L.

Laetus Pomponus, life of, 279-281.

‘_L’amor, diveno_,’ 445, 446.

Language as basis of social intercourse, 378-383.

Laöcoon, the, discovery of, 148.

Latin composition, history of, 252-253;

treatises, and History, 243-248.

Latini, Brunetto, originator of new epoch in poetry, 310.

Laurel wreath, the, coronation of poets with, 207-209.

Law, absence of belief in, 447.

League of Cambray, 68, 89.

Leo X., Pope, buffoonery of, 157-158;

influence on humanism, 224-225;

love of jesters, 157;

policy of, 119, 120, 121.

Letter-writing, object of, 232.

Library Catalogues, 190, 191.

Life, outward refinement of, 369-377.

Lionardo da Vinci, 114.

Lorenzo the Magnificent, 90, 95, 108;

as describer of country life, 350, 353;

parody of ‘_Inferno_’ by, 159;

song of Bacchus and Ariadne, 427-428;

tact of, 386-387;

theistic belief of, 549-550.

Ludovico Casella, death of, 57.

Ludovico il Moro, 41, 42, 64, 93.

Lutherans, danger from the, 121.

Luther, Martin, 121.

M.

Macchiavelli, 81, 82, 84-86, 96;

as comedian, 320;

‘_Discorsi il_’ of, 458;

metrical history by, 263;

on Italian immorality, 432.

Madonna, the worship of, 483-485.

Magicians, 530-533;

burning of, 524.

Magic, decline of, 537;

official, 533-535, 538;

practice of, 453.

Malatesta, Pandolfo, 27;

Robert, 23, 26;

Sigismondo, 33, 228-229.

Man, the discovery of, 308-327.

Manetti, Giannozzo, 197, 225;

high character of, 218-220;

eloquence of, 240.

Mantovano, Battista, eclogues of, 352, 479.

Manucci, Aldo, 197.

Mayia, Galeazzo, of Milan, 40, 41, 106;

Filippo, of Milan, 38-39.

Mariolatry, 484-485.

Massuccio, novels of, 459-460.

Maximilian I., commencement of new Imperial policy under, 20.

Medici, House of, charm over Florence, 220-221;

passion for tournaments, 366-367.

Medici Giovanni, 119-121;

Lorenzo, on ‘nobility,’ 361, 362;

the younger, 85.

Menageries, 296;

human, 293-295.

‘_Meneghino_,’ the, Mask of Milan, 321.

Mercenary troops, introduction of, 98.

Middle Ages, works on, by humanists, 246, 247.

Milano-Venetian War, 99.

Mirandola, Pico della, 198-199, 202;

death of, 465;

on dignity of man, 354-355;

free will, 516;

refutation of astrology, 516.

Mohammedanism, opposition to, 493.

Monks, abuse of, in ‘_Decameron_,’ 459;

as satirists, 465;

scandalous lives of, 460-461;

unpopularity of, 459.

Montefeltro, House of, of Urbino, 43;

Federigo, 44-46;

Guido, in relation to astrology, 512.

Montepulciano, Fra Francesco di, 473.

Morality, 431-455.

‘_Morgante Maggiore_,’ the, of Luigi Pulci, 323-324, 494-495.

Murder, public sympathy on side of, 447.

Music, 390-394.

Mystery plays, 406-407, 411-413, 416.

Mythological representations, 415, 416.

Myths, new, 259.

N.

Naming of children, 250-251.

Natural Science in Italy, 289-297.

Nature, beauty in, discovery of, 298-307.

Navagero, style of, 265.

‘_Nencia_,’ the, of Politian, 354.

‘_Nipoti_,’ the, 106, 107.

Niccoli, Niccolo, 188-189, 217;

on ‘nobility,’ 361-362.

Nicholas V., Pope, faith in higher learning of, 223.

Novels of Bandello, 306;

of Massuccio, 459, 460.

O.

Oddi, the, and the Baglioni of Perugia, disputes between, 29.

Old writers, influence of, on Italian mind, 187.

Omens, belief in, 518-521.

‘_On the infelicity of the Scholar_,’ by Piero Valeriano, 276-277.

Orator, the, important position of, 233, 234-238.

Oratory, Pulpit, 238.

Oriental Studies, revival of, 197.

‘_Orlando Furioso_,’ the, of Ariosto, 325, 326, 327.

Outward refinement of life, 369-377.

P.

Palingenius, Marcellus, ‘_Zodiac of Life_,’ of, 264.

Painting, rustic, of Jacopo Bassano, 354.

Pandolfini, Agnolo, 132;

on home management, 402-404.

Pantomime, the, 407, 416, 417.

Papacy, the, and its dangers, 102-125;

corruption in, 106, 107, 109.

Papal Court, calumny rife at, 161;

State, spirit of reform in, 123;

subjection of, 110.

Pardons, sale of, 108.

Parody, beginnings of, 263.

Peasant life, poetical treatment of, 351-352.

Perfect man of society, the, 388-394.

Personal faith, 491-492.

Petrarch and Laura, 151;

ascent of Mount Ventoux by, 301-302;

as geographer, 300;

contempt of astrologers, his, 515;

fixer of form of sonnet, 310;

ideal prince of, 9-10;

influence of nature on, 300, 301;

in Rome, 177-178;

life of, 313-314;

objection to fame, his, 141-142;

on tournaments, 365;

representative of antiquity, the, 205.

Petty tyrannies, 28-34.

Piacenza, devastation of, 101.

Piccinino, Giacomo, 25, 26;

Jacopo, 99.

Plautus, plays of, representations of, 255, 317-319.

Poems, didactic, 264.

Poetry, elegiac, 264, 266, 267;

epic, 321-323, 325;

Italian, second great age of, 305-306;

Latin modern, 257-271;

lyric, 306;

Maccaronic, 270, 271;

precursor of plastic arts, the, 312.

Poggio, on ‘_Knighthood_,’ 365;

on ‘_Nobility_,’ 361-362.

Policy, Foreign, of Italian states, 88-97.

Politeness, Manual of, by G. della Casa, 375-376.

Politics, Florentine, 73-74.

Politian, as letter writer, 233;

‘_Canzone Zingaresca_’ of, 354.

Pope Adrian VI., satires against, 162-164.

Pope Alexander VI., 109-117;

death of, 117.

Pope Clement VII., deliverance of, 123.

Pope Innocent VIII., election of, 107.

Pope Nicholas V., 188.

Pope Paul II., 105;

attempts as peacemaker, 438;

personal head of republic of letters, 223;

priestly narrowness of, 505.

Pope Paul III., 123.

Pope Pius II., 105;

as antiquarian, 180-181;

as descriptive writer, 349;

believer in witches, 526-527;

celebration of feast of Corpus Christi by, 414;

contempt for astrology and magic, 508;

eloquence of, 235, 240;

love of nature, 303-305;

views on miracles, 501.

Pope Sixtus IV., 105, 106, 107.

Porcaro, Stefano, conspiracy of, 104.

Porcello, Gian, Antonio dei Pandori, 99, 100.

Poggio, walks through Rome of, 176.

Preachers of repentance, 466-479;

personal influence of, 458.

Printing, discovery of, reception of, 194.

Processions, 406-407, 418-425.

Prodigies, belief in, 520-521.

Prophets, honour accorded to genuine, 467.

Public worship, neglect of, 485.

Pulci, epic poet, 323-325.

‘_Pulcinell_,’ the mask of Naples, 321.

R.

Rambaldoni, Vittore dai, 213-214.

Rangona, Bianca, 336.

Raphael, 30;

appeal of, for restoration of ancient Rome, 184;

original subject of his picture, ‘_Deposition_,’ 32.

Rationalism, 500, 501.

Reformation, German, 122;

effects on Papacy, 124.

Regattas, Venetian, 390.

Relics, pride taken in, 142-145.

Religion in daily life, 456-489;

spirit of the Renaissance, and, 491-506.

Religious tolerance, 490, 492, 493;

revivals, epidemics of, 485.

Renaissance, the, a new birth, 175;

and the spirit of religion, 491-506.

Repentance, preachers of, 466-479.

Reproduction of antiquity: Latin correspondence and orations, 230-242.

Republics, the, 61-87.

Revivals, epidemics of religious, 485.

Riario, Girolamo, 107;

Pietro, Cardinal, 106.

Rienzi, Cola di, 15, 176.

Rimini, House of, the, 29;

fall of, 33.

Rites, Church, sense of dependence on, 465.

Roberto da Lecce, 467, 470.

Rome, assassins in, 109;

city of ruins, 177-186;

first topographical study of, 179;

Poggio’s walks through, 176.

Ruins in landscape gardening result of Christian legend, 186.

S.

‘_Sacra_,’ the, of Pietro Bembo, 259.

Sadoleto, Jacopo, 231.

Saints, reverence for relics of, 481-482;

worship of, 485.

Salò, Gabriella da, belief of, 502.

Sannazaro, 151, 260, 265-267;

fame of, 261, 268.

Sanctuaries of Italy, 486.

Sansecondo, Giovan Maria, 392;

Jacopo, 392.

Satires, Monks the authors of, 465.

Savonarola, Girolamo, 467, 473-479;

belief in dæmons, 531;

eloquence of, 474;

funeral oration on, 475;

reform of Dominican monasteries due to, 474.

Scaliger, 254.

Scarampa, Camilla, 386.

Science, national sympathy with, 289-292;

natural, in Italy, 289-297.

‘_Scrittori_’ (copyists), 192-193.

Secretaries, papal, important position of, 231.

Sforza, house of, 24;

Alessandro, 28;

Francesco, 24, 25, 26, 39, 40, 99;

Galeazzo Maria, assassination of, 57-58.

Sforza, Ippolita, 385;

Jacopo, 24, 25.

Shakespeare, William, 316.

Siena, 86.

Sigismund, Emperor, 18, 19.

