THE TAKING OF THE PEÑON D’ALGER; ANDREA DORIA
Although Kheyr-ed-Din had made himself master of Algiers, there still
remained the fortress of Pedro Navarro in the hands of the Spaniards.
This strong place of arms had now been in their practically undisputed
occupation for twenty years; from out of its loopholed walls and
castellated battlements the undaunted garrison had looked forth while
the tide of war both by land and sea had swept by. They had been
unmolested so far, but now their day was to come.
In command of the Peñon d’Alger, as it was called by the Spaniards,
was a valiant and veteran cavalier, by name Martin de Vargas. For
twenty years, as we have said, the gold-and-crimson banner of Spain
had floated from its crenulated bastions; since the days of Pedro
Navarro it had held its own against all comers. It must have been with
a sinking heart that Martin de Vargas and his brave garrison beheld
the town fall once again into the hands of Kheyr-ed-Din; they knew, as
by this time did all the Mediterranean and the dwellers on the coasts
thereof, the implacable enmity of the corsair to the Christians, and
how short a shrift would be theirs should they fall into his hands.
On his side Kheyr-ed-Din looked with longing eyes on this remnant of
the power of Spain in Africa. Could he but dislodge Martin de Vargas,
he had the whole of Northern Africa practically at his disposal;
Algiers would then be really his, to fortify for all time against
the inroads of his foes. He was master by land and sea, the time was
propitious; the corsair decided that the hour had come. He had seen the
repulse of his brother Uruj, none knew better than did he the temper of
the men by whom the Peñon was held, or the valiance and the unswerving
fidelity of that caballero of Spain, Martin de Vargas. He tried to
induce that officer to surrender to him, offering every inducement
to the Spanish commander to come to terms. He was met with a haughty
refusal, couched in the most contemptuous language. He tried the most
blood-curdling threats, which were no empty menaces, as his adversary
well knew: these were received in silence.
One more embassy he tried, and to this he received the following answer:
“I spring from the race of the De Vargas, but my house
has never made it a practice to boast of the glory of
their long descent: they professed merely to imitate
the heroism of their ancestors. Spurred forward by this
worthy desire, I await with calmness all your efforts,
and will prove to you, with arms in my hands, that I am
faithful to my God, my country, and my king.”
[Illustration: ANDREA DORIA, PRINCE OF ONEGLEA, ADMIRAL TO CHARLES V.]
Barbarossa summoned to his palace his kinsman and trusted adherent
Celebi Rabadan, and they mutually decided that there was nothing
they could do save take up arms against this most insolent and
uncompromising warrior. In the meanwhile they would try what craft
would do; and accordingly two young Moors were introduced into the
Peñon, under the pretext that they had seen the error of their ways
and were anxious to embrace the Christian religion. Martin de Vargas,
like all Spanish caballeros, was an ardent proselytiser, and he ordered
the two young men to be taken into his own house and instructed by the
chaplain of the garrison. The next day was Easter Day, and the two
young Moors, while the entire garrison were at Mass, signalled to their
co-religionists a prearranged sign indicating that now was the time to
attack. Unfortunately for them, a woman in the employment of De Vargas
saw them, and they were immediately hanged from the battlements in full
view of Barbarossa. That potentate was filled with fury at what he
considered an insult to the Mohammedan religion, and again consulted
with Celebi as to the feasibility of another assault. It was true,
he said, that his messengers had been hanged, but they had made the
prearranged signal. Still, the walls were hardly sufficiently breached,
he thought, and his own men were singularly disheartened by the ill
success of their previous efforts. Did Celebi Rabadan think another
attempt desirable?
That person was in a quandary, because he could not gather what it was
that Barbarossa wished him to say. He knew that if he recommended an
assault, and that it proved once again unsuccessful, that the full
fury of the tyrant would fall upon his head; at the same time he was
almost equally afraid to broach the idea which had been prevalent in
Algiers for some time that Martin de Vargas must assuredly be in league
with Shaitan, or he could never have held out in the way that he had
done. In consequence he temporised and hesitated, while Barbarossa
pulled at his famous red beard and regarded him with scowling brows.
