Vienna in 1485, she was addressed in Latin, and ‘arrexit diligentissime
aures domina regina saepe, cum placide audierat, subridendo.’ Aschbach,
o. c. vol. ii. 10 note.
[894] The share taken by women in the plastic arts was insignificant.
The learned Isotta Nogarola deserves a word of mention. On her
intercourse with Guarino, see Rosmini, ii. 67 sqq.; with Pius II. see
Voigt, iii. 515 sqq.
[895] It is from this point of view that we must judge of the life of
Allessandra de’ Bardi in Vespasiano Fiorentino (Mai, _Spicileg._ rom. i.
p. 593 sqq.) The author, by the way, is a great ‘laudator temporis
acti,’ and it must not be forgotten that nearly a hundred years before
what he calls the good old time, Boccaccio wrote the _Decameron_. On the
culture and education of the Italian women of that day, comp. the
numerous facts quoted in Gregorovius, _Lucrezia Borgia_. There is a
catalogue of the books possessed by Lucrezia in 1502 and 3 (Gregorovius,
ed. 3, i. 310, ii. 167), which may be considered characteristic of the
Italian women of the period. We there find a Breviary; a little book
with the seven psalms and some prayers; a parchment book with gold
miniature, called _De Coppelle alla Spagnola_; the printed letters of
Catherine of Siena; the printed epistles and gospels in Italian; a
religious book in Spanish; a MS. collection of Spanish odes, with the
proverbs of Domenico Lopez; a printed book, called _Aquila Volante_; the
_Mirror of Faith_ printed in Italian; an Italian printed book called
_The Supplement of Chronicles_; a printed Dante, with commentary; an
Italian book on philosophy; the legends of the saints in Italian; an old
book _De Ventura_; a Donatus; a Life of Christ in Spanish; a MS.
Petrarch, on duodecimo parchment. A second catalogue of the year 1516
contains no secular books whatever.
[896] Ant. Galateo, _Epist. 3_, to the young Bona Sforza, the future
wife of Sigismund of Poland: ‘Incipe aliquid de viro sapere, quoniam ad
imperandum viris nata es.... Ita fac, ut sapientibus viris placeas, ut
te prudentes et graves viri admirentur, et vulgi et muliercularum studia
et judicia despicias,’ &c. A remarkable letter in other respects also
(Mai. _Spicileg. Rom._ viii. p. 532).
[897] She is so called in the _Chron. Venetum_, in Muratori, xxiv. col.
121 sqq. (in the account of her heroic defence, _ibid._ col. 121 she is
called a virago). Comp. Infessura in Eccard, _Scriptt._ ii. col. 1981,
and _Arch. Stor._ append. ii. p. 250, and Gregorovius, vii. 437 note 1.
[898] Contemporary historians speak of her more than womanly intellect
and eloquence. Comp. Ranke’s _Filippo Strozzi_, in _Historisch-biographische
Studien_, p. 371 note 2.
[899] And rightly so, sometimes. How ladies should behave while such
tales are telling, we learn from _Cortigiano_, l. iii. fol. 107. That
the ladies who were present at his dialogues must have known how to
conduct themselves in case of need, is shown by the strong passage, l.
ii. fol. 100. What is said of the ‘Donna di Palazzo’--the counterpart of
the Cortigiano--that she should neither avoid frivolous company nor use
unbecoming language, is not decisive, since she was far more the servant
of the princess than the Cortigiano of the prince. See Bandello, i. nov.
44. Bianca d’Este tells the terrible love-story of her ancestor, Niccolò
of Ferrara, and Parisina. The tales put into the mouths of the women in
the _Decameron_ may also serve as instances of this indelicacy. For
Bandello, see above, p. 145; and Landau, _Beitr. z. Gesch. der Ital.
Nov._ Vienna, 1875, p. 102. note 32.
[900] Sansovino, _Venezia_, fol. 152 sqq. How highly the travelled
Italians valued the freer intercourse with girls in England and the
Netherlands is shown by Bandello, ii. nov. 44, and iv. nov. 27. For the
Venetian women and the Italian women generally, see the work of Yriarte,
pp. 50 sqq.
[901] Paul. Jov. _De Rom. Piscibus_, cap. 5; Bandello, parte iii. nov.
42. Aretino, in the _Ragionamento del Zoppino_, p. 327, says of a
courtesan: ‘She knows by heart all Petrarch and Boccaccio, and many
beautiful verses of Virgil, Horace, Ovid, and a thousand other authors.’
[902] Bandello, ii. 51, iv. 16.
[903] Bandello, iv. 8.
[904] For a characteristic instance of this, see Giraldi, _Hecatomithi_,
vi nov. 7.
[905] Infessura, in Eccard, _Scriptores_, ii. col. 1997. The public
women only, not the kept women, are meant. The number, compared with the
population of Rome, is certainly enormous, perhaps owing to some
clerical error. According to Giraldi, vi. 7, Venice was exceptionally
rich ‘di quella sorte di donne che cortigiane son dette;’ see also the
epigram of Pasquinus (Gregor. viii. 279, note 2); but Rome did not stand
behind Venice (Giraldi, _Introduz._ nov. 2). Comp. the notice of the
‘meretrices’ in Rome (1480) who met in a church and were robbed of their
jewels and ornaments, Murat. xxii. 342 sqq., and the account in
_Burchardi, Diarium_, ed. Leibnitz, pp. 75-77, &c. Landi (_Commentario_,
fol. 76) mentions Rome, Naples, and Venice as the chief seats of the
‘cortigiane;’ _ibid._ 286, the fame of the women of Chiavenna is to be
understood ironically. The _Quaestiones Forcianae_, fol. 9, of the same
author give most interesting information on love and love’s delights,
and the style and position of women in the different cities of Italy. On
the other hand, Egnatius (_De Exemp. III. Vir._ Ven. fol. 212 _b_ sqq.)
praises the chastity of the Venetian women, and says that the
prostitutes come every year from Germany. Corn. Agr. _de van.
Scientiae_, cap. 63 (_Opp._ ed. Lugd. ii. 158) says: ‘Vidi ego nuper
atque legi sub titulo “Cortosanæ” Italica lingua editum et Venetiis
typis excusum de arte meretricia dialogum, utriusque Veneris omnium
flagitiosissimum et dignissimum, qui ipse cum autore suo ardeat.’ Ambr.
Traversari (_Epist._ viii. 2 sqq.) calls the beloved of Niccolò Niccoli
‘foemina fidelissima.’ In the _Lettere dei Principi_, i. 108 (report of
Negro, Sept. 1, 1522) the ‘donne Greche’ are described as ‘fonte di ogni
cortesia et amorevolezza.’ A great authority, esp. for Siena, is the
_Hermaphroditus_ of Panormitanus. The enumeration of the ‘lenae
lupaeque’ in Florence (ii. 37) is hardly fictitious; the line there
occurs:
‘Annaque _Theutonico_ tibi si dabit obvia cantu.’
[906] Were these wandering knights really married?
[907] _Trattato del Governo della Famiglia._ See above, p. 132, note 1.
Pandolfini died in 1446, L. B. Alberti, by whom the work was really
written, in 1472.
[908] A thorough history of ‘flogging’ among the Germanic and Latin
races treated with some psychological power, would be worth volumes of
dispatches and negotiations. (A modest beginning has been made by
Lichtenberg, _Vermischte Schriften_, v. 276-283.) When, and through what
influence, did flogging become a daily practice in the German household?
Not till after Walther sang: ‘Nieman kan mit gerten kindes zuht
beherten.’
In Italy beating ceased early; Maffeo Vegio (d. 1458) recommends (_De
Educ. Liber._ lib. i. c. 19) moderation in flogging, but adds:
‘Caedendos magis esse filios quam pestilentissmis blanditiis laetandos.’
At a later time a child of seven was no longer beaten. The little Roland
(_Orlandino_, cap. vii. str. 42) lays down the principle:
‘Sol gli asini si ponno bastonare,
Se una tal bestia fussi, patirei.’
The German humanists of the Renaissance, like Rudolf Agricola and
Erasmus, speak decisively against flogging, which the elder
schoolmasters regarded as an indispensable means of education. In the
biographies of the _Fahrenden Schüler_ at the close of the fifteenth
century (_Platter’s Lebensbeschriebung_, ed. Fechter, Basel, 1840;
_Butzbach’s Wanderbuch_, ed. Becher, Regensburg, 1869) there are gross
examples of the corporal punishment of the time.
[909] But the taste was not universal. J. A. Campanus (_Epist._ iv. 4)
writes vigorously against country life. He admits: ‘Ego si rusticus
natus non essem, facile tangerer voluptate;’ but since he was born a
peasant, ‘quod tibi deliciae, mihi satietas est.’
[910] Giovanni Villani, xi. 93, our principal authority for the building
of villas before the middle of the fourteenth century. The villas were
more beautiful than the town houses, and great exertions were made by
the Florentines to have them so, ‘onde erano tenuti matti.’
[911] _Trattato del Governo della Famiglia_ (Torino, 1829), pp. 84, 88.
[912] See above, part iv. chap. 2. Petrarch was called ‘Silvanus,’ on
the ground of his dislike of the town and love of the country. _Epp.
Fam._ ed. Fracass. ii. 87 sqq. Guarino’s description of a villa to
Gianbattista Candrata, in Rosmini, ii. 13 sqq., 157 sqq. Poggio, in a
letter to Facius (_De Vir. Ill._ p. 106): ‘Sum enim deditior senectutis
gratia rei rusticæ quam antea.’ See also Poggio, _Opp._ (1513), p 112
sqq.; and Shepherd-Tonelli, i. 255 and 261. Similarly Maffeo Vegio (_De
Lib. Educ._ vi. 4), and B. Platina at the beginning of his dialogue, ‘De
Vera Nobilitate.’ Politian’s descriptions of the country-houses of the
Medici in Reumont, _Lorenzo_, ii. 73, 87. For the Farnesina, see
Gregorovius, viii. 114.
[913] Comp. J. Burckhardt, _Geschichte der Renaissance in Italien_
(Stuttg. 1868), pp. 320-332.
[914] Compare pp. 47 sqq., where the magnificence of the festivals is
shown to have been a hindrance to the higher development of the drama.
[915] In comparison with the cities of the North.
[916] The procession at the feast of Corpus Christi was not established
at Venice until 1407; Cecchetti, _Venezia e la Corte di Roma_, i. 108.
[917] The festivities which took place when Visconti was made Duke of
Milan, 1395 (Corio, fol. 274), had, with all their splendour, something
of mediæval coarseness about them, and the dramatic element was wholly
wanting. Notice, too, the relative insignificance of the processions in
Pavia during the fourteenth century (_Anonymus de Laudibus Papiae_, in
Murat. xi. col. 34 sqq.).
[918] Gio. Villani, viii. 70.
[919] See e.g. Infessura, in Eccard, _Scrippt._ ii. col. 1896; Corio,
fols. 417, 421.
[920] The dialogue in the Mysteries was chiefly in octaves, the
monologue in ‘terzine.’ For the Mysteries, see J. L. Klein, _Geschichte
der Ital. Dramas_, i. 153 sqq.
[921] We have no need to refer to the realism of the schoolmen for proof
of this. About the year 970 Bishop Wibold of Cambray recommended to his
clergy, instead of dice, a sort of spiritual bézique, with fifty-six
abstract names represented by as many combinations of cards. ‘Gesta
Episcopori Cameracens.’ in _Mon. Germ._ SS. vii. p. 433.
[922] E.g. when he found pictures on metaphors. At the gate of Purgatory
the central broken step signifies contrition of heart (_Purg._ ix. 97),
though the slab through being broken loses its value as a step. And
again (_Purg._ xviii. 94), the idle in this world have to show their
penitence by running in the other, though running could be a symbol of
flight.
[923] _Inferno_, ix. 61; _Purgat._ viii. 19.
[924] _Poesie Satiriche_, ed. Milan, p. 70 sqq. Dating from the end of
the fourteenth century.
[925] The latter e.g. in the _Venatio_ of the Cardinal Adriano da
Corneto (Strasburg, 1512; often printed). Ascanio Sforza is there
supposed to find consolation for the fall of his house in the pleasures
of the chase. See above, p. 261.
[926] More properly 1454. See Olivier de la Marche, _Mémoires_, chap.
29.
[927] For other French festivals, see e.g. Juvénal des Ursins (Paris,
1614), ad. a. 1389 (entrance of Queen Isabella); John de Troyes, ad. a.
1461) (often printed) (entrance of Louis XI.). Here, too, we meet with
living statues, machines for raising bodies, and so forth; but the whole
is confused and disconnected, and the allegories are mostly
unintelligible. The festivals at Lisbon in 1452, held at the departure
of the Infanta Eleonora, the bride of the Emperor Frederick III., lasted
several days and were remarkable for their magnificence. See
Freher-Struve, _Rer. German. Script._ ii. fol. 51--the report of Nic.
