LEADING A DOUBLE LIFE

Lafayette found his brother-in-law De Noailles and De Ségur in Paris,

and, certain of being thoroughly understood by these two friends,

confided his plan to them. As he expected, both expressed a wish to

accompany him. The wish may not have been entirely unselfish. Many

young officers in the French army were chafing at the inaction which

ten years of peace had forced upon them, and this chance to distinguish

themselves in war may have appealed to them at first even more strongly

than the justice of the American cause. It certainly added to the

appeal of justice in Lafayette's own case; but meetings with Silas

Deane and his associates, Arthur Lee and Mr. Carmichael, above all,

with Benjamin Franklin, who came to Paris about this time, soon altered

interest to a warmer and less selfish feeling.

These Americans, with their unfashionable clothes, their

straightforward speech, and their simple bearing, with plenty of pride

in it, presented the greatest possible contrast to the curled and

powdered flatterers surrounding Louis XVI. To meet them was like being

met by a breath of fresh, wholesome air. The young men who came under

[Pg 40]their influence fancied that Franklin might almost be a friend

of Plato himself. "What added to our esteem, our confidence, and our

admiration," wrote De Ségur, "were the good faith and simplicity with

which the envoys, disdaining all diplomacy, told us of the frequent

and oft-repeated reverses sustained by their militia, inexperienced as

yet in the art of war." Merely as a sporting proposition it was a fine

thing that they and their army were doing.

De Ségur and De Noailles quietly entered into an agreement with

the Americans, as Lafayette had done. So did others; and it became

impossible to keep their plans secret. When the families of our three

friends learned of their quixotic plan it was clear they would never

consent. De Noailles played a bold card by applying directly to the

War Office for permission to serve as a French officer in the American

army, hoping in this way to match family opposition with official

sanction, but the War Office refused. After that there was nothing to

do but to submit, since they were not men of independent means like

Lafayette, though both were older than he and held higher military

rank. They were dependent upon allowances made them by their respective

families, who thus had a very effective way of expressing disapproval.

All they could do was to assure Lafayette of their sympathy and keep

his secret, for they knew that the opposition which blocked them would

only make him the more determined. The better to carry out his plan,

however, he also pretended to listen to reason and to give up all

thoughts of crossing the Atlantic.

[Pg 41]De Kalb, meanwhile, almost succeeded in leaving France. But

the French government decided that it would be a breach of neutrality

to allow its officers to fight against England, and he was obliged to

turn back. Knowing more about the secret hopes and plans of the Comte

de Broglie than Lafayette knew, he proposed that they go together

to consult him, and they spent several days at the count's country

home. How much Lafayette learned about his host's American dreams is

uncertain, nor does it make much difference in Lafayette's own story.

The two elder men were quite willing to use his enthusiasm to further

their own ends; but he had great need of their help. It was agreed that

the voyage to America must on no account be given up, and that the

best way would be for Lafayette to purchase and fit out a ship. This,

however, was easier said than done. One cannot buy a ship as casually

as a new pair of gloves.

Not only was his family genuinely opposed and his government officially

opposed to his going; England had spies in Paris. It was jestingly said

that all the world passed at least once a day over the Pont Neuf, and

men were supposed to be on watch there, to ascertain who had and who

had not left the city. England, moreover, had agents at every seaport

in northern France. But Bordeaux in the south seemed very far away in

days of stage-coach travel, and consequently was not so well guarded.

As luck would have it, the Comte de Broglie's secretary had a brother

who knew all about ships and merchants in Bordeaux. He found a vessel

[Pg 42]which would do, though she was not very good. Her name could

not be improved upon, for she was called _La Victoire_. Perhaps, like

her new owner, she was able to choose one to fit the occasion. She was

to cost 112,000 francs, one-quarter down, and the rest within fifteen

months of the date of delivery, which was fixed for the middle of

March, 1777.

Weeks before this time arrived very bad news had come from America. The

report ran that Washington had lost practically everything. He had been

defeated in the battles of Long Island and White Plains; New York was

burned, and he and his troops, reduced now to a ragged mob of two or,

at most, three thousand men, were in full retreat across New Jersey,

pursued by thirty thousand British. It was well known that England

was the most powerful military nation of Europe and that, not content

with her own forces, she was hiring regiments of Hessians to send

overseas. Clearly the triumph of such numbers must come speedily. All

society, from Marie Antoinette down, admired the sturdy, independent

Franklin, with his baggy coat and his homely wit. Portraits of him in

his coonskin cap were to be seen in every home. He was a wizard who had

done things with lightning no other mortal had done before, but even he

could not bring success to a hopeless cause.

[Illustration: FRANKLIN AT THE FRENCH COURT

All society, from Marie Antoinette down, admired the sturdy,

independent Franklin, who was always a welcome guest at court]

The prospect must have appeared black indeed to the envoys themselves.

Honorable men that they were, they felt in duty bound to explain the

changed conditions to Lafayette, and not to allow him to ruin his whole

[Pg 43]future because of a promise enthusiastically given. They sent

him a message asking him to come and see them. He knew he was watched

and dared not meet Franklin openly, but he went at once to Silas Deane

and listened to all he had to tell him. When he finished the young

Frenchman thanked him for his very frank statement of a bad situation

and then made a very frank statement in return. "Heretofore," he said,

"I have been able to show you only my willingness to aid you in your

struggle. The time has now come when that willingness can be put to

effective use, for I am going to buy a ship and take your officers out

in it. Let us not give up our hope yet; it is precisely in the time

of danger that I wish to share whatever fortune may have in store for

you." After that it would have required superhuman unselfishness on the

part of the Americans to dissuade him.