The situation was saved for Celebi Rabadan by an accident. There
swam off to the ship a traitor from the Spanish garrison, and this
man informed them that his whilom comrades were positively at their
last gasp, ammunition all but exhausted, and the food-supply barely
sufficient to last another two days.
“To such an end come those who deny the Prophet of God,” exclaimed
Barbarossa, and gave orders that this news be communicated to all
his men, who were to prepare for the final assault on the morrow. He
further offered a reward for the capture of Martin de Vargas alive.
On May 16th, 1530, the corsairs once again advanced to the assault. By
this time the walls had been battered until a practicable breach had
been formed, and over this swarmed thirteen hundred of the starkest
fighters of the Mediterranean, In the breach, bareheaded, his armour
hacked and dinted, stood the undaunted chieftain of the Spaniards: over
his head floated that proud banner which had never cast its shadow on
a worthier knight of Spain. The garrison, worn to a shadow by their
hardships and their hunger, most of them wounded, and all of them
sore spent, were in no case to resist this, the most formidable attack
to which they had been subjected. It was all over in a very short time,
and a dreadful massacre ensued.
Martin de Vargas, though sorely wounded, was taken alive and conducted
to the presence of Barbarossa. Wounded, shaken, bruised, his fortress
in the hands of his enemy, the dying shrieks of his murdered garrison
still ringing in his ears, the amazing spirit of the man was still
utterly unsubdued. “It is to the treason of a ruffian that you owe
your triumph,” he said to his captor, “and not to your valour: had I
received the smallest relief I could still have repulsed and kept you
at bay. You have my maimed and mutilated body in your possession, and I
hope that you are satisfied. But my body is accustomed to pain, and I
therefore defy you and your dastardly cruelty.”
To do Barbarossa justice he admired the undaunted spirit of his
prisoner, and he replied:
“Fear nothing, De Vargas, I will do all in my power to ease your hurts
if you will do that which I ask of you.”
De Vargas replied:
“As an earnest of your faith, I demand the punishment of the traitor
through whose information you were enabled to take the citadel.”
Barbarossa ordered the soldier to be brought before them, and, having
nearly flogged him to death, had him beheaded. He then presented the
head to De Vargas, saying:
“You observe my complaisance. I now ask you to embrace the Mohammedan
faith; then I will overwhelm you with benefits and honours, and make
you the Captain-General of my guards.”
De Vargas looked at him in indignation and replied:
“Dost thou believe that I, who but now demanded the just punishment of
a man who had forsworn himself, could stoop to such an act of baseness
as this? Keep your ill-gotten riches; confer your dignities on others;
insult not thus a caballero of Spain.”
There was a breathless pause. None had ever used such language to
Kheyr-ed-Din Barbarossa and lived to tell the tale. Nor was it to be so
in this case.
“You and yours have caused me too much trouble,” he answered
indifferently. He made a sign to the executioner who had beheaded the
soldier, and the next moment the head of De Vargas was swept from his
body.
The gallant Spaniard, it is to be hoped, came by his end in the way
just narrated; but the chroniclers disagree among themselves, and
“El Señor Don Diego de Haedo, Arcobispo de Palermo y Capitan General
del Reyno de Sicilia por El Rey Felipe nuestro señor,” states that
Barbarossa kept De Vargas in confinement for three months and then had
him beaten to death. One can only sincerely hope that the first account
is the true one; but Haedo was nearer to the time of the occurrence,
and, as he wrote in the reign of Philip II., is more likely to have
known the facts. But however this may have been, there was an end for
all time of Spanish domination on the north coast of Africa, and from
this we may date the permanent establishment of those piratical States
in that part of the world.
The star of Kheyr-ed-Din was once more in the ascendant. Not only had
he crushed out the incipient mutiny of Venalcadi and taken his life,
but he had consolidated his power by the taking of the Peñon d’Alger.