Sixtus IV., Pope, 105, 106, 107.

Slavery in Italy, 296.

Society, higher forms of, 384-387;

ideal man of, 388-394;

in, Italian models to other countries, 389.

Sociniaris, 549.

Sonnet, the, 310-311, 312.

Sonnets of Boccaccio, 314;

of Dante, 312.

Spain, changed attitude of, 91, 92.

Spaniards, detrimental to development of drama, 317.

Spanish-Germano Army, advance of, 122.

Spanish influence, jealousy under, 445.

Speeches, subject of public, 239-241.

Spur, golden, order of, 53.

Spiritual description in poetry, 308-327.

Statistics, science of, birthplace of, 69-72.

St. Peter’s at Rome, reconstruction of., 119.

Stentorello, the mask of Florence, 321.

Superstition, mixture of ancient and modern, 507-540.

Sylvius Æneas, see Pope Pius II.

T.

Taxation, 5, 8, 13, 35, 36, 47.

Teano, Cardinal, 255.

‘_Telesma_,’ the, 533-535.

‘_Telestae_,’ the, 533-535.

Terence, plays of, representation of, 255.

‘_Teseide_,’ the, of Boccaccio, 259.

Tiburzio, 105.

Tolerance, religious, 490, 492, 493.

Torso, the, discovery of, 184.

Tragedy in time of Renaissance, 315-316, 317.

Treatise, the, 243.

‘_Trionfo_,’ the, 407, 419, 420, 423;

of Beatrice, 419-420.

‘_Trionfi_,’ the, of Petrarch, 324.

‘_Trovatori_,’ the, 310.

_Trovatori della transizione_, the, 311.

Turks, conspiracies with the, 92, 93.

Tuscan dialect basis of new national speech, 379.

Tyranny, opponents of, 55-60.

Tyrannies, petty, 28-34.

U.

Uberti, Fazio degli, vision of, 178.

Universities and Schools, 210-216.

V.

Valeriano, P., on the infelicity of the scholar, 276-277.

Vatican, Library of, founding of, 188.

‘_Vendetta_,’ the, 437-440.

Vengeance, Italian, 436-400.

Venetian-Milano war, 99.

Venice, 61-87;

and Florence, birthplace of science of statistics, 69-72.

Venice, processions in, 73;

public institutions in, 63;

relation of, to literature, 70;

stability of, cause of, 65-66;

statistics, general of, 69, 70, 71, 78.

Villani, Giovanni, 73;

Matteo, 76.

Vinci, Lionardo da, 138.

Violin, the, 392.

Visconti, the, 10, 15, 18, 22, 38, 40;

Giangaleazzo, 513;

Giovan Maria, assassination of, 57, 58.

‘_Vita Nuova_,’ the, of Dante, 333.

‘_Vita Sobria_,’ the, of Luigi Cornaro, 244.

Vitelli, Paolo, 99.

Vitruvius, revival of, and Ciceronianism, analogy between, 156.

Venus of the Vatican, discovery of, 184.

‘_Versi Sciolti_,’ the, origin of, 310.

W.

War as a work of art, 98-101.

Wit, analysis of, 159-160;

first appearance of, in literature, 154;

modern, and satire, 154-168.

Witch of Gaeta, the, 525.

Witchcraft, 524-530.

Witches, 524, 525, 526;

burning of, 524, 526, 528.

Women, Ariosto on, 395;

equality of, with men, 395;

function of, 398;

heroism of, 398;

ideal for, 398;

position of, 395-401.

Worship, public, neglect of, 485.

Z.

Zampante of Lucca, director of police, 50.

‘_Zodiac of Life_,’ of Marcellus Palingenius, 264.

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FOOTNOTES:

[1] _History of Architecture_, by Franz Kugler. (The first half of the

fourth volume, containing the ‘Architecture and Decoration of the

Italian Renaissance,’ is by the Author.)

[2] Macchiavelli, _Discorsi_, 1. i. c. 12. ‘E la cagione, che la Italia

non sia in quel medesimo termine, ne habbia anch’ ella ò una republica ò

un prencipe che la governi, è solamente la Chiesa; perchè havendovi

habitato e tenuto imperio temporale non è stata si potente ne di tal

virtè, che l’habbia potuto occupare il restante d’Italia e farsene

prencipe.’

[3] The rulers and their dependents were together called ‘lo stato,’ and

this name afterwards acquired the meaning of the collective existence of

a territory.

[4] C. Winckelmann, _De Regni Siculi Administratione qualis fuerit

regnante Friderico II._, Berlin. 1859. A. del Vecchio, _La legislazione

di Federico II. imperatore_. Turin, 1874. Frederick II. has been fully

and thoroughly discussed by Winckelmann and Schirrmacher.

[5] Baumann, _Staatslehre des Thomas von Aquino_. Leipzig, 1873, esp.

pp. 136 sqq.

[6] _Cento Novelle Antiche_, ed. 1525. For Frederick, Nov. 2, 21, 22,

23, 24, 30, 53, 59, 90, 100; for Ezzelino, Nov. 31, and esp. 84.

[7] Scardeonius, _De Urbis Patav. Antiqu. in Grævius_, Thesaurus, vi.

iii. p. 259.

[8] Sismondi, _Hist. de Rép. Italiennes_, iv. p. 420; viii. pp. 1 sqq.

[9] Franco Sacchetti, _Novelle_ (61, 62).

[10] Dante, it is true, is said to have lost the favour of this prince,

which impostors knew how to keep. See the important account in Petrarch,

_De Rerum Memorandarum_, lib. ii. 3, 46.

[11] Petrarca, _Epistolæ Seniles_, lib. xiv. 1, to Francesco di Carrara

(Nov. 28, 1373). The letter is sometimes printed separately with the

title, ‘De Republica optime administranda,’ e.g. Bern, 1602.

[12] It is not till a hundred years later that the princess is spoken of

as the mother of the people. Comp. Hieron. Crivelli’s funeral oration on

Bianca Maria Visconti, in Muratori, _Scriptores Rerum Italicarum_, xxv.

col. 429. It was by way of parody of this phrase that a sister of Sixtus

IV. is called in Jac Volateranus (Murat., xxiii. col. 109) ‘mater

ecclesiæ.’

[13] With the parenthetical request, in reference to a previous

conversation, that the prince would again forbid the keeping of pigs in

the streets of Padua, as the sight of them was unpleasing, especially

for strangers, and apt to frighten the horses.

[14] Petrarca, _Rerum Memorandar._, lib. iii. 2, 66.--Matteo I. Visconti

and Guido della Torre, then ruling in Milan, are the persons referred

to.

[15] Matteo Villani, v. 81: the secret murder of Matteo II. (Maffiolo)

Visconti by his brother.

[16] Filippo Villani, _Istorie_, xi. 101. Petrarch speaks in the same

tone of the tyrants dressed out ‘like altars at a festival.’--The

triumphal procession of Castracane at Lucca is described minutely in his

life by Tegrimo, in Murat., xi., col, 1340.

[17] _De Vulgari Eloqui_, i. c. 12: ... ‘qui non heroico more, sed

plebeo sequuntur superbiam.’

[18] This we find first in the fifteenth century, but their

representations are certainly based on the beliefs of earlier times: L.

B. Alberti, _De re ædif._, v. 3.--Franc. di Giorgio, ‘Trattato,’ in

Della Valle, Lettere Sanesi, iii. 121.

[19] Franco Sacchetti, Nov. 61.

[20] Matteo Villani, vi. 1.

[21] The Paduan passport office about the middle of the fourteenth

century is referred to by Franco Sacchetti, Nov. 117, in the words,

‘quelli delle bullete.’ In the last ten years of the reign of Frederick

II., when the strictest control was exercised on the personal conduct of

his subjects, this system must have been very highly developed.

[22] Corio, _Storia di Milano_, fol. 247 sqq. Recent Italian writers

have observed that the Visconti have still to find a historian who,

keeping the just mean between the exaggerated praises of contemporaries

(_e.g._ Petrarch) and the violent denunciations of later political

(Guelph) opponents, will pronounce a final judgment upon them.

[23] E.g. of Paolo Giovio: _Elogia Virorum bellicâ virtute illustrium_,

Basel, 1575, p. 85, in the life of Bernabò. Giangal. (_Vita_, pp. 86

sqq.) is for Giovio ‘post Theodoricum omnium præstantissimus.’ Comp.

also Jovius, _Vitæ xii. Vicecomitum Mediolani principum_, Paris, 1549.

pp. 165 sqq.

[24] Corio, fol. 272, 285.

[25] Cagnola, in the _Archiv. Stor._, iii. p. 23.

[26] So Corio, fol. 286, and Poggio, _Hist. Florent._ iv. in Murat. xx.

col 290.--Cagnola (loc. cit.) speaks of his designs on the imperial

crown. See too the sonnet in Trucchi, _Poesie Ital. ined._, ii. p. 118:

“Stan le città lombarde con le chiave

In man per darle a voi ... etc.

Roma vi chiamo: Cesar mio novello

Io sono ignuda, e l’anima pur vive:

Or mi coprite col vostro mantello,” etc.

[27] Corio, fol. 301 and sqq. Comp. Ammian. Marcellin., xxix. 3.

[28] So Paul. Jovius, _Elogia_, pp. 88-92, Jo. Maria Philippus.

[29] De Gingins, _Dépêches des Ambassadeurs Milanais_, Paris and Geneva

1858, ii. pp. 200 sqq. (N. 213). Comp. ii. 3 (N. 144) and ii. 212 sqq.

(N. 218).

[30] Paul. Jovius, _Elogia_, pp. 156 sqq. Carolus, Burg. dux.

[31] This compound of force and intellect is called by Macchiavelli

_Virtù_, and is quite compatible with _scelleratezza_. E.g. _Discorsi_,

i. 10. in speaking of Sep. Severus.