Lauckmann.
[928] A great advantage for those poets and artists who knew how to use
it.
[929] Comp. Bartol. Gambia, _Notizie intorno alle Opere di Feo Belcari_,
Milano, 1808; and especially the introduction to the work, _Le
Rappresentazioni di Feo Belcari ed altre di lui Poesie_, Firenze, 1833.
As a parallel, see the introduction of the bibliophile Jacob to his
edition of Pathelin (Paris, 1859).
[930] It is true that a Mystery at Siena on the subject of the Massacre
of the Innocents closed with a scene in which the disconsolate mothers
seized one another by the hair. Della Valle, _Lettere Sanesi_, iii. p.
53. It was one of the chief aims of Feo Belcari (d. 1484), of whom we
have spoken, to free the Mysteries from these monstrosities.
[931] Franco Sacchetti, nov. 72.
[932] Vasari, iii. 232 sqq.: _Vita di Brunellesco_; v. 36 sqq.: _Vita
del Cecca_. Comp. v. 32, _Vita di Don Bartolommeo_.
[933] _Arch. Stor._ append. ii. p. 310. The Mystery of the Annunciation
at Ferrara, on the occasion of the wedding of Alfonso, with fireworks
and flying apparatus. For an account of the representation of Susanna,
John the Baptist, and of a legend, at the house of the Cardinal Riario,
see Corio, fol. 417. For the Mystery of Constantine the Great in the
Papal Palace at the Carnival, 1484, see Jac. Volaterran. (Murat. xxiii.
col. 194). The chief actor was a Genoese born and educated at
Constantinople.
[934] Graziani, _Cronaca di Perugia, Arch. Stor._ xvi. 1. p. 598. At the
Crucifixion, a figure was kept ready and put in the place of the actor.
[935] For this, see Graziani, l. c. and _Pii II. Comment._ l. viii. pp.
383, 386. The poetry of the fifteenth century sometimes shows the same
coarseness. A ‘canzone’ of Andrea da Basso traces in detail the
corruption of the corpse of a hard-hearted fair one. In a monkish drama
of the twelfth century King Herod was put on the stage with the worms
eating him (_Carmina Burana_, pp. 80 sqq.). Many of the German dramas of
the seventeenth century offer parallel instances.
[936] Allegretto, _Diarii Sanesi_, in Murat. xxiii. col. 767.
[937] Matarazzo, _Arch. Stor._ xvi. ii. p. 36. The monk had previously
undertaken a voyage to Rome to make the necessary studies for the
festival.
[938] Extracts from the ‘Vergier d’honneur,’ in Roscoe, _Leone X._, ed.
Bossi, i. p. 220, and iii. p. 263.
[939] _Pii II. Comment._ l. viii. pp. 382 sqq. Another gorgeous
celebration of the ‘Corpus Domini’ is mentioned by Bursellis, _Annal.
Bonon._ in Murat. xxiii. col. 911, for the year 1492. The
representations were from the Old and New Testaments.
[940] On such occasions we read, ‘Nulla di muro si potea vedere.’
[941] The same is true of many such descriptions.
[942] Five kings with an armed retinue, and a savage who fought with a
(tamed?) lion; the latter, perhaps, with an allusion to the name of the
Pope--Sylvius.
[943] Instances under Sixtus IV., Jac. Volaterr. in Murat. xxiii. col.
135 (bombardorum et sclopulorum crepitus), 139. At the accession of
Alexander VI. there were great salvos of artillery. Fireworks, a
beautiful invention due to Italy, belong, like festive decorations
generally, rather to the history of art than to our present work. So,
too, the brilliant illuminations we read of in connexion with many
festivals, and the hunting-trophies and table-ornaments. (See p. 319.
The elevation of Julius II. to the Papal throne was celebrated at Venice
by three days’ illumination. Brosch, _Julius II._ p. 325, note 17.)
[944] Allegretto, in Murat. xxiii. col. 772. See, besides, col. 770, for
the reception of Pius II. in 1459. A paradise, or choir of angels, was
represented, out of which came an angel and sang to the Pope, ‘in modo
che il Papa si commosse a lagrime per gran tenerezza da si dolci
parole.’
[945] See the authorities quoted in Favre, _Mélanges d’Hist. Lit._ i.
138; Corio, fol. 417 sqq. The _menu_ fills almost two closely printed
pages. ‘Among other dishes a mountain was brought in, out of which
stepped a living man, with signs of astonishment to find himself amid
this festive splendour; he repeated some verses and then disappeared’
(Gregorovius, vii. 241). Infessura, in Eccard, _Scriptt._ ii. col. 1896;
_Strozzii Poetae_, fol. 193 sqq. A word or two may here be added on
eating and drinking. Leon. Aretino (_Epist._ lib. iii. ep. 18) complains
that he had to spend so much for his wedding feast, garments, and so
forth, that on the same day he had concluded a ‘matrimonium’ and
squandered a ‘patrimonium.’ Ermolao Barbaro describes, in a letter to
Pietro Cara, the bill of fare at a wedding-feast at Trivulzio’s (_Angeli
Politiani Epist._ lib. iii.). The list of meats and drinks in the
Appendix to Landi’s _Commentario_ (above) is of special interest. Landi
speaks of the great trouble he had taken over it, collecting it from
five hundred writers. The passage is too long to be quoted (we there
read: ‘Li antropofagi furono i primi che mangiassero carne humana’).
Poggio (_Opera_, 1513, fol. 14 sqq.) discusses the question’: ‘Uter
alteri gratias debeat pro convivio impenso, isne qui vocatus est ad
convivium an qui vocavit?’ Platina wrote a treatise ‘De Arte
Coquinaria,’ said to have been printed several times, and quoted under
various titles, but which, according to his own account (_Dissert.
Vossiane_, i. 253 sqq.), contains more warnings against excess than
instructions on the art in question.
[946] Vasari, ix. p. 37, _Vita di Puntormo_, tells how a child, during
such a festival at Florence in the year 1513, died from the effects of
the exertion--or shall we say, of the gilding? The poor boy had to
represent the ‘golden age’!
[947] Phil. Beroaldi, _Nuptiae Bentivolorum_, in the _Orationes Ph. B._
Paris, 1492, c. 3 sqq. The description of the other festivities at this
wedding is very remarkable.
[948] M. Anton. Sabellici, _Epist._ l. iii. fol. 17.
[949] Amoretti, _Memorie, &c. su. Lionardo da Vinci_, pp. 38 sqq.
[950] To what extent astrology influenced even the festivals of this
century is shown by the introduction of the planets (not described with
sufficient clearness) at the reception of the ducal brides at Ferrara.
_Diario Ferrarese_, in Muratori, xxiv. col. 248, ad. a. 1473; col. 282,
ad. a. 1491. So, too, at Mantua, _Arch. Stor._ append. ii. p. 233.
[951] _Annal. Estens._ in Murat. xx. col. 468 sqq. The description is
unclear and printed from an incorrect transcript.
[952] We read that the ropes of the machine used for this purpose were
made to imitate garlands.
[953] Strictly the ship of Isis, which entered the water on the 5th of
March, as a symbol that navigation was reopened. For analogies in the
German religion, see Jac. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_.
[954] _Purgatorio_, xxix. 43 to the end, and xxx. at the beginning.
According to v. 115, the chariot is more splendid than the triumphal
chariot of Scipio, of Augustus, and even of the Sun-God.
[955] Ranke, _Gesch. der Roman. und German. Völker_, ed. 2, p. 95. P.
Villari, _Savonarola_.
[956] Fazio degli Uberti, _Dittamondo_ (lib. ii. cap. 3), treats
specially ‘del modo del triumphare.’
[957] Corio, fol. 401: ‘dicendo tali cose essere superstitioni de’ Re.’
Comp. Cagnola, _Arch. Stor._ iii. p. 127, who says that the duke
declined from modesty.
[958] See above, vol. i. p. 315 sqq.; comp. i. p. 15, note 1. ‘Triumphus
Alfonsi,’ as appendix to the _Dicta et Facta_ of Panormita, ed. 1538,
pp. 129-139, 256 sqq. A dislike to excessive display on such occasions
was shown by the gallant Comneni. Comp. Cinnamus, i. 5, vi. 1.
[959] The position assigned to Fortune is characteristic of the naïveté
of the Renaissance. At the entrance of Massimiliano Sforza into Milan
(1512), she stood as the chief figure of a triumphal arch _above_ Fama,
Speranza, Audacia, and Penitenza, all represented by living persons.
Comp. Prato, _Arch. Stor._ iii. p. 305.
[960] The entrance of Borso of Este into Reggio, described above (p.
417), shows the impression which Alfonso’s triumph had made in all
Italy,. On the entrance of Cæsar Borgia into Rome in 1500, see
Gregorovius, vii. 439.
[961] Prato, _Arch. Stor._ iii. 260 sqq. The author says expressly, ‘le
quali cose da li triumfanti Romani se soliano anticamente usare.’
[962] Her three ‘capitoli’ in terzines, _Anecd. Litt._ iv. 461 sqq.
[963] Old paintings of similar scenes are by no means rare, and no doubt
often represent masquerades actually performed. The wealthy classes soon
became accustomed to drive in chariots at every public solemnity. We
read that Annibale Bentivoglio, eldest son of the ruler of Bologna,
returned to the palace after presiding as umpire at the regular military
exercises, ‘cum triumpho more romano.’ Bursellis, l. c. col. 909. ad. a.
1490.
[964] The remarkable funeral of Malatesta Baglione, poisoned at Bologna
in 1437 (Graziani, _Arch. Stor._ xvi. i. p. 413), reminds us of the
splendour of an Etruscan funeral. The knights in mourning, however, and
other features of the ceremony, were in accordance with the customs of
the nobility throughout Europe. See e.g. the funeral of Bertrand
Duguesclin, in Juvénal des Ursins, ad. a. 1389. See also Graziani, l. c.
p. 360.
[965] Vasari, ix. p. 218, _Vita di Granacci_. On the triumphs and
processions in Florence, see Reumont, _Lorenzo_, ii. 433.
[966] Mich. Cannesius, _Vita Pauli II._ in Murat. iii. ii. col. 118 sqq.
[967] Tommasi, _Vita di Caesare Borgia_, p. 251.
[968] Vasari ix. p. 34 sqq., _Vita di Puntormo_. A most important
passage of its kind.
[969] Vasari, viii. p. 264, _Vita di Andrea del Sarto_.
[970] Allegretto, in Murat. xxiii. col. 783. It was reckoned a bad omen
that one of the wheels broke.
[971] _M. Anton. Sabellici Epist._ l. iii. letter to M. Anton.
Barbavarus. He says: ‘Vetus est mos civitatis in illustrium hospitum
adventu eam navim auro et purpura insternere.’
[972] Sansovino, _Venezia_, fol. 151 sqq. The names of these
corporations were: Pavoni, Accessi, Eterni, Reali, Sempiterni. The
academies probably had their origin in these guilds.
[973] Probably in 1495. Comp. _M. Anton. Sabellici Epist._ l. v. fol.
28; last letter to M. Ant. Barbavarus.
[974] ‘Terræ globum socialibus signis circunquaque figuratum,’ and
‘quinis pegmatibus, quorum singula foederatorum regum, principumque suas
habuere effigies et cum his ministros signaque in auro affabre caelata.’
[975] Infessura, in Eccard, _Scriptt._ ii. col. 1093, 2000; Mich.
Cannesius, _Vita Pauli II._ in Murat. iii. ii. col. 1012; Platina.
_Vitae Pontiff._ p. 318; Jac. Volaterran. in Murat. xiii. col. 163, 194;
Paul. Jov. _Elogia_, sub Juliano Cæsarino. Elsewhere, too, there were
races for women, _Diario Ferrarese_, in Murat. xxiv. col. 384: comp.
Gregorovius, vi. 690 sqq., vii. 219, 616 sqq.
[976] Once under Alexander VI. from October till Lent. See Tommasi, l.
c. p. 322.
[977] Baluz. _Miscell._ iv. 517 (comp. Gregorovius, vii. 288 sqq.).
[978] _Pii II. Comment._ l. iv. p. 211.
[979] Nantiporto, in Murat. iii. ii. col. 1080. They wished to thank him
for a peace which he had concluded, but found the gates of the palace
closed and troops posted in all the open places.
[980] ‘Tutti i trionfi, carri, mascherate, o canti carnascialeschi.’
Cosmopoli, 1750. Macchiavelli, _Opere Minori_, p. 505; Vasari, vii. p.
