. le Chevalier
de Ternay. I beg you to communicate to them this incredible story....
What will the officers of the French army say when they see a general
abandon and basely sell his country after having defended it so
well? You can bear witness, M. le Chevalier, that this is the first
[Pg 142]atrocity that has been heard of in our army. But if, on the
one hand, they hear of the infamy of Arnold, they are bound to admire
the disinterestedness of a few countrymen who happened to meet Mr.
André with a passport from General Arnold, and on the mere suspicion
of his being a friend of England made him a prisoner, refusing at the
same time his horse, his watch, and four hundred guineas which he
offered them if they would allow him to continue upon his way....
"I shall conclude my long letter, M. le Chevalier, by referring to a
subject which must touch every human heart. The unhappy Mrs. Arnold
did not know a word of this conspiracy. Her husband told her before
going away that he was flying, never to come back, and he left her
lying unconscious. When she came to herself she fell into frightful
convulsions and completely lost her reason. We did everything we
could to quiet her, but she looked upon us as the murderers of her
husband.... The horror with which her husband's conduct has inspired
her, and a thousand other feelings, make her the most unhappy of
women.
"P.S.--She has recovered her reason this morning, and, as you know
I am upon very good terms with her, she sent for me to go up to her
chamber. General Washington and every one else sympathize warmly with
this estimable woman whose face and whose youthfulness make her so
interesting. She is going to Philadelphia, and I implore you, when
you return, to use your influence in her favor.... Your influence and
[Pg 143]your opinion, emphatically expressed, may prevent her from
being visited with a vengeance which she does not deserve. General
Washington will protect her also. As for myself, you know that I
have always been fond of her, and at this moment she interests me
intensely. We are certain that she knew nothing of the plot."
This letter expressed the hope that André would be hanged according to
military law, because, being a man of high rank and influence, his fate
would serve as a warning to spies of lesser degree. Lafayette was one
of the court martial that tried and sentenced him; and we have no proof
that he hesitated for an instant in the performance of his stem duty
or that he ever regretted it. Yet from a letter to Madame Lafayette,
written after André's death, we know that Lafayette felt his charm, as
did every one else who knew the unfortunate young Englishman. "He was
an interesting young man," Lafayette wrote. "He conducted himself in a
manner so frank, so noble, and so delicate that I cannot help feeling
for him infinite sorrow."
Arnold, as everybody knows, did not blow out his brains, but, becoming
literally a turncoat, donned the red of the British uniform, and took
his unwelcome place among the gentlemen officers of King George. In
the following spring he was doing work of destruction in Virginia; but
he was not trusted by his new companions, and two British colonels
supposed to be under his orders were secretly charged with the duty of
keeping an eye on him. It was in Virginia that his path and Lafayette's
crossed once more.
[Pg 144]Lafayette meantime had been a prey to restlessness. Nothing
happened in the North more interesting than camp routine and the
exchange of official visits. During the summer he had been given
command of a special corps of light infantry culled from all branches
of the service, a body of men in which he took infinite pride. "Its
position is always that of advance-guard," he wrote Adrienne. "It is
independent of the main army, and it is far too fine for our present
pacific situation." He lavished training and affection upon it and
pampered it by sending to France for luxuries like sabers and banners
and plumes. While less needed than coats and shoes, such things were
easier to transport. But even in the matter of clothing this favored
corps was better off than the rest of the army. A French officer who
visited Lafayette's camp thought the uniforms of both men and officers
smart. Each soldier wore a sort of helmet made of hard leather, with a
crest of horsehair.
Before the army went into winter quarters many Frenchmen came to "the
camp of the marquis" twenty miles from New York, making the pilgrimage
not so much from love of him or to sample the punch which, according
to the custom of the time, he kept "stationary on the table" for
the benefit of his guests, as out of curiosity to see Washington's
headquarters, which were not far away. Most of them were impressed
by the good horses owned by American generals and astonished at the
simplicity of their other equipment. Some "who had made war as colonels
[Pg 145]long before Lafayette left school" were the least bit jealous
of his youth and influence. Several had entered into an agreement not
to accept service under him; but all were flattered that a Frenchman
held such high place in public esteem. One of them asserted with
complacency that "private letters from him have frequently produced
more effect upon some states than the strongest exhortations of
Congress."