[32] On this point Franc. Vettori, _Arch. Stor._ vi. p. 29. 3 sqq.: ‘The

investiture at the hands of a man who lives in Germany, and has nothing

of the Roman Emperor about him but the empty name, cannot turn a

scoundrel into the real lord of a city.’

[33] M. Villani, iv. 38, 39, 44, 56, 74, 76, 92; v. 1, 2, 14-16, 21, 22,

36, 51, 54. It is only fair to consider that dislike of the Visconti may

have led to worse representations than the facts justified. Charles IV.

is once (iv. 74) highly praised by Villani.

[34] It was an Italian, Fazio degli Uberti (_Dittamondo_, l. vi. cap.

5--about 1360) who recommended to Charles IV. a crusade to the Holy

Land. The passage is one of the best in this poem, and in other respects

characteristic. The poet is dismissed from the Holy Sepulchre by an

insolent Turk:

‘Con passi lunghi e con la testa bassa

Oltre passai e dissi: ecco vergogna

Del cristian che’l saracin qui lassa!

Poscia al Pastor (the Pope) mi volsi far rampogna

E tu ti stai, che sei vicar di Cristo,

Co’ frati tuoi a ingrassar la carogna?

Similimente dissi a quel sofisto (Charles IV.)

Che sta in Buemme (Bohemia) a piantar vigne e fichi

E che non cura di si caro acquisto:

Che fai? Perchè non segui i primi antichi

Cesari de’ Romani, e che non segui,

Dico, gli Otti, i Corradi, i Federichi?

E che pur tieni questo imperio in tregui?

E se non hai lo cuor d’esser Augusto,

Che non rifiuti? o che non ti dilegui?’ etc.

Some eight years earlier, about 1352, Petrarch had written (to Charles

IV., _Epist. Fam._, lib. xii. ep. 1, ed. Fracassetti, vol. ii. p. 160):

‘Simpliciter igitur et aperte ... pro maturando negotio terræ sanctæ ...

oro tuo egentem auxilio quam primum invisere velis Ausoniam.’

[35] See for details Vespasiano Fiorent. ed. Mai, _Specilegium Romanum_,

vol. i. p. 54. Comp. 150 and Panormita, _De Dictis et Factis Alfonsi_,

lib. iv. nro. 4.

[36] _Diario Ferrarese_, in Murat. xxiv. col. 217 sqq.

[37] ‘Haveria voluto scortigare la brigata.’ Giov. Maria Filelfo, then

staying at Bergamo, wrote a violent satire ‘in vulgus equitum auro

notatorum.’ See his biography in Favre, _Mélanges d’Histoire

littéraire_, 1856, i. p. 10.

[38] _Annales Estenses_, in Murat. xx. col. 41.

[39] Poggii, _Hist. Florent. pop._ l. vii. in Murat. col. 381. This view

is in accordance with the anti-monarchical sentiments of many of the

humanists of that day. Comp. the evidence given by Bezold, ‘Lehre von

der Volkssouverainität während des Mittelalters,’ _Hist. Ztschr._ bd.

36, s. 365.

[40] Some years later the Venetian Lionardo Giustiniani blames the word

‘imperator’ as unclassical and therefore unbecoming the German emperor,

and calls the Germans barbarians, on account of their ignorance of the

language and manners of antiquity. The cause of the Germans was defended

by the humanist H. Bebel. See L. Geiger, in the _Allgem. Deutsche

Biogr._ ii. 196.

[41] Senarega, _De reb. Genuens_, in Murat. xxiv. col. 575.

[42] Enumerated in the _Diario Ferrarese_, in Murat. xxiv. col. 203.

Comp. Pic. ii. _Comment._ ii. p. 102, ed. Rome, 1584.

[43] Marin Sanudo, _Vita de’ Duchi di Venezia_, in Murat. xxii. col.

1113.

[44] Varchi, _Stor. Fiorent._ i. p. 8.

[45] Soriano, _Relazione di Roma_, 1533, in Tommaso Gar. _Relaz. della

Corte di Roma_, (in Alberi, _Relaz. degli ambasc. Veneti_, ii. ser.

iii.).

[46] For what follows, see Canestrini, in the Introduction to vol. xv.

of the _Archiv. Stor._

[47] For him, see Shepherd-Tonelli, _Vita di Piggio_, App. pp.

viii.-xvi.

[48] Cagnola, _Archiv. Stor._ iii. p. 28: ‘Et (Filippo Maria) da lei

(Beatr.) ebbe molto tesoro e dinari, e tutte le giente d’arme del dicto

Facino, che obedivano a lei.’

[49] Inpressura, in Eccard, _Scriptores_, ii. col. 1911. For the

alternatives which Macchiavelli puts before the victorious Condottiere,

see _Discorsi_, i. 30. After the victory he is either to hand over the

army to his employer and wait quietly for his reward, or else to win the

soldiers to his own side to occupy the fortresses and to punish the

prince ‘di quella ingratitudine che esso gli userebbe.’

[50] Comp. Barth. Facius, _De Viv. Ill._ p. 64, who tells us that C.

commanded an army of 60,000 men. It is uncertain whether the Venetians

did not poison Alviano in 1516, because he, as Prato says in _Arch.

Stor._ iii. p. 348, aided the French too zealously in the battle of S.

Donato. The Republic made itself Colleoni’s heir, and after his death in

1475 formally confiscated his property. Comp. Malipiero, _Annali

Veneti_, in _Arch. Stor._ vii. i. 244. It was liked when the Condottieri

invested their money in Venice, ibid. p. 351.

[51] Cagnola, in _Arch. Stor._ iii. pp. 121 sqq.

[52] At all events in Paul Jovius, _Vita Magni Sfortiæ_, Rom. 1539,

(dedicated to the Cardinal Ascanio Sforza), one of the most attractive

of his biographies.

[53] Æn. Sylv. _Comment. de Dictis et Factis Alfonsi_, Opera, ed. 1538,

p. 251: Novitate gaudens Italia nihil habet stabile, nullum in eâ vetus

regnum, facile hic ex servis reges videmus.’

[54] Pii, ii. _Comment._ i. 46; comp. 69.

[55] Sismondi, x. 258; Corio. fol. 412, where Sforza is accused of

complicity, as he feared danger to his own son from P.’s popularity.

_Storia Bresciana_, in Murat. xxi. col. 209. How the Venetian

Condottiere Colleoni was tempted in 1466, is told by Malipiero _Annali

Veneti, Arch. Stor._ vii. i. p. 210. The Florentine exiles offered to

make him Duke of Milan if he would expel from Florence their enemy,

Piero de’ Medici.

[56] Allegretti, _Diari Sanesi_, in Murat. xxiii. p. 811.

[57] _Orationes Philelphi_, ed. Venet. 1492, fol. 9, in the funeral

oration on Francesco.

[58] Marin Sanudo, _Vita del Duchi di Venezia_, in Murat. xxii. col.

1241. See Reumont, _Lorenzo von Medici_ (Lpz. 1874), ii. pp. 324-7, and

the authorities there quoted.

[59] Malipiero, _Ann. Venet., Arch. Stor._ vii. i. p. 407.

[60] _Chron. Eugubinum_, in Murat. xxi. col. 972.

[61] _Vespas. Fiorent._ p. 148.

[62] _Archiv. Stor._ xvi., parte i. et ii., ed. Bonaini, Fabretti,

Polidori.

[63] Julius II. conquered Perugia with ease in 1506, and compelled

Gianpaolo Baglione to submit. The latter, as Macchiavelli (_Discorsi_,

i. c. 27) tells us, missed the chance of immortality by not murdering

the Pope.

[64] Varelin _Stor. Fiorent._ i. pp. 242 sqq.

[65] Comp. (inter. al.) Jovian. Pontan. _De Immanitate_, cap. 17.

[66] Malipiero, _Ann. Venet., Archiv. Stor._ vii. i. pp. 498 sqq. After

vainly searching for his beloved, whose father had shut her up in a

monastery he threatened the father, burnt the monastery and other

buildings, and committed many acts of violence.

[67] Lil. Greg. Giraldus, _De Sepulchris ac vario Sepeliendi Ritu_.

_Opera_ ed. Bas. 1580, i. pp. 640 sqq. Later edition by J. Faes,

Helmstädt, 1676 Dedication and postscript of Gir. ‘ad Carolum Miltz

Germanum,’ in these editions without date; neither contains the passage

given in the text.--In 1470 a catastrophe in miniature had already

occurred in the same family (Galeotto had had his brother Antonio Maria

thrown into prison). Comp. _Diario Ferrarese_, in Murat. xxiv. col. 225.

[68] Jovian. Pontan. Opp. ed. Basileæ, 1538, t. i. _De Liberalitate_,

cap. 19, 29, and _De Obedientia_, l. 4. Comp. Sismondi, x. p. 78, and

Panormita, _De Dictis et Factis Alphonsi_, lib. i. nro. 61, iv. nro. 42.

[69] Tristano Caracciolo. ‘De Fernando qui postea rex Aragonum fuit,

ejusque posteris,’ in Muratori XXII.; Jovian Pontanus, _De Prudentia_,

l. iv.; _De Magnanimitate_, l. i.; _De Liberalitate_, cap. 29, 36; _De

Immanitate_, cap. 8. Cam. Porzio, _Congiura dei Baroni del Regno de

Napoli contro il re Ferdinando I._, Pisa, 1818, cap. 29, 36, new

edition, Naples, 1859, _passim_; Comines, Charles VIII., with the

general characteristics of the Arragonese. See for further information

as to Ferrante’s works for his people, the _Regis Ferdinandi primi

Instructionum liber_, 1486-87, edited by Scipione Vopicella, which would

dispose us to moderate to some extent the harsh judgment which has been

passed upon him.

[70] Paul. Jovius. _Histor._ i. p. 14. in the speech of a Milanese

ambassador; _Diario Ferrarese_, in Muratori, xxiv. col. 294.