115 sqq. _Vita di Piero di Cosimo_, to whom a chief part in the
development of these festivities is ascribed. Comp. B. Loos (above, p.
154, note 1) p. 12 sqq. and Reumont, _Lorenzo_, ii. 443 sqq., where the
authorities are collected which show that the Carnival was soon
restrained. Comp. ibid ii. p. 24.
[981] _Discorsi_, l. i. c. 12. Also c. 55: Italy is more corrupt than
all other countries; then come the French and Spaniards.
[982] Paul. Jov. _Viri Illustres_: Jo. Gal. Vicecomes. Comp. p. 12 sqq.
and notes.
[983] On the part filled by the sense of honour in the modern world, see
Prévost-Paradol, _La France Nouvelle_, liv. iii. chap. 2.
[984] Compare what Mr. Darwin says of blushing in the ‘Expression of the
Emotions,’ and of the relations between shame and conscience.
[985] Franc. Guicciardini, _Ricordi Politici e Civili_, n. 118 (_Opere
inedite_, vol. i.).
[986] His closest counterpart is Merlinus Coccajus (Teofilo Folengo),
whose _Opus Maccaronicorum_ Rabelais certainly knew, and quotes more
than once (_Pantagruel_, l. ii. ch. 1. and ch. 7, at the end). It is
possible that Merlinus Coccajus may have given the impulse which
resulted in Pantagruel and Gargantua.
[987] _Gargantua_, l. i. cap. 57.
[988] That is, well-born in the higher sense of the word, since
Rabelais, son of the innkeeper of Chinon, has here no motive for
assigning any special privilege to the nobility. The preaching of the
Gospel, which is spoken of in the inscription at the entrance to the
monastery, would fit in badly with the rest of the life of the inmates;
it must be understood in a negative sense, as implying defiance of the
Roman Church.
[989] See extracts from his diary in Delécluze, _Florence et ses
Vicissitudes_, vol. 2.
[990] Infessura, ap. Eccard, _Scriptt._ ii. col. 1992. On F. C. see
above, p. 108.
[991] This opinion of Stendhal (_La Chartreuse de Parme_, ed. Delahays,
p. 335) seems to me to rest on profound psychological observation.
[992] Graziani, _Cronaca di Perugia_, for the year 1437 (_Arch. Stor._
xvi. i. p. 415).
[993] Giraldi, _Hecatommithi_, i. nov. 7.
[994] Infessura, in Eccard, _Scriptt._ ii. col. 1892, for the year 1464.
[995] Allegretto, _Diari Sanisi_, in Murat. xxiii. col. 837. Allegretto
was himself present when the oath was taken, and had no doubt of its
efficacy.
[996] Those who leave vengeance to God are ridiculed by Pulci,
_Morgante_, canto xxi. str. 83 sqq., 104 sqq.
[997] Guicciardini, _Ricordi_, l. c. n. 74.
[998] Thus Cardanus (_De Propria Vita_, cap. 13) describes himself as
very revengeful, but also as ‘verax, memor beneficiorum, amans
justitiæ.’
[999] It is true that when the Spanish rule was fully established the
population fell off to a certain extent. Had this fact been due to the
demoralisation of the people, it would have appeared much earlier.
[1000] Giraldi, _Hecatommithi_, iii. nov. 2. In the same strain,
_Cortigiano_, l. iv. fol. 180.
[1001] A shocking instance of vengeance taken by a brother at Perugia in
the year 1455, is to be found in the chronicle of Graziani (_Arch.
Stor._ xvi. p. 629). The brother forces the gallant to tear out the
sister’s eyes, and then beats him from the place. It is true that the
family was a branch of the Oddi, and the lover only a cordwainer.
[1002] Bandello, parte i. nov. 9 and 26. Sometimes the wife’s confessor
is bribed by the husband and betrays the adultery.
[1003] See above p. 394, and note 1.
[1004] As instance, Bandello, part i. nov. 4.
[1005] ‘Piaccia al Signore Iddio che non si ritrovi,’ say the women in
Giraldi (iii. nov. 10), when they are told that the deed may cost the
murderer his head.
[1006] This is the case, for example, with Gioviano Pontano (_De
Fortitudine_, l. ii.). His heroic Ascolans, who spend their last night
in singing and dancing, the Abruzzian mother, who cheers up her son on
his way to the gallows, &c., belong probably to brigand families, but he
forgets to say so.
[1007] _Diarium Parmense_, in Murat. xxii. col. 330 to 349 _passim_. The
sonnet, col. 340.
[1008] _Diario Ferrarese_, in Murat. xxiv. col. 312. We are reminded of
the gang led by a priest, which for some time before the year 1837
infested western Lombardy.
[1009] Massuccio, nov. 29. As a matter of course, the man has luck in
his amours.
[1010] If he appeared as a corsair in the war between the two lines of
Anjou for the possession of Naples, he may have done so as a political
partisan, and this, according to the notions of the time, implied no
dishonour. The Archbishop Paolo Fregoso of Genoa, in the second half of
the fifteenth century probably allowed himself quite as much freedom, or
more. Contemporaries and later writers, e.g. Aretino and Poggio, record
much worse things of John. Gregorovius, vi. p. 600.
[1011] Poggio, _Facetiae_, fol. 164. Anyone familiar with Naples at the
present time, may have heard things as comical, though bearing on other
sides of human life.
[1012] _Jovian. Pontani Antonius_: ‘Nec est quod Neapoli quam hominis
vita minoris vendatur.’ It is true he thinks it was not so under the
House of Anjou, ‘sicam ab iis (the Aragonese) accepimus.’ The state of
things about the year 1534 is described by Benvenuto Cellini, i. 70.
[1013] Absolute proof of this cannot be given, but few murders are
recorded, and the imagination of the Florentine writers at the best
period is not filled with the suspicion of them.
[1014] See on this point the report of Fedeli, in Alberi, _Relazioni
Serie_, ii. vol. i. pp. 353 sqq.
[1015] M. Brosch (_Hist. Zeitschr._ bd. 27, p. 295 sqq.) has collected
from the Venetian archives five proposals, approved by the council, to
poison the Sultan (1471-1504), as well as evidence of the plan to murder
Charles VIII. (1495) and of the order given to the Proveditor at Faenza
to have Cæsar Borgia put to death (1504).
[1016] Dr. Geiger adds several conjectural statements and references on
this subject. It may be remarked that the suspicion of poisoning, which
I believe to be now generally unfounded, is often expressed in certain
parts of Italy with regard to any death not at once to be accounted
for.--[The Translator.]
[1017] Infessura, in Eccard, _Scriptor._ ii. col. 1956.
[1018] _Chron. Venetum_, in Murat. xxiv. col. 131. In northern countries
still more wonderful things were believed as to the art of poisoning in
Italy. See _Juvénal des Ursins_, ad. ann. 1382 (ed. Buchon, p. 336), for
the lancet of the poisoner, whom Charles of Durazzo took into his
service; whoever looked at it steadily, died.
[1019] Petr. Crinitus, _De Honesta Disciplina_, l. xviii. cap. 9.
[1020] _Pii II. Comment._ l. xi. p. 562. Joh. Ant. Campanus, _Vita Pii
II._ in Murat. iii. ii. col. 988.
[1021] Vasari, ix. 82, _Vita di Rosso_. In the case of unhappy marriages
it is hard to say whether there were more real or imaginary instances of
poisoning. Comp. Bandello, ii. nov. 5 and 54: ii. nov. 40 is more
serious. In one and the same city of Western Lombardy, the name of which
is not given, lived two poisoners. A husband, wishing to convince
himself of the genuineness of his wife’s despair, made her drink what
she believed to be poison, but which was really coloured water,
whereupon they were reconciled. In the family of Cardanus alone four
cases of poisoning occurred (_De Propria Vita_, cap. 30, 50). Even at a
banquet given at the coronation of a pope each cardinal brought his own
cupbearer with him, and his own wine, ‘probably because they knew from
experience that otherwise they would run the risk of being poisoned.’
And this usage was general at Rome, and practised ‘sine injuria
invitantis!’ Blas Ortiz, _Itinerar. Hadriani VI._ ap. Baluz. Miscell.
ed. Mansi, i. 380.
[1022] For the magic arts used against Leonello of Ferrara, see _Diario
Ferrarese_, in Murat. xxiv. col. 194, ad a. 1445. When the sentence was
read in the public square to the author of them, a certain Benato, a man
in other respects of bad character, a noise was heard in the air and the
earth shook, so that many people fled away or fell to the ground; this
happened because Benato ‘havea chiamato e scongiurato il diavolo.’ What
Guicciardini (l. i.) says of the wicked arts practised by Ludovico Moro
against his nephew Giangaleazzo, rests on his own responsibility. On
magic, see below, cap. 4.
[1023] Ezzelino da Romano might be put first, were it not that he rather
acted under the influence of ambitious motives and astrological
delusions.
[1024] _Giornali Napoletani_, in Murat. xxi. col. 1092 ad a. 1425.
According to the narrative this deed seems to have been committed out of
mere pleasure in cruelty. Br., it is true, believed neither in God nor
in the saints, and despised and neglected all the precepts and
ceremonies of the Church.
[1025] _Pii II. Comment._ l. vii. p. 338.
[1026] Jovian. Pontan. _De Immanitate_, cap. 17, where he relates how
Malatesta got his own daughter with child--and so forth.
[1027] Varchi, _Storie Fiorentine_, at the end. (When the work is
published without expurgations, as in the Milanese edition.)
[1028] On which point feeling differs according to the place and the
people. The Renaissance prevailed in times and cities where the tendency
was to enjoy life heartily. The general darkening of the spirits of
thoughtful men did not begin to show itself till the time of the foreign
supremacy in the sixteenth century.
[1029] What is termed the spirit of the Counter-Reformation was
developed in Spain some time before the Reformation itself, chiefly
through the sharp surveillance and partial reorganisation of the Church
under Ferdinand and Isabella. The principal authority on this subject is
Gomez, _Life of Cardinal Ximenes_, in Rob. Belus, _Rer. Hispan.
Scriptores_, 3 vols. 1581.
[1030] It is to be noticed that the novelists and satirists scarcely
ever mention the bishops, although they might, under altered names, have
attacked them like the rest. They do so, however, e.g. in Bandello, ii.
nov. 45; yet in ii. 40, he describes a virtuous bishop. Gioviano Pontano
in the _Charon_ introduces the ghost of a luxurious bishop with a
‘duck’s walk.’
[1031] Foscolo, _Discorso sul testo del Decamerone_, ‘Ma dei preti in
dignità niuno poteva far motto senza pericolo; onde ogni frate fu l’irco
delle iniquita d’Israele,’ &c. Timotheus Maffeus dedicates a book
against the monks to Pope Nicholas V.; Facius, _De Vir. Ill._ p. 24.
There are specially strong passages against the monks and clergy in the
work of Palingenius already mentioned iv. 289, v. 184 sqq., 586 sqq.
[1032] Bandello prefaces ii. nov. i. with the statement that the vice of
avarice was more discreditable to priests than to any other class of
men, since they had no families to provide for. On this ground he
justifies the disgraceful attack made on a parsonage by two soldiers or
brigands at the orders of a young gentleman, on which occasion a sheep
was stolen from the stingy and gouty old priest. A single story of this
kind illustrates the ideas in which men lived and acted better than all
the dissertations in the world.
[1033] Giov. Villani, iii. 29, says this clearly a century later.
[1034] _L’Ordine._ Probably the tablet with the inscription I. H. S. is
meant.
[1035] He adds, ‘and in the _seggi_,’ i.e. the clubs into which the
Neapolitan nobility was divided. The rivalry of the two orders is often
ridiculed, e.g. Bandello, iii. nov. 14.
[1036] Nov. 6, ed. Settembrini, p. 83, where it is remarked that in the
Index of 1564 a book is mentioned, _Matrimonio delli Preti e delle
Monache_.
[1037] For what follows, see Jovian. Pontan. _De Sermone_, l. ii. cap.
17, and Bandello, parte i. nov. 32. The fury of brother Franciscus, who
attempted to work upon the king by a vision of St. Cataldus, was so
great at his failure, and the talk on the subject so universal, ‘ut
Italia ferme omnis ipse in primis Romanus pontifex de tabulæ hujus
fuerit inventione sollicitus atque anxius.’
[1038] Alexander VI. and Julius II., whose cruel measures, however, did
not appear to the Venetian ambassadors Giustiniani and Soderini as
anything but a means of extorting money. Comp. M. Brosch, _Hist.
Zeitscher._ bd. 37.
[1039] Panormita, _De Dictis et Factis Alphonsi_, lib. ii. Æneas Sylvius
in his commentary to it (_Opp._ ed. 1651, p. 79) tells of the detection
of a pretended faster, who was said to have eaten nothing for four
years.