How transactions which covered three months of time, two-thirds of

the length of France, and involved so many individuals remained

undiscovered is a mystery unless we assume that the opposition of the

government was more feigned than real. Officials appear to have closed

their eyes most obligingly whenever possible.

To divert suspicion from himself, Lafayette occupied several weeks

in a visit to England which had been arranged long before. Franklin

and Deane were most anxious to have him carry out this plan to visit

the French ambassador in London. So Lafayette crossed the Channel and

spent three weeks in the smoky city, where he received many social

[Pg 44]courtesies. He appears to have enjoyed this season of gaiety

much better than similar occasions at home. The necessity for hiding

his plans gave zest to meetings and conversations that would otherwise

have been commonplace enough, while the necessity for remaining true to

his ideals of conduct--of continuing to be a guest and not a spy in an

enemy country--exercised his conscience as well as his wit. It became a

humorous adventure to dance at Lord Germain's in the same set with Lord

Rawdon, just back from New York, and to encounter between acts at the

opera General Clinton, against whom he was soon to fight at Monmouth.

When presented to his Majesty George III he replied to that monarch's

gracious hope that he intended to make a long stay in London, with an

answer at once guarded and misleading. The king inquired what errand

called him away, and Lafayette answered, with an inward chuckle, that

if his Majesty knew he would not wish him to remain! Although taking

good care not to betray his plans, he made no secret of his interest

in the Colonists or his belief in the justice of their cause; and he

avoided visiting seaport towns where expeditions were being fitted

out against them, and declined all invitations likely to put him in a

position to obtain information to which, under the circumstances, he

felt he had no right.

Before leaving London he wrote a long letter to his father-in-law, to

be delivered only when he was safely on his way to Bordeaux. Then he

crossed to France, but instead of going to his own home took refuge

[Pg 45]with De Kalb at Chaillot, a suburb of Paris. Here he remained

three days, making final preparations. On one of these days he appeared

very early before the sleepy, astonished eyes of his friend De Ségur,

sent away the servant, closed the door of the bedroom with great care,

and hurled the bombshell of his news: "I am going to America. Nobody

knows it, but I am too fond of you to leave without telling you my

secret." Then he gave him the outline of his plan, including the port

from which he was to sail and the names of the dozen French officers

who were to accompany him. "Lucky dog! I wish I were going with you!"

was the substance of De Ségur's answer, but it had not the usual ring

of sincerity. De Ségur was about to marry a young aunt of Adrienne

Lafayette's and his wedding-day was drawing very near.

Lafayette managed to impart his secret to De Noailles also, but he

left Paris without a farewell to Adrienne. The one hard thing in this

hurried departure was that he did not dare to see or even to write

directly to her. She was not well; and, besides the risk of arrest

involved in visiting her, the interview could only be unnerving and

distressing on both sides. The letter he wrote from London to her

father appears to have been the nearest to a direct message, and that,

it must be confessed, contained no mention of her name and no word

exclusively for her. It was her mother, the upright Madame d'Ayen, who

broke the news of his departure, tempering the seeming cruelty of his

conduct with words of praise for his pluck and for the motive which

[Pg 46]prompted him to act as he did. Madame d'Ayen was the only one

of the immediate family who had a good word for the runaway. The young

wife clung to her, appalled at the anger of her father. The duke was

furious, and once more the worthy pair came to the verge of quarrel

over this well-meaning young man. The count could see only madcap folly

in exchanging an assured position at the French court for the doubtful

honor of helping a lot of English farmers rebel against their king. For

a few days the town buzzed with excitement. Lafayette's acquaintances

were frankly astonished that the cold and indifferent young marquis

had roused himself to such action, and thought it exceedingly "chic"

that he should "go over to be hanged with the poor rebels." They were

indignant at the bitterness of the duke's denunciation. One lady with a

sharp tongue said that if he treated Lafayette so, he did not deserve

to find husbands for the rest of his daughters.

The runaway was safely out of Paris, but by no means out of danger. The

Duc d'Ayen, who honestly felt that he was bringing disgrace upon the

family, bestirred himself to prevent his sailing, and had a _lettre de

cachet_ sent after him. A _lettre de cachet_ was an official document

whose use and abuse during the last hundred years had done much to

bring France to its present state of suppressed political excitement.

It was an order for arrest--a perfectly suitable and necessary document

when properly used. But men who had power, and also had private ends to

gain, had been able to secure such papers by the hundreds with spaces

[Pg 47]left blank wherein they could write whatever names they chose.

It was a safe and deadly and underhand way of satisfying grudges. In

Lafayette's case its use was quite lawful, because he was captain in a

French regiment, leaving the country in disobedience to the wish of his

sovereign, to fight against a nation with whom France was on friendly

terms. Technically he was little better than a deserter. When such

conduct was brought to official notice, only one course was possible.

The _lettre de cachet_ was sent, a general order was issued forbidding

French officers to take service in the American colonies, and directing

that if any of them, "especially the Marquis de Lafayette," reached

the French West Indies on such an errand he should forthwith return to

France. Word was also sent to French seaports to keep a close watch

upon vessels and to prevent the shipment of war materials to North

America. Lafayette's friends became alarmed at all this activity and

feared that it might have serious consequences not only for him, but

for themselves. Officials began to receive letters from them calculated

to shift the blame from their own shoulders, as well as to shield the

young man. The French ambassador to England, whose guest he had been in

London, was particularly disturbed, but felt somewhat comforted when he

learned that a high official in the French army had asked King George

for permission to fight as a volunteer under General Howe. This in a

manner offset Lafayette's act, and England could not accuse France of

partiality if her officers were to be found engaged on both sides.

[Pg 48]VI

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