[71] He lived in the closest intimacy with Jews, e.g. Isaac Abranavel,

who fled with him to Messina. Comp. Zunz, _Zur. Gesch. und Lit._

(Berlin, 1845) s. 529.

[72] Petri Candidi Decembrii Vita Phil. Mariæ Vicecomitis, in Murat.

xx., of which however Jovius (_Vitæ xii. Vicecomitum_ p. 186) says not

without reason: ‘Quum omissis laudibus quæ in Philippo celebrandæ

fuerant, vitia, notaret.’ Guarino praises this prince highly. Rosmino

Guarini, ii. p. 75. Jovius, in the above-mentioned work (p. 186), and

Jov. Pontanus, _De Liberalitate_, ii. cap. 28 and 31, take special

notice of his generous conduct to the captive Alfonso.

[73] Were the fourteen marble statues of the saints in the Citadel of

Milan executed by him? See _History of the Frundsbergs_, fol. 27.

[74] It troubled him: _quod aliquando ‘non esse’ necesse esset_.

[75] Corio, fol. 400; Cagnola, in _Archiv. Stor._ iii. p. 125.

[76] _Pii II. Comment._ iii. p. 130. Comp. ii. 87. 106. Another and

rather darker estimate of Sforza’s fortune is given by Caracciolo, _De

Varietate Fortunæ_, in Murat. xxii. col. 74. See for the opposite view

the praises of Sforza’s luck in the _Oratio parentalis de divi Francesci

Sphortiæ felicitate_, by Filelfo (the ready eulogist of any master who

paid him), who sung, without publishing, the exploits of Francesco in

the Sforziad. Even Decembrio, the moral and literary opponent of

Filelfo, celebrates Sforza’s fortune in his biography (_Vita Franc.

Sphortiæ_, in Murat. xx.). The astrologers said: ‘Francesco Sforza’s

star brings good luck to a man, but ruin to his descendants.’ Arluni,

_De Bello Veneto_, libri vi. in Grævius, _Thes. Antiqu. et Hist.

Italicæ_, v. pars iii. Comp. also Barth. Facius, _De Vir. III._ p. 67.

[77] Malipiero, _Ann. Veneti, Archiv. Stor._ vii. i. pp. 216 sqq. 221-4.

[78] Important documents as to the murder of Galeazzo Maria Sforza are

published by G. D’Adda in the _Archivio Storico Lombardo Giornale della

Società Lombarda_, vol. ii. (1875), pp. 284-94. 1. A Latin epitaph on

the murderer Lampugnano, who lost his life in the attempt, and whom the

writer represents as saying: ‘Hic lubens quiesco, æternum inquam facinus

monumentumque ducibus, principibus, regibus, qui modo sunt quique mox

futura trahantur ne quid adversus justitiam faciant dicantve; 2. A Latin

letter of Domenico de’ Belli, who, when eleven years old, was present at

the murder; 3. The ‘lamento’ of Galeazzo Maria, in which, after calling

upon the Virgin Mary and relating the outrage committed upon him, he

summons his wife and children, his servants and the Italian cities which

obeyed him, to bewail his fate, and sends forth his entreaty to all the

nations of the earth, to the nine muses and the gods of antiquity, to

set up a universal cry of grief.

[79] _Chron. Venetum_, in Murat. xxiv. col. 65.

[80] Malipiero, _Ann. Veneti, Archiv. Stor._ vii. i. p. 492. Comp. 482,

562.

[81] His last words to the same man, Bernardino da Corte, are to be

found, certainty with oratorical decorations, but perhaps agreeing in

the main with the thoughts of the Moor, in Senarega, Murat. xxiv. col.

567.

[82] _Diario Ferrarese_, in Murat. xxiv. col. 336, 367, 369. The people

believed he was forming a treasure.

[83] Corio, fol. 448. The after effects of this state of things are

clearly recognisable in those of the novels and introductions of

Bandello which relate to Milan.

[84] Amoretti, _Memorie Storiche sulla Vita Ecc. di Lionardo da Vinci_,

pp. 35 sqq., pp. 83 sqq. Here we may also mention the Moor’s efforts for

the improvement of the university of Pavia.

[85] See his sonnets in Trucchi, _Poesie inedite_.

[86] Prato, in the _Arch. Stor._ iii. 298. Comp. 302.

[87] Born 1466, betrothed to Isabella, herself six years of age, in

1480, suc. 1484; m. 1490, d. 1519. Isabella’s death, 1539. Her sons,

Federigo (1519-1540), made Duke in 1530, and the famous Ferrante

Gonzaga. What follows is taken from the correspondence of Isabella, with

Appendices, _Archiv. Stor._, append., tom. ii. communicated by d’Arco.

See the same writer, _Delle Arti e degli Artifici di Mantova_, Mant.

1857-59, 2 vols. The catalogue of the collection has been repeatedly

printed. Portrait and biography of Isabella in Didot, _Alde Manuce_,

Paris, 1875, pp. lxi-lxviii. See also below, part ii. chapter 2.

[88] Franc. Vettori, in the _Arch. Stor._ Append., tom. vi. p. 321. For

Federigo, see _Vespas. Fiorent._ pp. 132 sqq. and Prendilacqua, _Vita di

Vittorino da Feltre_, pp. 48-52. V. endeavoured to calm the ambitious

youth Federigo, then his scholar, with the words: ‘Tu quoque Cæsar

eris.’ There is much literary information respecting him in, e.g.,

Favre, _Mélanges d’Hist. Lit._ i. p. 125, note 1.

[89] See below, part iii. chapter 3.

[90] Castiglione, _Cortigiano_, l. i.

[91] Petr. Bembus, _De Guido Ubaldo Feretrio deque Elizabetha Gonzaga

Urbini ducibus_, Venetis, 1530. Also in Bembo’s Works, Basel, 1566, i.

pp. 529-624. In the form of a dialogue; contains among other things, the

letter of Frid. Fregosus and the speech of Odaxius on Guido’s life and

death.

[92] What follows is chiefly taken from the _Annales Estenses_, in

Murat. xx. and the _Diario Ferrarese_, Murat. xxiv

[93] See Bandello, i. nov. 32.

[94] _Diario Ferrar._ l. c. col. 347.

[95] Paul. Jov. _Vita Alfonsi ducis_, ed. Flor. 1550, also an Italian by

Giovanbattista Gelli, Flor. 1553.

[96] Paulus Jovius, l. c.

[97] The journey of Leo X. when Cardinal, may be also mentioned here.

Comp. Paul. Jov. _Vita Leonis X._ lib. i. His purpose was less serious,

and directed rather to amusement and knowledge of the world; but the

spirit is wholly modern. No Northerner then travelled with such objects.

[98] _Diar. Ferr._ in Murat. xxiv. col. 232 and 240.

[99] Jovian. Pontan. _De Liberalitate_, cap. 28.

[100] Giraldi, _Hecatomithi_, vi. nov. 1 (ed. 1565, fol. 223 _a_).

[101] Vasari, xii. 166, _Vita di Michelangelo_.

[102] As early as 1446 the members of the House of Gonzaga followed the

corpse of Vittorino da Feltre.

[103] Capitolo 19, and in the _Opere Minore_, ed. Lemonnier, vol. i. p.

425, entitled Elegia 17. Doubtless the cause of this death (above, p.

46) was unknown to the young poet, then 19 years old.

[104] The novels in the _Hecatomithi_ of Giraldi relating to the House

of Este are to be found, with one exception (i. nov. 8), in the 6th

book, dedicated to Francesco of Este, Marchese della Massa, at the

beginning of the second part of the whole work, which is inscribed to

Alfonso II. ‘the fifth Duke of Ferrara.’ The 10th book, too, is

specially dedicated to him, but none of the novels refer to him

personally, and only one to his predecessor Hercules I.; the rest to

Hercules I. ‘the second Duke,’ and Alfonso I. ‘the third Duke of

Ferrara.’ But the stories told of these princes are for the most part

not love tales. One of them (i. nov. 8) tells of the failure of an

attempt made by the King of Naples to induce Hercules of Este to deprive

Borso of the government of Ferrara; another (vi. nov. 10) describes

Ercole’s high-spirited treatment of conspirators. The two novels that

treat of Alfonso I. (vi. nov. 2, 4), in the latter of which he only

plays a subordinate part, are also, as the title of the book shows and

as the dedication to the above-named Francesco explains more fully,

accounts of ‘atti di cortesía’ towards knights and prisoners, but not

towards women, and only the two remaining tales are love-stories. They

are of such a kind as can be told during the lifetime of the prince;

they set forth his nobleness and generosity, his virtue and

self-restraint. Only one of them (vi. nov. 1) refers to Hercules I., who

was dead long before the novels were compiled, and only one to the

Hercules II. then alive (b. 1508, d. 1568) son of Lucrezia Borgia,

husband of Renata, of whom the poet says: ‘Il giovane, che non meno ha

benigno l’animo, che cortese l’aspetto, come già il vedemmo in Roma, nel

tempo, ch’egli, in vece del padre, venne à Papa Hadriano.’ The tale

about him is briefly as follows:--Lucilla, the beautiful daughter of a

poor but noble widow, loves Nicandro, but cannot marry him, as the

lover’s father forbids him to wed a portionless maiden. Hercules, who

sees the girl and is captivated by her beauty, finds his way, through

the connivance of her mother, into her bedchamber, but is so touched by

her beseeching appeal that he respects her innocence, and, giving her a

dowry, enables her to marry Nicandro.