[1040] For which reason they could be openly denounced in the
neighbourhood of the court. See Jovian. Pontan. _Antonius_ and _Charon_.
One of the stories is the same as in Massuccio, nov. ii.
[1041] See for one example the eighth canto of the _Macaroneide_.
[1042] The story in Vasari, v. p. 120, _Vita di Sandro Botticelli_ shows
that the Inquisition was sometimes treated jocularly. It is true that
the ‘Vicario’ here mentioned may have been the archbishop’s deputy
instead of the inquisitor’s.
[1043] Bursellis, _Ann. Bonon._ ap. Murat. xxiii. col. 886, cf. 896.
Malv. died 1468; his ‘beneficium’ passed to his nephew.
[1044] See p. 88 sqq. He was abbot at Vallombrosa. The passage, of which
we give a free translation, is to be found _Opere_, vol. ii. p. 209, in
the tenth novel. See an inviting description of the comfortable life of
the Carthusians in the _Commentario d’Italia_, fol. 32 sqq. quoted at p.
84.
[1045] Pius II. was on principle in favour of the abolition of the
celibacy of the clergy. One of his favourite sentences was,
‘Sacerdotibus magna ratione sublatus nuptias majori restituendas
videri.’ Platina, _Vitae Pontiff._ p. 311.
[1046] Ricordi, n. 28, in the _Opere inedite_, vol. i.
[1047] Ricordi, n. i. 123, 125.
[1048] See the _Orlandino_, cap. vi. str. 40 sqq.; cap. vii. str. 57;
cap. viii. str. 3 sqq., especially 75.
[1049] _Diaria Ferrarese_, in Murat. xxiv. col. 362.
[1050] He had with him a German and a Slavonian interpreter. St. Bernard
had to use the same means when he preached in the Rhineland.
[1051] Capistrano, for instance, contented himself with making the sign
of the cross over the thousands of sick persons brought to him, and with
blessing them in the name of the Trinity and of his master San
Bernadino, after which some of them not unnaturally got well. The
Brescian chronicle puts it in this way, ‘He worked fine miracles, yet
not so many as were told of him’ (Murat. xxi.).
[1052] So e.g. Poggio, _De Avaritia_, in the _Opera_, fol. 2. He says
they had an easy matter of it, since they said the same thing in every
city, and sent the people away more stupid than they came. Poggio
elsewhere (_Epist._ ed. Tonelli i. 281) speaks of Albert of Sarteano as
‘doctus’ and ‘perhumanus.’ Filelfo defended Bernadino of Siena and a
certain Nicolaus, probably out of opposition to Poggio (_Sat._ ii. 3,
vi. 5) rather than from liking for the preachers. Filelfo was a
correspondent of A. of Sarteano. He also praises Roberto da Lecce in
some respects, but blames him for not using suitable gestures and
expressions, for looking miserable when he ought to look cheerful, and
for weeping too much and thus offending the ears and tastes of his
audience. Fil. _Epist._ Venet. 1502, fol. 96 _b_.
[1053] Franco Sacchetti, nov. 72. Preachers who fail are a constant
subject of ridicule in all the novels.
[1054] Compare the well-known story in the _Decamerone_ vi. nov. 10.
[1055] In which case the sermons took a special colour. See Malipiero,
_Ann. Venet. Archiv. Stor._ vii. i. p. 18. _Chron. Venet._ in Murat.
xxiv. col. 114. _Storia Bresciana_, in Murat. xxi. col. 898. Absolution
was freely promised to those who took part in, or contributed money for
the crusade.
[1056] _Storia Bresciana_, in Murat. xxiii. col. 865 sqq. On the first
day 10,000 persons were present, 2,000 of them strangers.
[1057] Allegretto, _Diari Sanesi_, in Murat. xxiii. col. 819 sqq. (July
13 to 18, 1486); the preacher was Pietro dell’Osservanza di S.
Francesco.
[1058] Infessura (in Eccard, _Scriptores_, ii. col. 1874) says: ‘Canti,
brevi, sorti.’ The first may refer to song-books, which actually were
burnt by Savonarola. But Graziani (_Cron. di Perugia, Arch. Stor._ xvi.
i., p. 314) says on a similar occasion, ‘brieve incanti,’ when we must
without doubt read ‘brevi e incanti,’ and perhaps the same emendation is
desirable in Infessura, whose ‘sorti’ point to some instrument of
superstition, perhaps a pack of cards for fortune-telling. Similarly
after the introduction of printing, collections were made of all the
attainable copies of Martial, which then were burnt. Bandello, iii. 10.
[1059] See his remarkable biography in _Vespasiano Fiorent._ p. 244
sqq., and that by Æneas Sylvius, _De Viris Illustr._ p. 24. In the
latter we read: ‘Is quoque in tabella pictum nomen Jesus deferebat,
hominibusque adorandum ostendebat multumque suadebat ante ostia domorum
hoc nomen depingi.’
[1060] Allegretto, l. c. col. 823. A preacher excited the people against
the judges (if instead of ‘giudici’ we are not to read ‘giudei’), upon
which they narrowly escaped being burnt in their houses. The opposite
party threatened the life of the preacher in return.
[1061] Infessura, l. c. In the date of the witch’s death there seems to
be a clerical error. How the same saint caused an ill-famed wood near
Arezzo to be cut down, is told in Vasari, iii. 148, _Vita di Parri
Spinelli_. Often, no doubt, the penitential zeal of the hearers went no
further than such outward sacrifices.
[1062] ‘Pareva che l’aria si fendesse,’ we read somewhere.
[1063] Jac. Volaterran. in Murat. xxiii. col. 166 sqq. It is not
expressly said that he interfered with this feud, but it can hardly be
doubted that he did so. Once (1445), when Jacopo della Marca had but
just quitted Perugia after an extraordinary success, a frightful
_vendetta_ broke out in the family of the Ranieri. Comp. Graziani, l. c.
p. 565 sqq. We may here remark that Perugia was visited by these
preachers remarkably often, comp. pp. 597, 626, 631, 637, 647.
[1064] Capistrano admitted fifty soldiers after one sermon, _Stor.
Bresciana_, l. c. Graziani, l. c. p. 565 sqq. Æn. Sylvius (_De Viris
Illustr._ p. 25), when a young man, was once so affected by a sermon of
San Bernadino as to be on the point of joining his Order. We read in
Graziani of a convert quitting the order; he married, ‘e fu magiore
ribaldo, che non era prima.’
[1065] That there was no want of disputes between the famous
Observantine preachers and their Dominican rivals is shown by the
quarrel about the blood of Christ which was said to have fallen from the
cross to the earth (1462). See Voigt. _Enea Silvio_ iii. 591 sqq. Fra
Jacopo della Marca, who would not yield to the Dominican Inquisitor, is
criticised by Pius II. in his detailed account (_Comment._ l. xi. p.
511), with delicate irony: ‘Pauperiem pati, et famam et sitim et
corporis cruciatum et mortem pro Christi nomine nonnulli possunt;
jacturam nominis vel minimam ferre recusant tanquam sua deficiente fama
Dei quoque gloria pereat.’
[1066] Their reputation oscillated even then between two extremes. They
must be distinguished from the hermit-monks. The line was not always
clearly drawn in this respect. The Spoletans, who travelled about
working miracles, took St. Anthony and St. Paul as their patrons, the
latter on account of the snakes which they carried with them. We read of
the money they got from the peasantry even in the thirteenth century by
a sort of clerical conjuring. Their horses were trained to kneel down at
the name of St. Anthony. They pretended to collect for hospitals
(Massuccio, nov. 18; Bandello iii., nov. 17). Firenzuola in his _Asino
d’Oro_ makes them play the part of the begging priests in Apulejus.
[1067] Prato, _Arch. Stor._ iii. p. 357. Burigozzo, _ibid._ p. 431 sqq.
[1068] Allegretto, in Murat. xxiii. col. 856 sqq. The quotation was:
‘Ecce venio cito et velociter. Estote parati.’
[1069] Matteo Villani, viii. cap. 2 sqq. He first preached against
tyranny in general, and then, when the ruling house of the Beccaria
tried to have him murdered, he began to preach a change of government
and constitution, and forced the Beccaria to fly from Pavia (1357). See
Petrarch, _Epp. Fam._ xix. 18, and A. _Hortis, Scritti Inediti di F. P._
174-181.
[1070] Sometimes at critical moments the ruling house itself used the
services of monks to exhort the people to loyalty. For an instance of
this kind at Ferrara, see Sanudo (Murat. xxii. col. 1218). A preacher
from Bologna reminded the people of the benefits they had received from
the House of Este, and of the fate that awaited them at the hands of the
victorious Venetians.
[1071] Prato, _Arch. Stor._ iii. p. 251. Other fanatical anti-French
preachers, who appeared after the expulsion of the French, are mentioned
by Burigozzo, _ibid._ pp. 443, 449, 485; ad a. 1523, 1526, 1529.
[1072] Jac. Pitti, _Storia Fior._ l. ii. p. 112.
[1073] Perrens, _Jérôme Savonarole_, two vols. Perhaps the most
systematic and sober of all the many works on the subject. P. Villari,
_La Storia di Girol. Savonarola_ (two vols. 8vo. Firenze, Lemonnier).
The view taken by the latter writer differs considerably from that
maintained in the text. Comp. also Ranke in _Historisch-biographische
Studien_, Lpzg. 1878, pp. 181-358. On Genaz. see Vill. i. 57 sqq. ii.
343 sqq. Reumont, _Lorenzo_, ii. 522-526, 533 sqq.
[1074] Sermons on Haggai; close of sermon 6.
[1075] Savonarola was perhaps the only man who could have made the
subject cities free and yet kept Tuscany together. But he never seems to
have thought of doing so. Pisa he hated like a genuine Florentine.
[1076] A remarkable contrast to the Sienese who in 1483 solemnly
dedicated their distracted city to the Madonna. Allegretto, in Murat.
xxiii. col. 815.
[1077] He says of the ‘impii astrologi’: ‘non è dar disputar (con loro)
altrimenti che col fuoco.’
[1078] See Villari on this point.
[1079] See the passage in the fourteenth sermon on Ezechiel, in Perrens,
o. c. vol. i. 30 note.
[1080] With the title, _De Rusticorum Religione_. See above p. 352.
[1081] Franco Sacchetti, nov. 109, where there is more of the same kind.
[1082] Bapt. Mantuan. _De Sacris Diebus_, l. ii. exclaims:--
Ista superstitio, ducens a Manibus ortum
Tartareis, sancta de religione facessat
Christigenûm! vivis epulas date, sacra sepultis.
A century earlier, when the army of John XXII. entered the Marches to
attack the Ghibellines, the pretext was avowedly ‘eresia’ and
‘idolatria.’ Recanti, which surrendered voluntarily, was nevertheless
burnt, ‘because idols had been worshipped there,’ in reality, as a
revenge for those whom the citizens had killed. Giov. Villani, ix. 139,
141. Under Pius II. we read of an obstinate sun-worshipper, born at
Urbino. Æn. Sylv. _Opera_, p. 289. _Hist. Rer. ubique Gestar._ c. 12.
More wonderful still was what happened in the Forum in Rome under Leo X.
(more properly in the interregnum between Hadrian and Leo. June 1522,
Gregorovius, viii. 388). To stay the plague, a bull was solemnly offered
up with pagan rites. Paul. Jov. _Hist._ xxi. 8.
[1083] See Sabellico, _De Situ Venetae Urbis_. He mentions the names of
the saints, after the manner of many philologists, without the addition
of ‘sanctus’ or ‘divus,’ but speaks frequently of different relics, and
in the most respectful tone, and even boasts that he kissed several of
them.
[1084] _De Laudibus Patavii_, in Murat. xxiv. col. 1149 to 1151.
[1085] Prato, _Arch. Stor._ iii. pp. 408 sqq. Though he is by no means a
freethinker, he still protests against the causal nexus.
[1086] _Pii II. Comment._ l. viii. pp. 352 sqq. ‘Verebatur Pontifex, ne
in honore tanti apostoli diminute agere videretur,’ &c.
[1087] Jac. Volaterran. in Murat. xxiii. col. 187. The Pope excused
himself on the ground of Louis’ great services to the Church, and by the
example of other Popes, e.g. St. Gregory, who had done the like. Louis
was able to pay his devotion to the relic, but died after all. The
Catacombs were at that time forgotten, yet even Savonarola (l. c. col.
1150) says of Rome: ‘Velut ager Aceldama Sanctorum habita est.’
[1088] Bursellis, _Annal. Bonon._ in Murat. xxiii. col. 905. It was one
of the sixteen patricians, Bartol. della Volta, d. 1485 or 1486.