He celebrated this occasion in the most practical manner possible: a
stop was put to the indiscriminate massacre of the garrison, and five
hundred of the Spaniards were captured alive; it was their dreary
fate to pull down entirely the tower of Pedro Navarro, which they had
defended so gallantly and to utilise the material in making a causeway
from the Peñon to the shore. Barbarossa was determined that on no
future occasion should his enemies have the chance of dominating his
town of Algiers. He was now a sovereign in fact and in deed, regarding
even so mighty a monarch as Charles V. with comparative equanimity.
Terrible was the wrath of the latter when the news of the fall of
the Peñon, the massacre of the garrison, and the death of his trusty
servant De Vargas, was brought to him. The Sea-wolves seemed to exist
but to exasperate him, and this latest news came just at one of the
most prosperous epochs of his career.
The titles of “Carlos Quinto,” as recorded by Sandoval, read like the
roll of some mighty drum. Nor were these titles mere vain and empty
boastings, as was so often the case at that time among the minor
rulers of the earth. On February 22nd, 1580, just before the fall of
the Peñon, he had placed on his own head the iron crown of Lombardy;
his viceroys ruled in Naples and Sicily, his dukes and feudatories
in Florence and Ferrara, in Mantua and in Milan; there was no more
Italy. All these recent acquisitions had been rendered possible by
the defection of Andrea Doria, the Genoese seaman, from Francis I. of
France to the side of the Emperor. From henceforward it was against
this modern Cæsar that Barbarossa had to contend; the monarch under
whose banner swarmed the terrible Schwartz-Reiters of Germany, for
whose honour marched the incomparable infantry of Spain, for whom the
fleets of the gallant Genoese sailed in battle-array under the orders
of the greatest admiral of the day, Andrea Doria. All these disciplined
legions of Christendom were arrayed against the corsair king; banded
together for the destruction of that daring pirate whose flag floated
in insolent triumph above the white walls of Algiers.
As from this time onwards we shall hear much concerning Andrea Doria,
it is fitting that some account should here be given of this great
patriot, great soldier, and still greater seaman. Andrea Doria, of
the family of the Princes of Oneglia, of Genoa, was born at Oneglia
on November 30th, 1468, and was the son of Andrea Coeva and Marie
Caracosa, both of the family of Doria. At the death of his mother the
young Andrea, then nineteen years of age, was sent to Rome, where his
kinsman Dominique Doria, of the elder branch of the family, was captain
of the Papal Guard of Pope Innocent VIII. Here he rose rapidly: owing
to his extraordinary address in all military exercises, he was marked
out for preferment, and would probably have succeeded his kinsman as
grand officer, had it not been for the death of Innocent VIII. The
successor to Innocent, Alexander VI., was not favourable to the claims
of the Dorias; so young Andrea, acting on the advice of Dominique,
repaired to the court of Duke Urbino, then regarded as the best school
for young nobles desirous of following a military career. After some
time spent at the court of Urbino, Dominique counselled that Andrea
should enter some other service, as there was no glory to be obtained
under a prince who was never at war. Accordingly Andrea passed into the
service of the King of Aragon, who, having invaded Naples, was giving
plenty of employment to all would-be warriors.
In the record of his early days we find that in the year 1495 he made
a journey to Jerusalem to visit the holy places, and that he then
returned to Italy, where Ferdinand of Aragon was attempting to recover
the kingdom of Naples. “The Great Captain,” Gonsalvo de Cordoba, was
warring against Doria’s kinsman, Juan Roverejo; this commander had
rendered a great service to the Dorias by rescuing David Doria from
imprisonment at Ancona, and Andrea decided to throw in his lot with
him. He accordingly armed twenty-five cavaliers at his own expense,
and joined Roverejo, who put him in charge of the fortress of Rocca
Guillelma. In this place Andrea was besieged by Gonsalvo de Cordoba,
the first warrior of the age; here he displayed such extraordinary
ability in defence that, on the occasion of a truce, Gonsalvo urged
upon Andrea to join the Spaniards. Andrea made answer that
honour bound him to Roverejo, but, could he be released from his
arrangement with him, he might then consider the proposition of “The
Great Captain.” Roverejo refused, but, as Charles VIII. immediately
afterwards evacuated Italy, Andrea was free to follow his own
inclinations, and took service with Lodovico Sforza, Duke of Milan.