In Bandello, ii. nov. 8 and 9 refer to Alessandro Medici, 26 to Mary of

Aragon, iii. 26, iv. 13 to Galeazzo Sforza, iii. 36, 37 to Henry VIII.

of England, ii. 27 to the German Emperor Maximilian. The emperor, ‘whose

natural goodness and more than imperial generosity are praised by all

writers,’ while chasing a stag is separated from his followers, loses

his way, and at last emerging from the wood, enquires the way from a

countryman. The latter, busied with lading wood, begs the emperor, whom

he does not know, to help him, and receives willing assistance. While

still at work, Maximilian is rejoined, and, in spite of his signs to the

contrary, respectfully saluted by his followers, and thus recognised by

the peasant, who implores forgiveness for the freedom he has unwittingly

taken. The emperor raises the kneeling suppliant, gives him presents,

appoints him as his attendant, and confers upon him distinguished

privileges. The narrator concludes: ‘Dimostrò Cesare nello smontar da

cavallo e con allegra ciera aiutar il bisognoso contadino, una

indicibile e degna d’ogni lode humanità, e in sollevarlo con danari e

privilegii dalla sua faticosa vita, aperse il suo veramente animo

Cesareo’ (ii. 415). A story in the _Hecatomithi_ (viii. nov. 5) also

treats of Maximilian. It is the same tale which has acquired a

world-wide celebrity through Shakespeare’s _Measure for Measure_ (for

its diffusion see Kirchhof’s _Wendunmuth_, ed. Oesterley, bd. v. s. 152

sqq.), and the scene of which is transferred by Giraldi to Innsbruck.

Maximilian is the hero, and here too receives the highest eulogies.

After being first called ‘Massimiliano il Grande,’ he is designated as

one ‘che fu raro esempio di cortesia, di magnanimità, e di singolare

giustizia.’

[105] In the _Deliciæ Poet. Italorum_ (1608), ii. pp. 455 sqq.: ad

Alfonsum ducem Calabriæ. (Yet I do not believe that the above remark

fairly applies to this poem, which clearly expresses the joys which

Alfonso has with Drusula, and describes the sensations of the happy

lover, who in his transports thinks that the gods themselves must envy

him.--L.G.).

[106] Mentioned as early as 1367, in the _Polistore_, in Murat. xxiv.

col. 848, in reference to Niccolò the Elder, who makes twelve persons

knights in honour of the twelve Apostles.

[107] Burigozzo, in the _Archiv. Stor._ iii. p. 432.

[108] _Discorsi_, i. 17, on Milan after the death of Filippo Visconti.

[109] _De Incert. et Vanitate Scientiar._ cap. 55.

[110] Prato, _Archiv. Stor._ iii. p. 241.

[111] _De Casibus Virorum Illustrium_, l. ii. cap. 15.

[112] _Discorsi_, iii. 6; comp. _Storie Fiorent._ l. viii. The

description of conspiracies has been a favourite theme of Italian

writers from a very remote period. Luitprand (of Cremona, _Mon. Germ._,

ss. iii. 264-363) gives us a few, which are more circumstantial than

those of any other contemporary writer of the tenth century; in the

eleventh the deliverance of Messina from the Saracens, accomplished by

calling in Norman Roger (Baluz. _Miscell._ i. p. 184), gives occasion to

a characteristic narrative of this kind (1060); we need hardly speak of

the dramatic colouring given to the stories of the Sicilian Vespers

(1282). The same tendency is well known in the Greek writers.

[113] Corio, fol. 333. For what follows, ibid. fol. 305, 422 sqq. 440.

[114] So in the quotations from Gallus, in Sismondi, xi. 93. For the

whole subject see Reumont, _Lorenzo dei Medici_, pp. 387-97, especially

396.

[115] Corio, fol. 422. Allegretto, _Diari Sanesi_, in Murat. xxiii. col.

777. See above, p. 41.

[116] The enthusiasm with which the Florentine Alamanno Rinuccini (b.

1419) speaks in his _Ricordi_ (ed. by G. Aiazzi, Florence, 1840) of

murderers and their deeds is very remarkable. For a contemporary, though

not Italian, apology for tyrannicide, see Kervyn de Lettenhove, _Jean

sans Peur et l’Apologie du Tyrannicide_, in the _Bulletin de l’Académie

de Bruxelles_, xi. (1861), pp. 558-71. A century later opinion in Italy

had changed altogether. See the condemnation of Lampugnani’s deed in

Egnatius, _De Exemplis Ill. Vir._, Ven. fol. 99 _b_; comp. also 318 _b_.

Petr. Crinitus, also (_De honestâ disciplinâ_, Paris, 1510, fol. 134

_b_), writes a poem _De virtute Jo. Andr. Lamponiani tyrannicidæ_, in

which Lampugnani’s deed is highly praised, and he himself is represented

as a worthy companion of Brutus.

Comp. also the Latin poem: _Bonini Mombritii poetæ Mediol. trenodiæ in

funere illustrissimi D. Gal. Marie Sfor_ (2 Books--Milan, 1504), edited

by Ascalon Vallis (_sic_), who in his dedication to the jurist Jac.

Balsamus praises the poet and names other poems equally worthy to be

printed. In this work, in which Megæra and Mars, Calliope and the poet,

appear as interlocutors, the assassin--not Lampugnano, but a man from a

humble family of artisans--is severely blamed, and he with his fellow

conspirators are treated as ordinary criminals; they are charged with

high treason on account of a projected alliance with Charles of

Burgundy. No less than ten prognostics of the death of Duke Galeazzo are

enumerated. The murder of the Prince, and the punishment of the assassin

are vividly described; the close consists of pious consolations

addressed to the widowed Princess, and of religious meditations.

[117] ‘Con studiare el Catalinario,’ says Allegretto. Comp. (in Corio) a

sentence like the following in the desposition of Olgiati: ‘Quisque

nostrum magis socios potissime et infinitos alios sollicitare,

infestare, alter alteri benevolos se facere cœpit. Aliquid aliquibus

parum donare: simul magis noctu edere, bibere, vigilare, nostra omnia

bona polliceri,’ etc.

[118] Vasari, iii. 251, note to _V. di Donatello_.

[119] It now has been removed to a newly constructed building.

[120] _Inferno_, xxxiv. 64.

[121] Related by a hearer, Luca della Robbia, _Archiv. Stor._ i. 273.

Comp. Paul. Jovius, _Vita Leonis X._ iii. in the _Viri Illustres_.

[122] First printed in 1723, as appendix to Varchi’s History, then in

Roscoe, _Vita di Lorenzo de’ Medici_, vol. iv. app. 12, and often

besides. Comp. Reumont, _Gesch. Toscana’s seit dem Ende des Florent.

Freistaates_, Gotha, 1876, i. p. 67, note. See also the report in the

_Lettere de’ Principi_ (ed. Venez. 1577), iii. fol. 162 sqq.

[123] On the latter point see Jac. Nardi, _Vita di Ant. Giacomini_,

Lucca (1818), p. 18.

[124] ‘Genethliacum Venetæ urbis,’ in the _Carmina_ of Ant. Sabellicus.

The 25th of March was chosen ‘essendo il cielo in singolar disposizione,

si come da gli astronomi è stato calcolato più volte.’ Comp. Sansovino,

_Venezia città nobilissima e singolare, descritta in 14 libri_, Venezia,

1581, fol. 203. For the whole chapter see _Johannis Baptistæ Egnatii

viri doctissimi de exemplis Illustrium Virorum Venetæ civitatis atque

aliarum gentium_, Paris, 1554. The eldest Venetian chronicler, Joh.

Diaconi, _Chron. Venetum_ in Pertz, _Monum._ S.S. vii. pp. 5, 6, places

the occupation of the islands in the time of the Lombards and the

foundation of the Rialto later.

[125] ‘De Venetæ urbis apparatu panagiricum carmen quod oraculum

inscribitur.’

[126] The whole quarter was altered in the reconstructions of the

sixteenth century.

[127] Benedictus _Carol. VIII._ in Eccard, _Scriptores_, ii. col. 1597,

1601, 1621. In the _Chron. Venetum_, Murat. xxiv. col. 26, the political

virtues of the Venetians are enumerated: ‘bontà, innocenza, zelo di

carità, pietà, misericordia.’

[128] Many of the nobles cropped their hair. See _Erasmi Colloquia_, ed.

Tiguri, a. 1553: miles et carthusianus.

[129] _Epistolæ_, lib. v. fol. 28.

[130] Malipiero, _Ann. Veneti, Archiv. Stor._ vii. i. pp. 377, 431, 481,

493, 530; ii. pp. 661, 668, 679. _Chron. Venetum_, in Muratori, xxiv.

col. 57. _Diario Ferrarese_, ib. col. 240. See also _Dispacci di Antonio

Giustiniani_ (Flor. 1876), i. p. 392.

[131] Malipiero, in the _Archiv. Stor._ vii. ii. p. 691. Comp. 694, 713,

and i. 535.

[132] Marin Sanudo, _Vite dei Duchi_, Murat. xxii. col. 1194.

[133] _Chron. Venetum_, Murat. xxiv. col. 105.

[134] _Chron. Venetum_, Murat. xxiv. col. 123 sqq. and Malipiero, l. c.

vii. i. pp. 175, 187 sqq. relate the significant fall of the Admiral

Antonio Grimani, who, when accused on account of his refusal to

surrender the command in chief to another, himself put irons on his feet

before his arrival at Venice, and presented himself in this condition to

the Senate. For him and his future lot, see Egnatius, fol. 183 _a_ sqq.,

198 _b_ sqq.

[135] _Chron. Ven._ l. c. col. 166.

[136] Malipiero, l. c. vii. i. 349. For other lists of the same kind see

Marin Sanudo, _Vite dei Duchi_, Murat. xxii. col. 990 (year 1426), col.

1088 (year 1440), in Corio, fol. 435-438 (1483), in Guazzo _Historie_,

fol. 151 sqq.

[137] Guicciardini (_Ricordi_, n. 150) is one of the first to remark

that the passion for vengeance can drown the clearest voice of

self-interest.

[138] Malipiero, l. c. vii. i., p. 328.