[1089] Vasari, iii. 111 sqq. note. _Vita di Ghiberti._
[1090] Matteo Villani, iii. 15 and 16.
[1091] We must make a further distinction between the Italian cultus of
the bodies of historical saints of recent date, and the northern
practice of collecting bones and relics of a sacred antiquity. Such
remains were preserved in great abundance in the Lateran, which, for
that reason, was of special importance for pilgrims. But on the tombs of
St. Dominic and St. Anthony of Padua rested, not only the halo of
sanctity, but the splendour of historical fame.
[1092] The remarkable judgment in his _De Sacris Diebus_, the work of
his later years, refers both to sacred and profane art (l. i.). Among
the Jews, he says, there was a good reason for prohibiting all graven
images, else they would have relapsed into the idolatry or devil-worship
of the nations around them:
Nunc autem, postquam penitus natura Satanum
Cognita, et antiqua sine majestate relicta est,
Nulla ferunt nobis statuae discrimina, nullos
Fert pictura dolos; jam sunt innoxia signa;
Sunt modo virtutum testes monimentaque laudum
Marmora, et aeternae decora immortalia famae.
[1093] Battista Mantovano complains of certain ‘nebulones’ (_De Sacris
Diebus_, l. v.) who would not believe in the genuineness of the Sacred
Blood at Mantua. The same criticism which called in question the
Donation of Constantine was also, though indirectly, hostile to the
belief in relics.
[1094] Especially the famous prayer of St. Bernard, _Paradiso_, xxxiii.
1, ‘Vergine madre, figlia del tuo figlio.’
[1095] Perhaps we may add Pius II., whose elegy on the Virgin is printed
in the _Opera_, p. 964, and who from his youth believed himself to be
under her special protection. Jac. Card. Papiens. ‘De Morte Pii,’ _Opp._
p. 656.
[1096] That is, at the time when Sixtus IV. was so zealous for the
Immaculate Conception. _Extravag. Commun._ l. iii. tit. xii. He founded,
too, the Feast of the Presentation of the Virgin in the Temple, and the
Feasts of St. Anne and St. Joseph. See Trithem. _Ann. Hirsaug._ ii. p.
518.
[1097] The few frigid sonnets of Vittoria on the Madonna are most
instructive in this respect (n. 85 sqq. ed. P. Visconti, Rome, 1840).
[1098] Bapt. Mantuan. _De Sacris Diebus_, l. v., and especially the
speech of the younger Pico, which was intended for the Lateran Council,
in Roscoe, _Leone X._ ed. Bossi, viii. p. 115. Comp. p. 121, note 3.
[1099] _Monach. Paduani Chron._ l. iii. at the beginning. We there read
of this revival: ‘Invasit primitus Perusinos, Romanes postmodum, deinde
fere Italiæ populos universos.’ Guil. Ventura (_Fragmenta de Gestis
Astensium_ in _Mon. Hist. Patr. SS._ tom. iii. col. 701) calls the
Flagellant pilgrimage ‘admirabilis Lombardorum commotio;’ hermits came
forth from their cells and summoned the cities to repent.
[1100] G. Villani, viii. 122, xi. 23. The former were not received in
Florence, the latter were welcomed all the more readily.
[1101] Corio, fol. 281. Leon. Aretinus, _Hist. Flor._ lib. xii. (at the
beginning) mentions a sudden revival called forth by the processions of
the ‘dealbati’ from the Alps to Lucca, Florence, and still farther.
[1102] Pilgrimages to distant places had already become very rare. Those
of the princes of the House of Este to Jerusalem, St. Jago, and Vienne
are enumerated in Murat. xxiv. col. 182, 187, 190, 279. For that of
Rinaldo Albizzi to the Holy Land, see Macchiavelli, _Stor. Fior._ l. v.
Here, too, the desire of fame is sometimes the motive. The chronicler
Giov. Cavalcanti (_Ist. Fiorentine_, ed. Polidori, ii. 478) says of
Lionardo Fescobaldi, who wanted to go with a companion (about the year
1400) to the Holy Sepulchre: ‘Stimarono di eternarsi nella mente degli
uomini futuri.’
[1103] Bursellis, _Annal. Bon._ in Murat. xxiii. col. 890.
[1104] Allegretto, in Murat. xxiii. col. 855 sqq. The report had got
about that it had rained blood outside the gate. All rushed forth, yet
‘gli uomini di guidizio non lo credono.’
[1105] Burigozzo, _Arch. Stor._ iii. 486. For the misery which then
prevailed in Lombardy, Galeazzo Capello (_De Rebus nuper in Italia
Gestis_) is the best authority. Milan suffered hardly less than Rome did
in the sack of 1527.
[1106] It was also called ‘l’arca del testimonio,’ and people told how
it was ‘conzado’ (constructed) ‘con gran misterio.’
[1107] _Diario Ferrarese_, in Murat. xxiv. col. 317, 322, 323, 326, 386,
401.
[1108] ‘Ad uno santo homo o santa donna,’ says the chronicle. Married
men were forbidden to keep concubines.
[1109] The sermon was especially addressed to them; after it a Jew was
baptised, ‘ma non di quelli’ adds the annalist, ‘che erano stati a udire
la predica.’
[1110] ‘Per buono rispetto a lui noto e perchè sempre è buono a star
bene con Iddio,’ says the annalist. After describing the arrangements,
he adds resignedly: ‘La cagione perchè sia fatto et si habbia a fare non
s’intende, basta che ogni bene è bene.’
[1111] He is called ‘Messo del Cancellieri del Duca.’ The whole thing
was evidently intended to appear the work of the court only, and not of
any ecclesiastical authority.
[1112] See the quotations from Pico’s _Discourse on the Dignity of Man_
above, pp. 354-5.
[1113] Not to speak of the fact that a similar tolerance or indifference
was not uncommon among the Arabians themselves.
[1114] So in the _Decameron_. Sultans without name in Massuccio nov. 46,
48, 49; one called ‘Rè di Fes,’ another ‘Rè di Tunisi.’ In _Dittamondo_,
ii. 25, we read, ‘il buono Saladin.’ For the Venetian alliance with the
Sultan of Egypt in the year 1202, see G. Hanotaux in the _Revue
Historique_ iv. (1877) pp. 74-102. There were naturally also many
attacks on Mohammedanism. For the Turkish woman baptized first in Venice
and again in Rome, see Cechetti i. 487.
[1115] _Philelphi Epistolae_, Venet. 1502 fol. 90 _b._ sqq.
[1116] _Decamerone_ i. nov. 3. Boccaccio is the first to name the
Christian religion, which the others do not. For an old French authority
of the thirteenth century, see Tobler, _Li di dou Vrai Aniel_, Leipzig,
1871. For the Hebrew story of Abr. Abulafia (b. 1241 in Spain, came to
Italy about 1290 in the hope of converting the Pope to Judaism), in
which two servants claim each to hold the jewel buried for the son, see
Steinschneider, _Polem. und Apol. Lit. der Arab. Sprache_, pp. 319 and
360. From these and other sources we conclude that the story originally
was less definite than as we now have it (in Abul. e.g. it is used
polemically against the Christians), and that the doctrine of the
equality of the three religions is a later addition. Comp. Reuter,
_Gesch. der Relig. Aufklärung im M. A._ (Berlin, 1877), iii. 302 sqq.
390.
[1117] _De Tribus Impostoribus_, the name of a work attributed to
Frederick II. among many other people, and which by no means answers the
expectations raised by the title. Latest ed. by Weller, Heilbronn, 1876.
The nationality of the author and the date of composition are both
disputed. See Reuter, op. cit. ii. 273-302.
[1118] In the mouth, nevertheless, of the fiend Astarotte, canto xxv.
str. 231 sqq. Comp. str. 141 sqq.
[1119] Canto xxviii. str. 38 sqq.
[1120] Canto xviii. str. 112 to the end.
[1121] Pulci touches, though hastily, on a similar conception in his
Prince Chiaristante (canto xxi. str. 101 sqq., 121 sqq., 145 sqq., 163
sqq.), who believes nothing and causes himself and his wife to be
worshipped. We are reminded of Sigismondo Malatesta (p. 245).
[1122] Giov. Villani, iv. 29, vi. 46. The name occurs as early as 1150
in Northern countries. It is defined by William of Malmesbury (iii. 237,
ed. Londin, 1840): ‘Epicureorum ... qui opinantur animam corpore solutam
in aerem evanescere, in auras effluere.’
[1123] See the argument in the third book of Lucretius. The name of
Epicurean was afterwards used as synonymous with freethinker. Lorenzo
Valla (_Opp._ 795 sqq.) speaks as follows of Epicurus: ‘Quis eo parcior,
quis contentior, quis modestior, et quidem in nullo philosophorum omnium
minus invenio fuisse vitiorum, plurimique honesti viri cum Graecorum,
tum Romanorum, Epicurei fuerunt.’ Valla was defending himself to
Eugenius IV. against the attacks of Fra Antonio da Bitonto and others.
[1124] _Inferno_, vii. 67-96.
[1125] _Purgatorio_, xvi. 73. Compare the theory of the influence of the
planets in the _Convito_. Even the fiend Astarotte in Pulci (_Morgante_,
xxv. str. 150) attests the freedom of the human will and the justice of
God.
[1126] Comp. Voigt, _Wiederbelebung_, 165-170.
[1127] _Vespasiano Fiorent._ pp. 26, 320, 435, 626, 651. Murat. xx. col.
532.
[1128] In Platina’s introd. to his Life of Christ the religious
influence of the Renaissance is curiously exemplified (_Vitæ Paparum_,
at the beginning): Christ, he says, fully attained the fourfold Platonic
‘nobilitas’ according to his ‘genus’: ‘quem enim ex gentilibus habemus
qui gloria et nomine cum David et Salomone, quique sapientia et doctrina
cum Christo ipso conferri merito debeat et possit?’ Judaism, like
classical antiquity, was also explained on a Christian hypothesis. Pico
and Pietro Galatino endeavoured to show that Christian doctrine was
foreshadowed in the Talmud and other Jewish writings.
[1129] On Pomponazzo, see the special works; among others, Bitter,
_Geschichte der Philosophie_, bd. ix.
[1130] Paul. Jovii, _Elog. Lit._ p. 90. G. M. was, however, compelled to
recant publicly. His letter to Lorenzo (May 17, 1478) begging him to
intercede with the Pope, ‘satis enim poenarum dedi,’ is given by
Malagola, Codro Urceo, p. 433.
[1131] _Codri Urcei Opera_, with his life by Bart. Bianchini; and in his
philological lectures, pp. 65, 151, 278, &c.
[1132] On one occasion he says, ‘In Laudem Christi:’
Phoebum alii vates musasque Jovemque sequuntur,
At mihi pro vero nomine Christus erit.
He also (fol. x. _b_) attacks the Bohemians. Huss and Jerome of Prague
are defended by Poggio in his famous letter to Lion. Aretino, and placed
on a level with Mucius Scaevola and Socrates.
[1133] ‘Audi virgo ea quae tibi mentis compos et ex animo dicam. Si
forte cum ad ultimum vitae finem pervenero supplex accedam ad te spem
oratum, ne me audias neve inter tuos accipias oro; cum infernis diis in
aeternum vitam degere decrevi.’
[1134] ‘Animum meum seu animam’--a distinction by which philology used
then to perplex theology.
[1135] Platina, _Vitae Pontiff._ p. 311: ‘Christianam fidem si miraculis
non esset confirmata, honestate sua recipi debuisse.’ It may be
questioned whether all that Platina attributes to the Pope is in fact
authentic.
[1136] Preface to the _Historia Ferdinandi I._ (_Hist. Ztschr._ xxxiii.
61) and _Antid. in Pogg._ lib. iv. _Opp._ p. 256 sqq. Pontanus (_De
Sermone_, i. 18) says that Valla did not hesitate ‘dicere profiterique
palam habere se quoque in Christum spicula.’ Pontano, however, was a
friend of Valla’s enemies at Naples.
[1137] Especially when the monks improvised them in the pulpit. But the
old and recognised miracles did not remain unassailed. Firenzuola
(_Opere_, vol. ii. p. 208, in the tenth novel) ridicules the Franciscans
of Novara, who wanted to spend money which they had embezzled, in adding
a chapel to their church, ‘dove fusse dipinta quella bella storia,
quando S. Francesco predicava agli uccelli nel deserto; e quando ei fece
la santa zuppa, e che l’agnolo Gabriello gli portò i zoccoli.’
[1138] Some facts about him are to be found in Bapt. Mantuan. _De
Patientia_, l. iii. cap. 13.
[1139] Bursellis, _Ann. Bonon._ in Murat. xxiii. col. 915.