From this time onward until 1503 Andrea was constantly employed in war,
and made for himself such a reputation that in this year the Republic
of Genoa requested him to take command of their navy. This offer he
refused, as he said that he knew nothing about the sea. They pressed
him, saying that to a man of his genius nothing was impossible, and
in the end he gave a somewhat reluctant consent. He soon proved his
competence in his new sphere of activity, as his first act was to
capture the Fort of the Lantern, in the neighbourhood of Genoa, which
was then held by the French for Louis XII. The Republic confirmed his
appointment as General of the Galleys with many compliments, and he
put to sea and captured three of the war-galleys of the corsairs, also
two Turkish ships laden with valuable merchandise. He fitted out the
galleys for his own service, sold the merchantmen, and made an immense
sum of money.
His next act was to defeat the corsair, Cadolin, who had eight galleys
to Doria’s six; these he added to his own fleet, which now consisted
of fourteen vessels, he having begun with three. As Cadolin was one
of the most famous corsairs of the day, this capture made an immense
sensation, and all men, Moslems as well as Christians, were asking
one another, “Who was this Doria?”
They had their answer, as time passed, in the career of this
astonishing warrior, who in his time played so many parts, who served
under so many flags, and yet who remained consistently a patriot all
the time. As this is not a history of Doria, we have no space to trace
out his life step by step as it was lived; suffice it to say that,
disapproving of the government of his native Republic under the family
of the Adorno, Andrea offered his sword and his fleet to the King of
France, Francis I. His offer was received with joy, and he was made
Captain-General of the Galleys of France. In his new capacity he sailed
for the coast of Provence, which was being devastated by the fleet of
Charles V. He sank several of the Spanish vessels, captured others, and
secured sufficient booty to pay his soldiers and sailors—a fact most
welcome to Francis, who was in desperate straits for money.
Eventually, however, a dispute arose between Francis and Doria, which
was to have disastrous effects for the King. At this time Charles V.
was suzerain of Genoa, which was held for him by the Adorno. Philippin
Doria, nephew of the admiral, met at sea with Hugo de Moncada outside
the Gulf of Salerno; a battle ensued, in which Philippin was victorious
and Moncada was slain. Amongst others who were captured was the Marquis
de Guasto and Camille Colonna; these high officers, together with three
of the captured galleys, were sent by Philippin to his uncle at Genoa.
In the meantime some malcontents reached the Court of France and
complained to the King that Andrea Doria had not captured Sicily, which
they averred he could easily have done. These men were backed up by
a certain number of the courtiers, who were bitterly jealous of the
fame of Doria and the esteem in which he had been held by Francis.
The monarch, easily swayed by any determined and persistent attack,
decided to levy a fine on the inhabitants of Genoa as a punishment for
the supineness of their countryman, who was his Captain-General of the
Galleys; his argument being that they must pay him for the plunder
Doria had missed by not taking Sicily when he should have done so.
This was worse than a crime—it was blunder of the very first magnitude,
and such a blunder as could only have been made by a very stupid as
well as a very arrogant man. Doria by this time was a warrior of
European celebrity, and one to whom even kings used the language of
persuasion; to attempt to browbeat him was to court disaster.
Francis sent the Vicomte de Tours to Genoa to levy the fine, but the
Vicomte did not prosper on his mission. Outside of Genoa he was met by
the outraged admiral on horseback at the head of some fifty Genoese
nobles and a numerous company of foot-soldiers. De Tours reported that
the name and authority of the King of France was held in derision
by the fierce old admiral, who so alarmed the envoy himself that he
thought it prudent to retire to Florence, from whence he wrote a long
letter to his master complaining of his reception by Doria.