[139] The statistical view of Milan, in the ‘Manipulus Florum’ (in

Murat. xi. 711 sqq.) for the year 1288, is important, though not

extensive. It includes house-doors, population, men of military age,

‘loggie’ of the nobles, wells, bakeries, wine-shops, butchers’-shops,

fishmongers, the consumption of corn, dogs, birds of chase, the price of

salt, wood, hay, and wines; also the judges, notaries, doctors,

schoolmasters, copying clerks, armourers, smiths, hospitals,

monasteries, endowments, and religious corporations. A list perhaps

still older is found in the ‘Liber de magnalibus Mediolani,’ in _Heinr.

de Hervordia_, ed. Potthast, p. 165. See also the statistical account of

Asti about the year 1250 in Ogerius Alpherius (Alfieri), _De Gestis

Astensium, Histor. patr. Monumenta, Scriptorum_, tom. iii. col. 684.

sqq.

[140] Especially Marin Sanudo, in the _Vite dei Duchi di Venezia_,

Murat. xxii. _passim_.

[141] See for the marked difference between Venice and Florence, an

important pamphlet addressed 1472 to Lorenzo de’ Medici by certain

Venetians, and the answer to it by Benedetto Dei, in Paganini, _Della

Decima_, Florence, 1763, iii. pp. 135 sqq.

[142] In Sanudo, l. c. col. 958. What relates to trade is extracted in

Scherer, _Allgem. Gesch. des Welthandels_, i. 326, note.

[143] Here all the houses, not merely those owned by the state, are

meant. The latter, however, sometimes yielded enormous rents. See

Vasari, xiii. 83. V. d. Jac. Sansovino.

[144] See Sanudo, col. 963. In the same place a list of the incomes of

the other Italian and European powers is given. An estimate for 1490 is

to be found, col. 1245 sqq.

[145] This dislike seems to have amounted to positive hatred in Paul II.

who called the humanists one and all heretics. Platina, _Vita Pauli_,

ii. p. 323. See also for the subject in general, Voigt, _Wiederbelebung

des classischen Alterthums_, Berlin, 1859, pp. 207-213. The neglect of

the sciences is given as a reason for the flourishing condition of

Venice by Lil. Greg. Giraldus, _Opera_, ii. p. 439.

[146] Sanudo, l. c. col. 1167.

[147] Sansovina, _Venezia_, lib. xiii. It contains the biographies of

the Doges in chronological order, and, following these lives one by one

(regularly from the year 1312, under the heading _Scrittori Veneti_),

short notices of contemporary writers.

[148] Venice was then one of the chief seats of the Petrarchists. See G.

Crespan, _Del Petrarchismo_, in _Petrarca e Venezia_, 1874, pp. 187-253.

[149] See Heinric. de Hervordia ad a. 1293, p. 213, ed. Potthast, who

says: ‘The Venetians wished to obtain the body of Jacob of Forli from

the inhabitants of that place, as many miracles were wrought by it. They

promised many things in return, among others to bear all the expense of

canonising the defunct, but without obtaining their request.’

[150] Sanudo, l. c. col. 1158, 1171, 1177. When the body of St. Luke was

brought from Bosnia, a dispute arose with the Benedictines of S.

Giustina at Padua, who claimed to possess it already, and the Pope had

to decide between the two parties. Comp. Guicciardini, _Ricordi_, n.

401.

[151] Sansovino, _Venezia_, lib. xii. ‘dell’andate publiche del

principe.’ Egnatius, fol. 50_a_. For the dread felt at the papal

interdict see Egnatius, fol. 12 _a_ sqq.

[152] G. Villani, viii. 36. The year 1300 is also a fixed date in the

_Divine Comedy_.

[153] Stated about 1470 in _Vespas. Fiorent._ p. 554.

[154] The passage which followed in former editions referring to the

_Chronicle of Dino Compagni_ is here omitted, since the genuineness of

the _Chronicle_ has been disproved by Paul Scheffer-Boichhorst

(_Florentiner Studien_, Leipzig, 1874, pp. 45-210), and the disproof

maintained (_Die Chronik des D. C._, Leipzig, 1875) against a

distinguished authority (C. Hegel, _Die Chronik des D. C., Versuch einer

Rettung_, Leipzig, 1875). Scheffer’s view is generally received in

Germany (see W. Bernhardi, _Der Stand der Dino-Frage, Hist. Zeitschr.

N.F._, 1877, bd. i.), and even Hegel assumes that the text as we have it

is a later manipulation of an unfinished work of Dino. Even in Italy,

though the majority of scholars have wished to ignore this critical

onslaught, as they have done other earlier ones of the same kind, some

voices have been raised to recognise the spuriousness of the document.

(See especially P. Fanfani in his periodical _Il Borghini_, and in the

book _Dino Campagni Vendicato_, Milano, 1875). On the earliest

Florentine histories in general see Hartwig, _Forschungen_, Marburg,

1876, and C. Hegel in H. von Sybel’s _Historischer Zeitschrift_, b.

xxxv. Since then Isidore del Lungo, who with remarkable decision asserts

its genuineness, has completed his great edition of Dino, and furnished

it with a detailed introduction: _Dino Campagni e la sua cronaca_, 2

vols. Firenze, 1879-80. A manuscript of the history, dating back to the

beginning of the fifteenth century, and consequently earlier than all

the hitherto known references and editions, has been lately found. In

consequence of the discovery of this MS. and of the researches

undertaken by C. Hegel, and especially of the evidence that the style of

the work does not differ from that of the fourteenth century, the

prevailing view of the subject is essentially this, that the Chronicle

contains an important kernel, which is genuine, which, however, perhaps

even in the fourteenth century, was remodelled on the ground-plan of

Villani’s Chronicle. Comp. Gaspary, _Geschichte der italienischen

Literatur_. Berlin, 1885, i. pp. 361-9, 531 sqq.

[155] _Purgatorio_, vi. at the end.

[156] _De Monarchia_, i. 1. (New critical edition by Witte, Halle, 1863,

71; German translation by O. Hubatsch, Berlin, 1872).

[157] _Dantis Alligherii Epistolæ_, cum notis C. Witte, Padua, 1827. He

wished to keep the Pope as well as the Emperor always in Italy. See his

letter, p. 35, during the conclave of Carpentras, 1314. On the first

letter see _Vitæ Nuova_, cap. 31, and _Epist._ p. 9.

[158] Giov. Villani, xi. 20. Comp. Matt. Villani, ix. 93, who says that

John XXII. ‘astuto in tutte sue cose e massime in fare il danaio,’ left

behind him 18 million florins in cash and 6 millions in jewels.

[159] See for this and similar facts Giov. Villani, xi. 87, xii. 54. He

lost his own money in the crash and was imprisoned for debt. See also

Kervyn de Lettenhove, _L’Europe au Siècle de Philippe le Bel, Les

Argentiers Florentins_ in _Bulletin de l’Académie de Bruxelles_ (1861),

vol. xii. pp. 123 sqq.

[160] Giov. Villani, xi. 92, 93. In Macchiavelli, _Stor. Fiorent._ lib.

ii. cap. 42, we read that 96,000 persons died of the plague in 1348.

[161] The priest put aside a black bean for every boy and a white one

for every girl. This was the only means of registration.

[162] There was already a permanent fire brigade in Florence.

[163] Matteo Villani, iii. 106.

[164] Matteo Villani, i. 2-7, comp. 58. The best authority for the

plague itself is the famous description by Boccaccio at the beginning of

the _Decameron_.

[165] Giov. Villani, x. 164.

[166] _Ex Annalibus Ceretani_, in Fabroni, _Magni Cormi Vita_, Adnot.

34. vol. ii. p. 63.

[167] _Ricordi_ of Lorenzo, in Fabroni. _Laur. Med. Magnifici Vita_,

Adnot. 2 and 25. Paul. Jovius, _Elogia_, pp. 131 sqq. Cosmus.

[168] Given by Benedetto Dei, in the passage quoted above (p. 70, note

1). It must be remembered that the account was intended to serve as a

warning to assailants. For the whole subject see Reumont, _Lor. dei

Medici_, ii. p. 419. The financial project of a certain Ludovico Ghetti,

with important facts, is given in Roscoe, _Vita di Lor. Med._ ii.

Append, i.

[169] E. g. in the _Arch. Stor._ iv.(?) See as a contrast the very

simple ledger of Ott. Nuland, 1455-1462 (Stuttg. 1843), and for a rather

later period the day-book of Lukas Rem, 1494-1541, ed. by B. Greiff,

Augsb., 1861.

[170] Libri, _Histoire des Sciences Mathématiques_, ii. 163 sqq.

[171] Varchi, _Stor. Fiorent._ iii. p. 56 and sqq. up to the end of the

9th book. Some obviously erroneous figures are probably no more than

clerical or typographical blunders.

[172] In respect of prices and of wealth in Italy, I am only able, in

default of further means of investigation, to bring together some

scattered facts, which I have picked up here and there. Obvious

exaggerations must be put aside. The gold coins which are worth

referring to are the ducat, the sequin, the ‘fiorino d’oro,’ and the

‘scudo d’oro.’ The value of all is nearly the same, 11 to 12 francs of

our money.

In Venice, for example, the Doge Andrea Vendramin (1476) with 170,000

ducats passed for an exceedingly rich man (Malipiero, l. c. vii. ii. p.

666. The confiscated fortune of Colleoni amounted to 216,000 florins, l.

c. p. 244.

About 1460 the Patriarch of Aquileia, Ludovico Patavino, with 200,000

ducats, was called ‘perhaps the richest of all Italians.’ (Gasp.

Veroneus _Vita Pauli II._, in Murat. iii. ii. col. 1027.) Elsewhere

fabulous statements.

Antonio Grimani paid 30,000 ducats for his son’s election as Cardinal.

His ready money alone was put at 100,000 ducats. (_Chron. Venetum_,

Murat. xxiv. col. 125.)