[1140] How far these blasphemous utterances sometimes went, has been
shown by Gieseler (_Kirchengeschichte_, ii. iv. § 154, anm.) who quotes
several striking instances.
[1141] Voigt, _Enea Silvio_, iii. 581. It is not known what happened to
the Bishop Petro of Aranda who (1500) denied the Divinity of Christ and
the existence of Hell and Purgatory, and denounced indulgences as a
device of the popes invented for their private advantage. For him, see
_Burchardi Diarium_, ed. Leibnitz, p. 63 sqq.
[1142] Jov. Pontanus, _De Fortuna_, _Opp._ i. 792-921. Comp. _Opp._ ii.
286.
[1143] Æn. Sylvii, _Opera_, p. 611.
[1144] Poggius, _De Miseriis Humanae Conditionis_.
[1145] Caracciolo, _De Varietate Fortunae_, in Murat. xxii., one of the
most valuable writings of a period rich in such works. On Fortune in
public processions, see p. 421.
[1146] _Leonis X. Vita Anonyma_, in Roscoe, ed. Bossi, xii. p. 153.
[1147] Bursellis, _Ann. Bonon._ in Murat. xxiii. col. 909: ‘Monimentum
hoc conditum a Joanne Bentivolo secundo patriae rectore, cui virtus et
fortuna cuncta quæ optari possunt affatim praestiterunt.’ It is still
not quite certain whether this inscription was outside, and visible to
everybody, or, like another mentioned just before, hidden on one of the
foundation stones. In the latter case, a fresh idea is involved. By this
secret inscription, which perhaps only the chronicler knew of, Fortune
is to be magically bound to the building.
[According to the words of the chronicle, the inscription cannot have
stood on the walls of the newly built tower. The exact spot is
uncertain.--L.G.]
[1148] ‘Quod nimium gentilitatis amatores essemus.’ Paganism, at least
in externals, certainly went rather far. Inscriptions lately found in
the Catacombs show that the members of the Academy described themselves
as ‘sacerdotes,’ and called Pomponius Lætus ‘pontifex maximus;’ the
latter once addressed Platina as ‘pater sanctissimus.’ Gregorovius, vii.
578.
[1149] While the plastic arts at all events distinguished between angels
and ‘putti,’ and used the former for all serious purposes. In the
_Annal. Estens._ Murat. xx. col. 468, the ‘amorino’ is naively called
‘instar Cupidinis angelus.’ Comp. the speech made before Leo X. (1521),
in which the passage occurs: ‘Quare et te non jam Juppiter, sed Virgo
Capitolina Dei parens quæ hujus urbis et collis reliquis præsides,
Romamque et Capitolium tutaris.’ Greg. viii. 294.
[1150] Della Valle, _Lettere Sanesi_, iii. 18.
[1151] Macrob. _Saturnal._ iii. 9. Doubtless the canon did not omit the
gestures there prescribed. Comp. Gregorovius, viii. 294, for Bembo. For
the paganism thus prevalent in Rome, see also Ranke, _Päpste_, i. 73
sqq. Comp. also Gregorovius, viii. 268.
[1152] _Monachus Paduan._ l. ii. ap. Urstisius, _Scriptt._ i. pp. 598,
599, 602, 607. The last Visconti (p. 37) had also a number of these men
in his service (Comp. Decembrio, in Murat. xx. col. 1017): he undertook
nothing without their advice. Among them was a Jew named Helias.
Gasparino da Barzizzi once addressed him: ‘Magna vi astrorum fortuna
tuas res reget.’ G. B. _Opera_, ed. Furietto, p. 38.
[1153] E.g. Florence, where Bonatto filled the office for a long period.
See too Matteo Villani, xi. 3, where the city astrologer is evidently
meant.
[1154] Libri, _Hist. des Sciences Mathém._ ii. 52, 193. At Bologna this
professorship is said to have existed in 1125. Comp. the list of
professors at Pavia, in Corio, fol. 290. For the professorship at the
Sapienza under Leo X., see Roscoe, _Leone X._ ed. Bossi, v. p. 283.
[1155] J. A. Campanus lays stress on the value and importance of
astrology, and concludes with the words: ‘Quamquam Augustinus
sanctissimus ille vir quidem ac doctissimus, sed fortassis ad fidem
religionemque propensior negat quicquam vel boni vel mali astrorum
necessitate contingere.’ ‘Oratio initio studii Perugiæ habita,’ compare
_Opera_, Rome, 1495.
[1156] About 1260 Pope Alexander IV. compelled a Cardinal (and
shamefaced astrologer) Bianco to bring out a number of political
prophecies. Giov. Villani, vi. 81.
[1157] _De Dictis, &c. Alfonsi, Opera_, p. 493. He held it to be
‘pulchrius quam utile.’ Platina, _Vitae Pontiff._ p. 310. For Sixtus IV.
comp. Jac. Volaterran. in Murat. xxiii. col. 173, 186. He caused the
hours for audiences, receptions, and the like, to be fixed by the
‘planetarii.’ In the _Europa_, c. 49, Pius II. mentions that Baptista
Blasius, an astronomer from Cremona, had prophesied the misfortunes of
Fr. Foscaro ‘tanquam prævidisset.’
[1158] Brosch, _Julius II._ (Gotha, 1878), pp. 97 and 323.
[1159] P. Valeriano, _De Infel. Lit._ (318-324) speaks of Fr. Friuli,
who wrote on Leo’s horoscope, and ‘abditissima quæque anteactæ ætatis et
uni ipsi cognita principi explicuerat quæque incumberent quæque futura
essent ad unguem ut eventus postmodum comprobavit, in singulos fere dies
prædixerat.’
[1160] Ranke, _Päpste_, i. 247.
[1161] _Vespas. Fiorent._ p. 660, comp. 341. _Ibid._ p. 121, another
Pagolo is mentioned as court mathematician and astrologer of Federigo of
Montefeltro. Curiously enough, he was a German.
[1162] Firmicus Maternus, _Matheseos Libri_ viii. at the end of the
second book.
[1163] In Bandello, iii. nov. 60, the astrologer of Alessandro
Bentivoglio, in Milan, confessed himself a poor devil before the whole
company.
[1164] It was in such a moment of resolution that Ludovico Moro had the
cross with this inscription made, which is now in the Minster at Chur.
Sixtus IV. too once said that he would try if the proverb was true. On
this saying of the astrologer Ptolemæus, which B. Fazio took to be
Virgilian, see Laur. Valla, _Opera_, p. 461.
[1165] The father of Piero Capponi, himself an astrologer, put his son
into trade lest he should get the dangerous wound in the head which
threatened him. _Vita di P. Capponi, Arch. Stor._ iv. ii. 15. For an
instance in the life of Cardanus, see p. 334. The physician and
astrologer Pierleoni of Spoleto believed that he would be drowned,
avoided in consequence all watery places, and refused brilliant
positions offered him at Venice and Padua. Paul. Jov. _Elog. Liter._ pp.
67 sqq. Finally he threw himself into the water, in despair at the
charge brought against him of complicity in Lorenzo’s death, and was
actually drowned. Hier. Aliottus had been told to be careful in his
sixty-second year, as his life would then be in danger. He lived with
great circumspection, kept clear of the doctors, and the year passed
safely. H. A. _Opuscula_ (Arezzo, 1769), ii. 72. Marsilio Ficino, who
despised astrology (_Opp._ p. 772) was written to by a friend (_Epist._
lib. 17): ‘Praeterea me memini a duobus vestrorum astrologis audivisse,
te ex quadam siderum positione antiquas revocaturum philosophorum
sententias.’
[1166] For instances in the life of Ludovico Moro, see Senarega, in
Murat, xxiv. col. 518, 524. Benedictus, in Eccard, ii. col. 1623. And
yet his father, the great Francesco Sforza, had despised astrology, and
his grandfather Giacomo had not at any rate followed its warnings.
Corio, fol. 321, 413.
[1167] For the facts here quoted, see _Annal. Foroliviens_. in Murat.
xxii. col. 233 sqq. (comp. col. 150). Leonbattista Alberti endeavoured
to give a spiritual meaning to the ceremony of laying the foundation.
_Opere Volgari_, tom. iv. p. 314 (or _De Re Ædific_. 1. i.). For Bonatto
see Filippo Villani, _Vite_ and _Delia Vita e delle Opere di Guido
Bonati, Astrologo e Astronomo del Secolo Decimoterzo, raccolte da E.
Boncompagni_, Rome 1851. B.’s great work, _De Astronomia_, lib. x. has
been often printed.
[1168] In the horoscopes of the second foundation of Florence (Giov.
Villani, iii. 1. under Charles the Great) and of the first of Venice
(see above, p. 62), an old tradition is perhaps mingled with the poetry
of the Middle Ages.
[1169] For one of these victories, see the remarkable passage quoted
from Bonatto in Steinschneider, in the _Zeitschr. d. D. Morg. Ges._ xxv.
p. 416. On B. comp. _ibid._ xviii. 120 sqq.
[1170] _Ann. Foroliv._ 235-238. Filippo Villani, _Vite._ Macchiavelli,
_Stor. Fior._ l. i. When constellations which augured victory appeared,
Bonatto ascended with his book and astrolabe to the tower of San
Mercuriale above the Piazza, and when the right moment came gave the
signal for the great bell to be rung. Yet it was admitted that he was
often wide of the mark, and foresaw neither his own death nor the fate
of Montefeltro. Not far from Cesena he was killed by robbers, on his way
back to Forli from Paris and from Italian universities where he had been
lecturing. As a weather prophet he was once overmatched and made game of
by a countryman.
[1171] Matteo Villani, xi. 3; see above, p. 508.
[1172] Jovian. Pontan. _De Fortitudine_, l. i. See p. 511 note 1, for
the honourable exception made by the first Sforza.
[1173] Paul. Jov. _Elog._ sub v. Livianus, p. 219.
[1174] Who tells it us himself. Benedictus, in Eccard, ii. col. 1617.
[1175] In this sense we must understand the words of Jac. Nardi, _Vita
d’Ant. Giacomini_, p. 65. The same pictures were common on clothes and
household utensils. At the reception of Lucrezia Borgia in Ferrara, the
mule of the Duchess of Urbino wore trappings of black velvet with
astrological figures in gold. _Arch. Stor. Append._ ii. p. 305.
[1176] Æn. Sylvius, in the passage quoted above p. 508; comp. _Opp._
481.
[1177] Azario, in Corio, fol. 258.
[1178] Considerations of this kind probably influenced the Turkish
astrologers who, after the battle of Nicopolis, advised the Sultan
Bajazet I. to consent to the ransom of John of Burgundy, since ‘for his
sake much Christian blood would be shed.’ It was not difficult to
foresee the further course of the French civil war. _Magn. Chron.
Belgicum_, p. 358. _Juvénal des Ursins_, ad. a. 1396.
[1179] Benedictus, in Eccard, ii. col. 1579. It was said of King
Ferrante in 1493 that he would lose his throne ‘sine cruore sed sola
fama’--which actually happened.
[1180] Comp. Steinschneider, _Apokalypsen mit polemischer Tendenz_, D.
M. G. Z. xxviii. 627 sqq. xxix. 261.
[1181] Bapt. Mantuan. _De Patientia_, l. iii. cap. 12.
[1182] Giov. Villani, x. 39, 40. Other reasons also existed, e.g. the
jealousy of his colleagues. Bonatto had taught the same, and had
explained the miracle of Divine Love in St. Francis as the effect of the
planet Mars. Comp. Jo. Picus, _Adv. Astrol._ ii. 5.
[1183] They were painted by Miretto at the beginning of the fifteenth
century. Acc. to Scardeonius they were destined ‘ad indicandum
nascentium naturas per gradus et numeros’--a more popular way of
teaching than we can now well imagine. It was astrology ‘à la portèe de
tout le monde.’
[1184] He says (_Orationes_, fol. 35, ‘In Nuptias’) of astrology: ‘haec
efficit ut homines parum a Diis distare videantur’! Another enthusiast
of the same time is Jo. Garzonius, _De Dignitate Urbis Bononiae_, in
Murat. xxi. col. 1163.
[1185] Petrarca, _Epp. Seniles_, iii. 1 (p. 765) and elsewhere. The
letter in question was written to Boccaccio. On Petrarch’s polemic
against the astrologers, see Geiger. _Petr._ 87-91 and 267, note 11.
[1186] Franco Sacchetti (nov. 151) ridicules their claims to wisdom.
[1187] Gio. Villani, iii. x. 39. Elsewhere he appears as a devout
believer in astrology, x. 120, xii. 40.
[1188] In the passage xi. 3.
[1189] Gio. Villani, xi. 2, xii. 58.