When the army went into winter quarters again he had even more time
upon his hands. He wrote many letters. One went almost every month
to his powerful friend at court, Vergennes, urging speedy aid. The
military needs of the country were never absent from his thoughts, even
while he was taking his French friends, including De Noailles, on a
personally conducted tour of near-by battle-fields and cities. He did
not trust himself far from headquarters, for fear that his chief might
need him or that he might miss some opportunity. When Colonel Laurens
received his instructions before starting for Paris he took care to be
on hand, to give expert advice on court customs and prejudices. He was
a young man who well knew his influence upon two continents, and was
so eager to use it that a man of less winning personality in similar
circumstances might have got himself heartily disliked.
His eagerness to do something was heightened by his belief that Europe
misunderstood, and thought Americans either unready or unwilling to
fight. His vivid imagination got to work again and juggled with facts
and figures until he became convinced that a surprise attack upon New
[Pg 146]York could do no possible harm and might capture the city. He
detailed this plan to Washington, who saw the weakness of his reasoning
and rejected it in a kind letter signed "sincerely and affectionately
yours," reminding Lafayette that "we must consult our means rather than
our wishes" and that "to endeavor to recover our reputation we should
take care not to injure it the more."
After this gentle snub he was torn between a desire to join General
Greene in the South for the winter campaign and his wish to be near New
York when a blow was struck there. With a curiosity that would have
been unpardonable in a less intimate friend, he sought to find out his
chief's plans on this score. Washington's answer was non-committal, but
he pointed out that "your going to the Southern army, if you expect
a command in this, will answer no valuable purpose"; and after this
second gentle snub Lafayette gave up the idea of joining Greene. Then
in February he was sent with a detachment of twelve hundred men to
Virginia, where Arnold was destroying valuable supplies. His orders
bade him travel fast, "not to suffer the detachment to be delayed
for want of either provisions, forage, or wagons," and after he got
to Virginia "to do no act whatever with Arnold that directly or by
implication will screen him from the punishment due to his treason and
desertion; which, if he should fall into your hands, you will execute
in the most summary way." While in Virginia he was to co-operate with
General von Steuben, who was in command of militia there; and if [Pg
147]it should prove impossible to dislodge Arnold, Lafayette was to
bring his men back to rejoin the main army.
He had his force at the Head of Elk, that inlet at the head of
Chesapeake Bay which the English had already used, three days ahead of
schedule time. His campaign lasted about a month, but came to nothing,
because he did not have the co-operation of ships, and in that tangle
of land and water control of Chesapeake Bay was as necessary to success
as ammunition or fodder. The French had been asked to help, and twice
sent ships from Newport to Chesapeake Bay, but in neither case were
they useful to him. He did the best he could from day to day without
them, and even pushed down the bay in a small boat far ahead of his
men, hoping to establish connections; but the ships he saw were British
instead of French. Then he took his men back again to the Head of Elk.
That his failure was not due to lack of persistence letters written
by him to Gov. Thomas Jefferson, asking for transportation, for
provisions, for boats, for wagons, for horses, and, if horses were not
available, even for oxen to draw his guns, amply testify. That he had
his usual resourcefulness at instant command was displayed at Annapolis
on the northward journey when he found two small armed British vessels
blocking his progress. He improvised a temporary navy of his own, armed
two merchant sloops with cannon, manned them with volunteers, and drove
the British away long enough to permit the rest of his force to go on.
[Pg 148]Neither was his usual friendliness lacking. He snatched
time to visit Mount Vernon and to call upon Washington's mother at
Fredericksburg, but he made up for the time lost in these indulgences
by riding at night to overtake his command.
[Pg 149]XVII