For notices as to the grain in commerce and on the market at Venice, see

in particular Malipiero, l. c. vii. ii. p. 709 sqq. Date 1498.

In 1522 it is no longer Venice, but Genoa, next to Rome, which ranks as

the richest city in Italy (only credible on the authority of Francesco.

Vettori. See his history in the _Archiv. Stor._ Append. tom. vi. p.

343). Bandello, _parte_ ii. _novello_ 34 and 42, names as the richest

Genoese merchant of his time Ansaldo Grimaldi.

Between 1400 and 1580 Franc. Sansovino assumes a depreciation of 50 per

cent. in the value of money. (_Venezia_, fol. 151 bis.)

In Lombardy it is believed that the relation between the price of corn

about the middle of the fifteenth and that at the middle of the present

century is as 3 to 8. (Sacco di Piacenza, in _Archiv. Stor._ Append.

tom. v. Note of editor Scarabelli.)

At Ferrara there were people at the time of Duke Borso with 50,000 to

60,000 ducats (_Diario Ferrarese_, Murat. xxiv. col. 207, 214, 218; an

extravagant statement, col. 187). In Florence the data are exceptional

and do not justify a conclusion as to averages. Of this kind are the

loans to foreign princes, in which the names of one or two houses only

appear, but which were in fact the work of great companies. So too the

enormous fines levied on defeated parties; we read, e.g. that from 1430

to 1453 seventy-seven families paid 4,875,000 gold florins (Varchi, iii.

p. 115 sqq.), and that Giannozzo Mannetti alone, of whom we shall have

occasion to speak hereafter, was forced to pay a sum of 135,000 gold

florins, and was reduced thereby to beggary (Reumont, i. 157).

The fortune of Giovanni Medici amounted at his death (1428) to 179,221

gold florins, but the latter alone of his two sons Cosimo and Lorenzo

left at his death (1440) as much as 235,137 (Fabroni, _Laur. Med._

Adnot. 2). Cosimo’s son Piero left (1469) 237,982 scudi (Reumont,

_Lorenzo de’ Medici_, i. 286).

It is a proof of the general activity of trade that the forty-four

goldsmiths on the Ponte Vecchio paid in the fourteenth century a rent of

800 florins to the Government (Vasari, ii. 114, _Vita di Taddeo Gaddi_).

The diary of Buonaccorso Pitti (in Delécluze, _Florence et ses

Vicissitudes_, vol. ii.) is full of figures, which, however, only prove

in general the high price of commodities and the low value of money.

For Rome, the income of the Curia, which was derived from all Europe,

gives us no criterion; nor are statements about papal treasures and the

fortunes of cardinals very trustworthy. The well-known banker Agostino

Chigi left (1520) a fortune of in all 800,000 ducats (_Lettere

Pittoriche_, i. Append. 48).

During the high prices of the year 1505 the value of the _staro

ferrarrese del grano_, which commonly weighed from 68 to 70 pounds

(German), rose to 1⅓ ducats. The _semola_ or _remolo_ was sold at

_venti soldi lo staro_; in the following fruitful years the _staro_

fetched six _soldi_. Bonaventura Pistofilo, p. 494. At Ferrara the rent

of a house yearly in 1455 was 25 _Lire_; comp. _Atti e memorie_, Parma,

vi. 250; see 265 sqq. for a documentary statement of the prices which

were paid to artists and amanuenses.

From the inventory of the Medici (extracts in Muntz, _Prècurseurs_, 158

sqq.) it appears that the jewels were valued at 12,205 ducats; the rings

at 1,792; the pearls (apparently distinguished from other jewels,

S.G.C.M.) at 3,512; the medallions, cameos and mosaics at 2,579; the

vases at 4,850; the reliquaries and the like at 3,600; the library at

2,700; the silver at 7,000. Giov. Rucellai reckons that in 1473(?) he

has paid 60,000 gold florins in taxes, 10,000 for the dowries of his

five daughters, 2,000 for the improvement of the church of Santa Maria

Novella. In 1474 he lost 20,000 gold florins through the intrigues of an

enemy. (_Autografo dallo Tibaldone di G.R._, Florence, 1872). The

marriage of Barnardo Rucellai with Nannina, the sister of Lorenzo de’

Medici, cost 3,686 florins (Muntz, _Précurseurs_, 244, i).

[173] So far as Cosimo (1433-1465) and his grandson Lorenzo Magnifico

(d. 1492) are concerned, the author refrains from any criticism on their

internal policy. The exaltation of both, particularly of Lorenzo, by

William Roscoe (_Life of Lorenzo de’ Medici, called the Magnificent_,

1st ed. Liverpool, 1795; 10th ed. London, 1851), seems to have been a

principal cause of the reaction of feeling against them. This reaction

appeared first in Sismondi (_Hist. des Rép. Italiennes_, xi.), in reply

to whose strictures, sometimes unreasonably severe, Roscoe again came

forward (_Illustrations, Historical and Critical, of the Life of Lor. d.

Med._, London, 1822); later in Gino Capponi (_Archiv. Stor. Ital._ i.

(1842), pp. 315 sqq.), who afterwards (_Storia della Rep. di Firenze_, 2

vols. Florence, 1875) gave further proofs and explanations of his

judgment. See also the work of Von Reumont (_Lor. d. Med. il Magn._), 2

vols. Leipzig, 1874, distinguished no less by the judicial calmness of

its views than by the mastery it displays of the extensive materials

used. See also A. Castelman: _Les Medicis_, 2 vols. Paris, 1879. The

subject here is only casually touched upon. Comp. two works of B. Buser

(Leipzig, 1879) devoted to the home and foreign policy of the Medici.

(1) _Die Beziehungen der Medicus zu Frankreich._ 1434-1494, &c. (2)

_Lorenzo de’ Medici als italienischen Staatsman_, &c., 2nd ed., 1883.

[174] Franc. Burlamacchi, father of the head of the Lucchese

Protestants, Michele B. See _Arch. Stor. Ital._ ser. i. tom. x., pp.

435-599; Documenti, pp. 146 sqq.; further Carlo Minutoli, _Storia di Fr.

B._, Lucca, 1844, and the important additions of Leone del Prete in the

_Giornale Storico degli Archiv. Toscani_, iv. (1860), pp. 309 sqq. It is

well known how Milan, by its hard treatment of the neighbouring cities

from the eleventh to the thirteenth century, prepared the way for the

foundation of a great despotic state. Even at the time of the extinction

of the Visconti in 1447, Milan frustrated the deliverance of Upper

Italy, principally through not accepting the plan of a confederation of

equal cities. Comp. Corio, fol. 358 sqq.

[175] On the third Sunday in Advent, 1494, Savonarola preached as

follows on the method of bringing about a new constitution: The sixteen

companies of the city were each to work out a plan, the Gonfalonieri to

choose the four best of these, and the Signory to name the best of all

on the reduced list. Things, however, took a different turn, under the

influence indeed of the preacher himself. See P. Villari, _Savonarola_.

Besides this sermon, S. had written a remarkable _Trattato circa il

regimento di Ferenze_ (reprinted at Lucca, 1817).

[176] The latter first in 1527, after the expulsion of the Medici. See

Varchi, i. 121, &c.

[177] Macchiavelli, _Storie Fior._ l. iii. cap. 1: ‘Un Savio dator di

leggi,’ could save Florence.

[178] Varchi, _Stor. Fior._ i. p. 210.

[179] ‘Discorso sopra il riformar lo Stato di Firenze,’ in the _Opere

Minori_, p. 207.

[180] The same view, doubtless borrowed from here, occurs in

Montesquieu.

[181] Belonging to a rather later period (1532?). Compare the opinion of

Guicciardini, terrible in its frankness, on the condition and inevitable

organisation of the Medicean party. _Lettere di Principi_, iii. fol.

124, (ediz. Venez. 1577).

[182] Æn. Sylvii, _Apologia ad Martinum Mayer_, p. 701. To the same

effect Macchiavelli, _Discorsi_, i. 55, and elsewhere.

[183] How strangely modern half-culture affected political life is shown

by the party struggles of 1535. Della Valle, _Lettere Sanesi_, iii. p.

317. A number of small shopkeepers, excited by the study of Livy and of

Macchiavelli’s _Discorsi_, call in all seriousness for tribunes of the

people and other Roman magistrates against the misgovernment of the

nobles and the official classes.

[184] Piero Valeriano, _De Infelicitate Literator._, speaking of

Bartolommeo della Rovere. (The work of P. V. written 1527 is quoted

according to the edition by Menken, _Analecta de Calamitate

Literatorum_, Leipz. 1707.) The passage here meant can only be that at

p. 384, from which we cannot infer what is stated in the text, but in

which we read that B. d. R. wished to make his son abandon a taste for

study which he had conceived and put him into business.

[185] Senarega, _De reb. Genuens_, in Murat. xxiv. col. 548. For the

insecurity of the time see esp. col. 519, 525, 528, &c. For the frank

language of the envoy on the occasion of the surrender of the state to

Francesco Sforza (1464), when the envoy told him that Genoa surrendered

in the hope of now living safely and comfortably, see Cagnola, _Archiv.

Stor._ iii. p. 165 sqq. The figures of the Archbishop, Doge, Corsair,

and (later) Cardinal Paolo Fregoso form a notable contrast to the

general picture of the condition of Italy.

[186] So Varchi, at a much later time. _Stor. Fiorent._ i. 57.

[187] Galeazzo Maria Sforza, indeed, declared the contrary (1467) to the

Venetian agent, namely, that Venetian subjects had offered to join him

in making war on Venice; but this is only vapouring. Comp. Malipiero,

_Annali Veneti, Archiv. Stor._ vii. i. p. 216 sqq. On every occasion

cities and villages voluntarily surrendered to Venice, chiefly, it is

true, those that escaped from the hands of some despot, while Florence

had to keep down the neighbouring republics, which were used to

independence, by force of arms, as Guicciardini (_Ricordi_, n. 29)

observes.