[1190] The author of the _Annales Placentini_ (in Murat. xx. col. 931),
the same Alberto di Ripalta mentioned at p. 241, took part in this
controversy. The passage is in other respects remarkable, since it
contains the popular opinion with regard to the nine known comets, their
colour, origin, and significance. Comp. Gio. Villani, xi. 67. He speaks
of a comet as the herald of great and generally disastrous events.
[1191] Paul. Jov. _Vita Leonis_ xx. l. iii. where it appears that Leo
himself was a believer at least in premonitions and the like, see above
p. 509.
[1192] Jo. Picus Mirand. _Adversus Astrologos_, libri xii.
[1193] Acc. to Paul, Jov. _Elog. Lit._ sub tit. Jo. Picus, the result he
achieved was ‘ut subtilium disciplinarum professores a scribendo
deterruisse videatur.’
[1194] _De Rebus Caelestibus_, libri xiv. (_Opp._ iii. 1963-2591). In
the twelfth book, dedicated to Paolo Cortese, he will not admit the
latter’s refutation of astrology. Ægidius, _Opp._ ii. 1455-1514. Pontano
had dedicated his little work _De Luna_ (_Opp._ iii. 2592) to the same
hermit Egidio (of Viterbo?)
[1195] For the latter passage, see p. 1486. The difference between
Pontano and Pico is thus put by Franc. Pudericus, one of the
interlocutors in the dialogue (p. 1496): ‘Pontanus non ut Johannes Picus
in disciplinam ipsam armis equisque, quod dicitur, irrumpit, cum illam
tueatur, ut cognitu maxime dignam ac pene divinam, sed astrologos
quosdam, ut parum cautos minimeque prudentes insectetur et rideat.’
[1196] In S. Maria del Popolo at Rome. The angels remind us of Dante’s
theory at the beginning of the _Convito_.
[1197] This was the case with Antonio Galateo who, in a letter to
Ferdinand the Catholic (Mai, _Spicileg. Rom._ vol. viii. p. 226, ad a.
1510), disclaims astrology with violence, and in another letter to the
Count of Potenza (_ibid._ p. 539) infers from the stars that the Turks
would attack Rhodes the same year.
[1198] _Ricordi_, l. c. n. 57.
[1199] Many instances of such superstitions in the case of the last
Visconti are mentioned by Decembrio (Murat. xx. col. 1016 sqq.). Odaxius
says in his speech at the burial of Guidobaldo (_Bembi Opera_, i. 598
sqq.), that the gods had announced his approaching death by
thunderbolts, earthquakes, and other signs and wonders.
[1200] Varchi, _Stor. Fior._ l. iv. (p. 174); prophecies and
premonitions were then as rife in Florence as at Jerusalem during the
siege. Comp. _ibid._ iii. 143, 195; iv. 43, 177.
[1201] Matarazzo, _Archiv. Stor._ xvi. ii. p. 208.
[1202] Prato, _Arch. Stor._ iii. 324, for the year 1514.
[1203] For the Madonna dell’Arbore in the Cathedral at Milan, and what
she did in 1515, see Prato, l. c. p. 327. He also records the discovery
of a dead dragon as thick as a horse in the excavations for a mortuary
chapel near S. Nazaro. The head was taken to the Palace of the Triulzi
for whom the chapel was built.
[1204] ‘Et fuit mirabile quod illico pluvia cessavit.’ _Diar. Parmense_
in Murat. xxii. col. 280. The author shares the popular hatred of the
usurers. Comp. col. 371.
[1205] _Conjurationis Pactianae Commentarius_, in the appendices to
Roscoe’s _Lorenzo_. Politian was in general an opponent of astrology.
The saints were naturally able to cause the rain to cease. Comp. Æneas
Sylvius, in his life of Bernadino da Siena (_De Vir. Ill._ p. 25):
‘jussit in virtute Jesu nubem abire, quo facto solutis absque pluvia
nubibus, prior serenitas rediit’.
[1206] _Poggi Facetiae_, fol. 174. Æn. Sylvius (_De Europa_, c. 53, 54,
_Opera_, pp. 451, 455) mentions prodigies which may have really
happened, such as combats between animals and strange appearances in the
sky, and mentions them chiefly as curiosities, even when adding the
results attributed to them. Similarly Antonio Ferrari (il Galateo), _De
Situ Iapygiae_, p. 121, with the explanation: ‘Et hae, ut puto, species
erant earum rerum quæ longe aberant atque ab eo loco in quo species
visae sunt minime poterant.’
[1207] _Poggi Facetiae_, fol. 160. Comp. Pausanias, ix. 20.
[1208] Varchi, iii 195. Two suspected persons decided on flight in 1529,
because they opened the Æneid at book iii. 44. Comp. Rabelais,
_Pantagruel_, iii. 10.
[1209] The imaginations of the scholars, such as the ‘splendor’ and the
‘spiritus’ of Cardanus, and the ‘dæmon familiaris’ of his father, may be
taken for what they are worth. Comp. Cardanus, _De Propria Vita_, cap.
4, 38, 47. He was himself an opponent of magic; cap. 39. For the
prodigies and ghosts he met with, see cap. 37, 41. For the terror of
ghosts felt by the last Visconti, see Decembrio, in Murat. xx. col.
1016.
[1210] ‘Molte fiate i morti guastano le creature.’ Bandello, ii. nov. 1.
We read (Galateo, p. 177) that the ‘animæ’ of wicked men rise from the
grave, appear to their friends and acquaintances, ‘animalibus vexi,
pueros sugere ac necare, deinde in sepulcra reverti.’
[1211] Galateo, l. c. We also read (p. 119) of the ‘Fata Morgana’ and
other similar appearances.
[1212] Bandello, iii. nov. 20. It is true that the ghost was only a
lover wishing to frighten the occupier of the palace, who was also the
husband of the beloved lady. The lover and his accomplices dressed
themselves up as devils; one of them, who could imitate the cry of
different animals, had been sent for from a distance.
[1213] Graziani, _Arch. Stor._ xvi. i. p. 640, ad a. 1467. The guardian
died of fright.
[1214] _Balth. Castilionii Carmina_; Prosopopeja Lud. Pici.
[1215] Alexandri ab Alexandro, _Dierum Genialium_, libri vi. (Colon.
1539), is an authority of the first rank for these subjects, the more so
as the author, a friend of Pontanus and a member of his academy, asserts
that what he records either happened to himself, or was communicated to
him by thoroughly trustworthy witnesses. Lib. vi. cap. 19: two evil men
and a monk are attacked by devils, whom they recognise by the shape of
their feet, and put to flight, partly by force and partly by the sign of
the cross. Lib. vi. cap. 21: A servant, cast into prison by a cruel
prince on account of a small offence, calls upon the devil, is
miraculously brought out of the prison and back again, visits meanwhile
the nether world, shows the prince his hand scorched by the flames of
Hell, tells him on behalf of a departed spirit certain secrets which had
been communicated to the latter, exhorts him to lay aside his cruelty,
and dies soon after from the effects of the fright. Lib. ii. c. 19, iii.
15, v. 23: Ghosts of departed friends, of St. Cataldus, and of unknown
beings in Rome, Arezzo and Naples. Lib. ii. 22, iii. 8: Appearances of
mermen and mermaids at Naples, in Spain, and in the Peloponnesus; in the
latter case guaranteed by Theodore Gaza and George of Trebizond.
[1216] Gio. Villani, xi. 2. He had it from the Abbot of Vallombrosa, to
whom the hermit had communicated it.
[1217] Another view of the Dæmons was given by Gemisthos Pletho, whose
great philosophical work οἱ νὁμοι, of which only fragments are now left
(ed. Alexander, Paris, 1858), was probably known more fully to the
Italians of the fifteenth century, either by means of copies or of
tradition, and exercised undoubtedly a great influence on the
philosophical, political, and religious culture of the time. According
to him the dæmons, who belong to the third order of the gods, are
preserved from all error, and are capable of following in the steps of
the gods who stand above them; they are spirits who bring to men the
good things ‘which come down from Zeus through the other gods in order;
they purify and watch over man, they raise and strengthen his heart.’
Comp. Fritz Schultze, _Gesch. der Philosophie der Renaissance_, Jena,
1874.
[1218] Yet but little remained of the wonders attributed to her. For
probably the last metamorphosis of a man into an ass, in the eleventh
century under Leo IX., see Giul. Malmesbur. ii. 171.
[1219] This was probably the case with the possessed woman, who in 1513
at Ferrara and elsewhere was consulted by distinguished Lombards as to
future events. Her name was Rodogine. See Rabelais, _Pantagruel_, iv.
58.
[1220] Jovian. Pontan. Antonius.
[1221] How widespread the belief in witches then was, is shown by the
fact that in 1483 Politian gave a ‘praelectio’ ‘in priora Aristotelis
Analytica cui titulus Lamia’ (Italian trans. by Isidore del Lungo, Flor.
1864) Comp. Reumont, _Lorenzo_, ii. 75-77. Fiesole, according to this,
was, in a certain sense, a witches’ nest.
[1222] Graziani, _Arch. Stor._ xvi. i. p. 565, ad a. 1445, speaking of a
witch at Nocera, who only offered half the sum, and was accordingly
burnt. The law was aimed at such persons as ‘facciono le fature overo
venefitie overo encantatione d’ommunde spirite a nuocere,’ l. c. note 1,
2.
[1223] Lib. i. ep. 46, _Opera_, p. 531 sqq. For ‘umbra’ p. 552 read
‘Umbria,’ and for ‘lacum’ read ‘locum.’
[1224] He calls him later on: ‘Medicus Ducis Saxoniæ, homo tum dives tum
potens.’
[1225] In the fourteenth century there existed a kind of hell-gate near
Ansedonia in Tuscany. It was a cave, with footprints of men and animals
in the sand, which whenever they were effaced, reappeared the next day.
Uberti. _Il Dittamondo_, l. iii. cap. 9.
[1226] _Pii II. Comment._ l. i. p. 10.
[1227] Benv. Cellini, l. i. cap. 65.
[1228] _L’Italia Liberata da’ Goti_, canto xiv. It may be questioned
whether Trissino himself believed in the possibility of his description,
or whether he was not rather romancing. The same doubt is permissible in
the case of his probable model, Lucan (book vi.), who represents the
Thessalian witch conjuring up a corpse before Sextus Pompejus.
[1229] _Septimo Decretal_, lib. v. tit. xii. It begins: ‘Summis
desiderantes affectibus’ &c. I may here remark that a full consideration
of the subject has convinced me that there are in this case no grounds
for believing in a survival of pagan beliefs. To satisfy ourselves that
the imagination of the mendicant friars is solely responsible for this
delusion, we have only to study, in the Memoirs of Jacques du Clerc, the
so-called trial of the Waldenses of Arras in the year 1459. A century’s
prosecutions and persecutions brought the popular imagination into such
a state that witchcraft was accepted as a matter of course and
reproduced itself naturally.
[1230] Of Alexander VI., Leo X., Hadrian VI.
[1231] Proverbial as the country of witches, e.g. _Orlandino_, i. 12.
[1232] E.g. Bandello, iii. nov. 29, 52. Prato, _Arch. Stor._ iii. 409.
Bursellis, _Ann. Bon._ in Murat. xxiii. col. 897, mentions the
condemnation of a prior in 1468, who kept a ghostly brothel: ‘cives
Bononienses coire faciebat cum dæmonibus in specie puellarum.’ He
offered sacrifices to the dæmons. See for a parallel case, Procop.
_Hist. Arcana_, c. 12, where a real brothel is frequented by a dæmon,
who turns the other visitors out of doors. The Galateo (p. 116) confirms
the existence of the belief in witches: ‘volare per longinquas regiones,
choreas per paludes dicere et dæmonibus cnogredi, ingredi et egredi per
clausa ostia et foramina.’
[1233] For the loathsome apparatus of the witches’ kitchens, see
_Maccaroneide_, Phant. xvi. xxi., where the whole procedure is
described.
[1234] In the _Ragionamento del Zoppino_. He is of opinion that the
courtesans learn their arts from certain Jewish women, who are in
possession of ‘malie.’ The following passage is very remarkable. Bembo
says in the life of Guidobaldo (_Opera_, i. 614): ‘Guid. constat sive
corporis et naturae vitio, seu quod vulgo creditum est, actibus magicis
ab Octaviano patruo propter regni cupiditatem impeditum, quarum omnino
ille artium expeditissimus habebatur, nulla cum femina coire unquam in
tota vita potuisse, nec unquam fuisse ad rem uxoriam idoneum.’
[1235] Varchi, _Stor. Fior._ ii. p. 153.
[1236] Curious information is given by Landi, in the _Commentario_, fol.
36 a and 37 _a_, about two magicians, a Sicilian and a Jew; we read of
magical mirrors, of a death’s-head speaking, and of birds stopped short
in their flight.