This attempt to levy a fine on Genoa was not, however, the only
deadly blow which the King of France was aiming at her. The children of
Francis were at this time in Madrid, as hostages for the good behaviour
of their father, and that monarch was in treaty secretly with Charles
to restore Italy to the _status quo ante bellum_, which would have had
the effect of handing over Genoa to Antony Adorno. He also began the
fortification of Savona, in order that from there he might be in a
position to strike at the Genoese—from a military point of view, if
necessary—but in any event to cripple the trade of that city. Andrea
Doria, as soon as he became aware of this latter action on the part of
Francis, was thoroughly roused, and wrote him the letter quoted below,
which illustrates the fact that he was quite aware of his own great
importance in Europe. It was not a time in which men held such language
as did Doria on this occasion unless they were very sure of themselves
and their followers.
“GREAT PRINCE,
“It is an ill use of power to reverse order in human
affairs. Genoa has always been the capital of Liguria,
and posterity will see with astonishment that your
Majesty has deprived it of this advantage with no
plausible pretext. The Genoese are well aware how
inimical to their interests are your projects with regard
to Savona. They beg of you that these may be abandoned,
and that you will not sacrifice the general good to the
views of a few courtiers. I take the liberty to add my
prayers to theirs, and to ask of you this grace as the
price of the services I have rendered to France. Should
your Majesty have been put to expense, I shall join to
my request the sum of forty thousand gold crowns.
“With the humble duty of Andrea Doria,
Captain-General of the Galleys of France.”
Theodore Trivulce, who held Savona for the King of France, was roundly
told by Doria that “the people of Genoa would never suffer the taking
of Savona by the King of France, as it had from time immemorial
belonged to them,” and added, “for myself I will sacrifice the
friendship of the King in the interests of my fatherland.”
The last straw came, however, when the Marshal de Lautrec demanded
from Andrea the prisoners taken by Philippin Doria at Salerno. To this
Doria returned a curt negative, whereupon Francis sent one Barbezieux
to supersede Doria and to seize upon the person of the veteran admiral.
But that seaman, now sixty years of age, was not to be taken by any
king or soldier. He moved his twelve galleys from Genoa to Lerici, on
the east coast of the Gulf of Spezzia, and when Barbezieux arrived
he sarcastically told him to take the galleys. Barbezieux had no
better fortune than his predecessor, the Vicomte de Tours, and retired
discomfited and boiling over with rage to report matters to the King.
It has been said that among the prisoners of Philippin Doria was the
Marquis de Guasto. This nobleman had been an interested spectator
of the quarrel, and now approached Doria suggesting that he should
throw in his lot with Charles. The admiral, who all through had been
acting in the interests of his native country, seeing its ruin
approaching from the ambitions of Francis, consented, and wrote to
his nephew Philippin telling him of his decision, and his reasons
for that which he proposed to do. Philippin therefore rejoined his
uncle at Lerici with his eight galleys. The negotiations were short,
sharp, and decisive, and were conducted through the medium of De
Guasto. Charles offered the admiral sixty thousand ducats a year;
this was accepted. The only other stipulation made by the Emperor was
natural enough, which was that all the Spanish galley-slaves in the
fleet of Andrea should be released and their places taken by men of
other nationalities. This was of course conceded, and the transaction
was complete. Henceforward the most formidable force at sea on the
Christian side was at the disposal of the Spanish King.
This transference took place in the year 1528, and it was in the same
year that the citizens of Genoa, in recognition of the unexampled
services of the admiral to the State, elected him perpetual Doge.
This honour Doria declined, declaring that it was more glorious to have
deserved than to possess the honour, and that he considered he could be
of more use to his fellow citizens by gaining for them the protection
of great princes than by remaining as chief judge in his own country.
The Senate of Genoa, astonished by his noble modesty, hailed him as
the father and liberator of his country, ordered that a statue of him
should be erected in the public square, that in the same place a palace
should be built for him at the public expense, and that it should be
called Plaza Doria; further, that he and his posterity should be
for ever exempted from taxation, and that a device should be engraved
on a plate of copper and attached to the walls of the palace, where it
could be seen of all men, announcing to posterity the services that
this great man had rendered to his fellow citizens, to be for ever a
memorial of their gratitude.
The chronicler of these events draws a parallel between Doria and
Themistocles, who, when discontented with the Athenians, passed into
Persia and offered his services to Xerxes, to the great joy of that
monarch, who cried aloud, “I have Themistocles, I have Themistocles.”