[1237] Stress is laid on this reservation. Corn. Agrippa, _De Occulta
Philosophia_, cap. 39.
[1238] _Septimo Decretal_, l. c.
[1239] _Zodiacus Vitae_, xv. 363-549, comp. x. 393 sqq.
[1240] _Ibid._ ix. 291 sqq.
[1241] _Ibid._ x. 770 sqq.
[1242] The mythical type of the magician among the poets of the time was
Malagigi. Speaking of him, Pulci (_Morgante_, canto xxiv. 106 sqq.)
gives his theoretical view of the limits of dæmonic and magic influence.
It is hard to say how far he was in earnest. Comp. canto xxi.
[1243] Polydorus Virgilius was an Italian by birth, but his work _De
Prodigiis_ treats chiefly of superstition in England, where his life was
passed. Speaking of the prescience of the dæmons, he makes a curious
reference to the sack of Rome in 1527.
[1244] Yet murder is hardly ever the end, and never, perhaps, the means.
A monster like Gilles de Retz (about 1440) who sacrificed more than 100
children to the dæmons has scarcely a distant counterpart in Italy.
[1245] See the treatise of Roth ‘Ueber den Zauberer Virgilius’ in
Pfeiffer’s _Germania_, iv., and Comparetti’s _Virgil in the Middle
Ages_. That Virgil began to take the place of the older Telestæ may be
explained partly by the fact that the frequent visits made to his grave
even in the time of the Empire struck the popular imagination.
[1246] Uberti, _Dittamondo_, 1. iii. cap. 4.
[1247] For what follows, see Gio. Villani, i. 42, 60, ii. 1, iii. v. 38,
xi. He himself does not believe such godless superstitions. Comp. Dante,
_Inferno_ xiii. 146.
[1248] According to a fragment given in Baluz. Miscell ix. 119, the
Perugians had a quarrel in ancient times with the Ravennates, ‘et
militem marmoreum qui juxta Ravennam se continue volvebat ad solem
usurpaverunt et ad eorum civitatem virtuosissime transtulerunt.’
[1249] The local belief on the matter is given in _Annal. Forolivens_.
Murat. xxii. col. 207, 238; more fully in Fil. Villani, _Vite_, p 33.
[1250] Platina, _Vitae Pontiff._ p. 320: ‘Veteres potius hac in re quam
Petrum, Anacletum, et Linum imitatus.’
[1251] Which it is easy to recognise e.g. in Sugerius, _De Consecratione
Ecclesiae_ (Duchesne, _Scriptores_, iv. 355) and in _Chron.
Petershusanum_, i. 13 and 16.
[1252] Comp. the _Calandra_ of Bibiena.
[1253] Bandello, iii. nov. 52. Fr. Filelfo (_Epist. Venet._ lib. 34,
fol. 240 sqq.) attacks nercromancy fiercely. He is tolerably free from
superstition (_Sat._ iv. 4) but believes in the ‘mali effectus,’ of a
comet (_Epist._ fol. 246 _b_).
[1254] Bandello, iii. 29. The magician exacts a promise of secrecy
strengthened by solemn oaths, in this case by an oath at the high altar
of S. Petronio at Bologna, at a time when no one else was in the church.
There is a good deal of magic in the _Maccaroneide_, Phant. xviii.
[1255] Benv. Cellini, i. cap. 64.
[1256] Vasari, viii. 143, _Vita di Andrea da Fiesole_. It was Silvio
Cosini, who also ‘went after magical formulæ and other follies.’
[1257] Uberti, _Dittamondo_, iii. cap. 1. In the March of Ancona he
visits Scariotto, the supposed birthplace of Judas, and observes: ‘I
must not here pass over Mount Pilatus, with its lake, where throughout
the summer the guards are changed regularly. For he who understands
magic comes up hither to have his books consecrated, whereupon, as the
people of the place say, a great storm arises.’ (The consecration of
books, as has been remarked, p. 527, is a special ceremony, distinct
from the rest.) In the sixteenth century the ascent of Pilatus near
Luzern was forbidden ‘by lib und guot,’ as Diebold Schilling records. It
was believed that a ghost lay in the lake on the mountain, which was the
spirit of Pilate. When people ascended the mountain or threw anything
into the lake, fearful storms sprang up.
[1258] _De Obsedione Tiphernatium_, 1474 (Rer. Ital. Scrippt. ex
Florent. codicibus, tom. ii.).
[1259] This superstition, which was widely spread among the soldiery
(about 1520), is ridiculed by Limerno Pitocco, in the _Orlandino_, v.
60.
[1260] Paul. Jov. _Elog. Lit._ p. 106, sub voce ‘Cocles.’
[1261] It is the enthusiastic collector of portraits who is here
speaking.
[1262] From the stars, since Gauricus did not know physiognomy. For his
own fate he had to refer to the prophecies of Cocle, since his father
had omitted to draw his horoscope.
[1263] Paul. Jov. l. c. p. 100 sqq. s. v. Tibertus.
[1264] The most essential facts as to these side-branches of divination,
are given by Corn. Agrippa, _De Occulta Philosophia_, cap. 57.
[1265] Libri, _Hist. des Sciences Mathém._ ii. 122.
[1266] ‘Novi nihil narro, mos est publicus’ (_Remed. Utr. Fort._ p. 93),
one of the lively passages of this book, written ‘ab irato.’
[1267] Chief passage in Trithem. _Ann. Hirsaug._ ii. 286 sqq.
[1268] ‘Neque enim desunt,’ Paul. Jov. _Elog. Lit._ p. 150, s. v. ‘Pomp,
Gauricus;’ comp. ibid. p. 130, s. v. Aurel. Augurellus, _Maccaroneide_.
Phant. xii.
[1269] In writing a history of Italian unbelief it would be necessary to
refer to the so-called Averrhoism, which was prevalent in Italy and
especially in Venice, about the middle of the fourteenth century. It was
opposed by Boccaccio and Petrarch in various letters, and by the latter
in his work: _De Sui Ipsius et Aliorum Ignorantia_. Although Petrarch’s
opposition may have been increased by misunderstanding and exaggeration,
he was nevertheless fully convinced that the Averrhoists ridiculed and
rejected the Christian religion.
[1270] Ariosto, _Sonetto_, 34: ‘Non credere sopra il tetto.’ The poet
uses the words of an official who had decided against him in a matter of
property.
[1271] We may here again refer to Gemisthos Plethon, whose disregard of
Christianity had an important influence on the Italians, and
particularly on the Florentines of that period.
[1272] _Narrazione del Caso del Boscoli, Arch. Stor._ i. 273 sqq. The
standing phrase was ‘non aver fede;’ comp. Vasari, vii. 122, _Vita di
Piero di Cosimo_.
[1273] Jovian. Pontan. _Charon_, _Opp._ ii. 1128-1195.
[1274] _Faustini Terdocei Triumphus Stultitiae_, l. ii.
[1275] E.g. Borbone Morosini about 1460; comp. Sansovino, _Venezia_ l.
xiii. p. 243. He wrote ‘de immortalite animæ ad mentem Aristotelis.’
Pomponius Lætus, as a means of effecting his release from prison,
pointed to the fact that he had written an epistle on the immortality of
the soul. See the remarkable defence in Gregorovius, vii. 580 sqq. See
on the other hand Pulci’s ridicule of this belief in a sonnet, quoted by
Galeotti, _Arch. Stor. Ital._ n. s. ix. 49 sqq.
[1276] _Vespas. Fiorent._ p. 260.
[1277] _Orationes Philelphi_, fol. 8.
[1278] _Septimo Decretal._ lib. v. tit. iii. cap. 8.
[1279] Ariosto, _Orlando_, vii. 61. Ridiculed in _Orlandino_, iv. 67,
68. Cariteo, a member of the Neapolitan Academy of Pontanus, uses the
idea of the pre-existence of the soul in order to glorify the House of
Aragon. Roscoe, _Leone X._ ed. Bossi, ii. 288.
[1280] Orelli, ad Cic. _De Republ._ l. vi. Comp. Lucan, _Pharsalia_, at
the beginning.
[1281] Petrarca, _Epp. Fam._ iv. 3, iv. 6.
[1282] Fil. Villani, _Vite_, p. 15. This remarkable passage is as
follows: ‘Che agli uomini fortissimi poichè hanno vinto le mostruose
fatiche della terra, debitamente sieno date le stelle.’
[1283] _Inferno_, iv. 24 sqq. Comp. _Purgatorio_, vii. 28, xxii. 100.
[1284] This pagan heaven is referred to in the epitaph on the artist
Niccolò dell’Arca:
‘Nunc te Praxiteles, Phidias, Polycletus adora
Miranturque tuas, o Nicolae, manus.’
In Bursellis, _Ann. Bonon._ Murat. xxiii. col. 912.
[1285] In his late work _Actius_.
[1286] Cardanus, _De Propria Vita_, cap. 13: ‘Non pœnitere ullius rei
quam voluntarie effecerim, etiam quæ male cessisset;’ else I should be
of all men the most miserable.
[1287] _Discorsi_, ii. cap. 2.
[1288] _Del Governo della Famiglia_, p. 114.
[1289] Comp. the short ode of M. Antonio Flaminio in the _Coryciana_
(see p. 269):
Dii quibus tam Corycius venusta
Signa, tam dives posuit sacellum,
Ulla si vestros animos piorum
Gratia tangit,
Vos jocos risusque senis faceti
Sospites servate diu; senectam
Vos date et semper viridem et Falerno
Usque madentem.
At simul longo satiatus ævo
Liquerit terras, dapibus Deorum
Lætus intersit, potiore mutans
Nectare Bacchum.
[1290] Firenzuola, _Opere_, iv. p. 147 sqq.
[1291] Nic. Valori, _Vita di Lorenzo_, _passim_. For the advice to his
son Cardinal Giovanni, see Fabroni, _Laurentius_, adnot. 178, and the
appendices to Roscoe’s _Leo X._
[1292] _Jo. Pici Vita_, auct. Jo. Franc. Pico. For his ‘Deprecatio ad
Deum,’ see _Deliciae Poetarum Italorum_.
[1293] _Orazione_, Roscoe, _Leone X._ ed. Bossi viii. 120 (Magno Dio per
la cui costante legge); hymn (oda il sacro inno tutta la natura) in
Fabroni,’ _Laur._ adnot. 9; _L’Altercazione_, in the _Poesie di Lor.
Magn._ i. 265. The other poems here named are quoted in the same
collection.
[1294] If Pulci in his _Morgante_ is anywhere in earnest with religion,
he is so in canto xvi. str. 6. This deistic utterance of the fair pagan
Antea is perhaps the plainest expression of the mode of thought
prevalent in Lorenzo’s circle, to which tone the words of the dæmon
Astarotte (quoted above p. 494) form in a certain sense the complement.
Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:
belonged orginally to Florentine=> belonged originally to Florentine {pg
204}
the Citadal of Milan=> the Citadel of Milan {pg 38}
nature of Lndovico Moro=> nature of Ludovico Moro {pg 43}
Die Kriegskunt als Kunst=> Die Kriegskunst als Kunst {pg 98 fn 210}
to to take any interest=> to take any interest {pg 101}
of its vasals, the legitimate=> of its vassals, the legitimate {pg 125}
do so by imfamous deeds=> do so by infamous deeds {pg 152}
forged chroncle of Ricardo Malespini=> forged chronicle of Ricardo
Malespini {pg 182 fn 420}
fight its way amongt he heathen=> fight its way among the heathen {pg
206}
to the annoyance of to Petrarch=> to the annoyance of Petrarch {pg 208}
was familar with the writings=> was familiar with the writings {pg 227}
now altogether lose it supremacy=> now altogether lose its supremacy {pg
255 fn 594}
The plays of Platus and Terence=> The plays of Plautus and Terence {pg
242}
and minged with the general mourning=> and mingled with the general
mourning {pg 296}
compelled them for awhile to see=> compelled them for a while to see {pg
298}
I go for awhile=> I go for a while {pg 336}
Jo. Pici oratio de hominis dignatate=> Jo. Pici oratio de hominis
dignitate {pg 354 fn 805}
he gives us a humorout description=> he gives us a humorous description
{pg 387}
Cronaco di Perugia, Arch. Stor.=> Cronaca di Perugia, Arch. Stor. {pg
413 fn 934}
eyes of Delio and Atellano=> eyes of Delio and Attelano {pg 444}
Guilia Gonzaga, 385;=> Giulia Gonzaga, 385; {pg 552}
futherers of, 217-229.=> furtherers of, 217-229. {pg 554}
Illigitimacy, indifference to, 21, 22.=> Illegitimacy, indifference to,
21, 22. {pg 554}