[188] Most strongly, perhaps, in an instruction to the ambassadors going

to Charles VII. in the year 1452. (See Fabroni, _Cosmus_, Adnot. 107,

fol. ii. pp. 200 sqq.) The Florentine envoys were instructed to remind

the king of the centuries of friendly relations which had subsisted

between France and their native city, and to recall to him that Charles

the Great had delivered Florence and Italy from the barbarians

(Lombards), and that Charles I. and the Romish Church were ‘fondatori

della parte Guelfa. Il qual fundamento fa cagione della ruina della

contraria parte e introdusse lo stato di felicità, in che noi siamo.’

When the young Lorenzo visited the Duke of Anjou, then staying at

Florence, he put on a French dress. Fabroni, ii. p. 9.

[189] Comines, _Charles VIII._ chap. x. The French were considered

‘comme saints.’ Comp. chap. 17; _Chron. Venetum_, in Murat. xxiv. col.

5, 10, 14, 15; Matarazzo, _Cron. di Perugia, Arch. Stor._ xvi. ii. p.

23, not to speak of countless other proofs. See especially the documents

in Desjardins, op. cit. p. 127, note 1.

[190] _Pii II. Commentarii_, x. p. 492.

[191] Gingins, _Dépêches des Ambassadeurs Milanais_, _etc._ i. pp. 26,

153, 279, 283, 285, 327, 331, 345, 359; ii. pp. 29, 37, 101, 217, 306.

Charles once spoke of giving Milan to the young Duke of Orleans.

[192] Niccolò Valori, _Vita di Lorenzo_, Flor. 1568. Italian translation

of the Latin original, first printed in 1749 (later in Galletti, _Phil.

Villani, Liber de Civit. Flor. famosis Civibus_, Florence, 1847, pp.

161-183; passage here referred to p. 171). It must not, however, be

forgotten that this earliest biography, written soon after the death of

Lorenzo, is a flattering rather than a faithful portrait, and that the

words here attributed to Lorenzo are not mentioned by the French

reporter, and can, in fact, hardly have been uttered. Comines, who was

commissioned by Louis XI. to go to Rome and Florence, says (_Mémoires_,

l. vi. chap. 5): ‘I could not offer him an army, and had nothing with me

but my suite.’ (Comp. Reumont, _Lorenzo_, i. p. 197, 429; ii. 598). In a

letter from Florence to Louis XI. we read (Aug. 23, 1478: ‘Omnis spes

nostra reposita est in favoribus suæ majestatis.’ A. Desjardins,

_Négociations Diplomatiques de la France avec la Toscane_ (Paris, 1859),

i. p. 173. Similarly Lorenzo himself in Kervyn de Lettenhove, _Lettres

et Négotiations de Philippe de Comines_, i. p. 190. Lorenzo, we see, is

in fact the one who humbly begs for help, not who proudly declines it.

Dr. Geiger in his appendix maintains that Dr. Burchhardt’s view as to

Lorenzo’s national Italian policy is not borne out by evidence. Into

this discussion the translator cannot enter. It would need strong proof

to convince him that the masterly historical perception of Dr.

Burchhardt was in error as to a subject which he has studied with minute

care. In an age when diplomatic lying and political treachery were

matters of course, documentary evidence loses much of its weight, and

cannot be taken without qualification as representing the real feelings

of the persons concerned, who fenced, turned about, and lied, first on

one side and then on another, with an agility surprising to those

accustomed to live among truth-telling people (S.G.C.M.)

Authorities quoted by Dr. Geiger are: Reumont, _Lorenzo_, 2nd ed., i.

310; ii. 450. Desjardins: _Négociations Diplomatiques de la France avec

la Toscane_ (Paris, 1859), i. 173. Kervyn de Lettenhove, _Lettres et

Négociations de Philippe de Comines_, i. 180.

[193] Fabroni, _Laurentius Magnificus_, Adnot. 205 sqq. In one of his

Briefs it was said literally, ‘Flectere si nequeo superos, Acheronta

movebo;’ but it is to be hoped that he did not allude to the Turks.

(Villari, _Storia di Savonarola_, ii. p. 48 of the ‘Documenti.’)

[194] E.g. Jovian. Pontan. in his _Charon_. In the dialogue between

Æcus, Minos, and Mercurius (_Op._ ed. Bas. ii. p. 1167) the first says:

‘Vel quod haud multis post sæculis futurum auguror, ut Italia, cujus

intestina te odia male habent Minos, in unius redacta ditionem resumat

imperii majestatem.’ And in reply to Mercury’s warning against the

Turks, Æcus answers: ‘Quamquam timenda hæc sunt, tamen si vetera

respicimus, non ab Asia aut Græcia, verum a Gallis Germanisque timendum

Italiæ semper fuit.’

[195] Comines, _Charles VIII._, chap. 7. How Alfonso once tried in time

of war to seize his opponents at a conference, is told by Nantiporto, in

Murat. iii. ii. col. 1073. He was a genuine predecessor of Cæsar Borgia.

[196] _Pii II. Commentarii_, x. p. 492. See a letter of Malatesta in

which he recommends to Mohammed II. a portrait-painter, Matteo Passo of

Verona, and announces the despatch of a book on the art of war, probably

in the year 1463, in Baluz. _Miscell._ iii. 113. What Galeazzo Maria of

Milan told in 1467 to a Venetian envoy, namely, that he and his allies

would join with the Turks to destroy Venice, was said merely by way of

threat. Comp. Malipiero, _Ann. Veneti, Archiv. Stor._ vii. i. p. 222.

For Boccalino, see page 36.

[197] Porzio, _Congiura dei Baroni_, l. i. p. 5. That Lorenzo, as Porzio

hints, really had a hand in it, is not credible. On the other hand, it

seems only too certain that Venice prompted the Sultan to the deed. See

Romanin, _Storia Documentata di Venezia_, lib. xi. cap. 3. After Otranto

was taken, Vespasiano Bisticci uttered his ‘Lamento d’Italia, _Archiv.

Stor. Ital._ iv. pp. 452 sqq.

[198] _Chron. Venet._ in Murat. xxiv. col. 14 and 76.

[199] Malipiero, l. c. p. 565, 568.

[200] Trithem. _Annales Hirsaug_, ad. a. 1490, tom. ii. pp. 535 sqq.

[201] Malipiero, l. c. 161; comp. p. 152. For the surrender of Djem to

Charles VIII. see p. 145, from which it is clear that a connection of

the most shameful kind existed between Alexander and Bajazet, even if

the documents in Burcardus be spurious. See on the subject Ranke, _Zur

Kritik neuerer Geschichtschreiber_, 2 Auflage, Leipzig, 1874, p. 99, and

Gregorovius, bd. vii. 353, note 1. _Ibid._ p. 353, note 2, a declaration

of the Pope that he was not allied with the Turks.

[202] Bapt. Mantuanus, _De Calamitatibus Temporum_, at the end of the

second book, in the song of the Nereid Doris to the Turkish fleet.

[203] Tommaso Gar, _Relaz. della Corte di Roma_, i. p. 55.

[204] Ranke, _Geschichte der romanischen und germanischen Völker_. The

opinion of Michelet (_Reforme_, p. 467), that the Turks would have

adopted Western civilisation in Italy, does not satisfy me. This mission

of Spain is hinted at, perhaps for the first time, in the speech

delivered by Fedra Inghirami in 1510 before Julius II., at the

celebration of the capture of Bugia by the fleet of Ferdinand the

Catholic. See _Anecdota Litteraria_, ii. p. 419.

[205] Among others Corio, fol. 333. Jov. Pontanus, in his treatise, _De

Liberalitate_, cap. 28, considers the free dismissal of Alfonso as a

proof of the ‘liberalitas’ of Filippo Maria. (See above, p. 38, note 1.)

Compare the line of conduct adopted with regard to Sforza, fol. 329.

[206] Nic. Valori, _Vita di Lorenzo_; Paul Jovius, _Vita Leonis X._ l.

i. The latter certainly upon good authority, though not without

rhetorical embellishment. Comp. Reumont, i. 487, and the passage there

quoted.

[207] If Comines on this and many other occasions observes and judges as

objectively as any Italian, his intercourse with Italians, particularly

with Angelo Catto, must be taken into account.

[208] Comp. e.g. Malipiero, pp. 216, 221, 236, 237, 468, &c., and above

pp. 88, note 2, and 93, note 1. Comp. Egnatius, fol. 321 _a_. The Pope

curses an ambassador; a Venetian envoy insults the Pope; another, to win

over his hearers, tells a fable.

[209] In Villari, _Storia di Savonarola_, vol. ii. p. xliii. of the

‘Documenti,’ among which are to be found other important political

letters. Other documents, particularly of the end of the fifteenth

century in Baluzius, _Miscellanea_, ed. Mansi, vol. i. See especially

the collected despatches of Florentine and Venetian ambassadors at the

end of the fifteenth and beginning of sixteenth centuries in Desjardins,

_Négotiations diplomatiques de la France avec la Toscane_. vols. i. ii.

Paris. 1859, 1861.

[210] The subject has been lately treated more fully by Max Jähns, _Die

Kriegskunst als Kunst_, Leipzig, 1874.

[211] _Pii II. Comment._ iv. p. 190, ad. a. 1459.

[212] The Cremonese prided themselves on their skill in this department.

See _Cronaca di Cremona_ in the _Bibliotheca Historica Italica_, vol. i.

Milan, 1876, p. 214, and note. The Venetians did the same, Egnatius,

fol. 300 sqq.

[213] To this effect Paul Jovius (_Elogia_, p. 184) who adds: ‘Nondum

enim invecto externarum gentium cruento more, Italia milites sanguinarii

et multæ cædis avidi esse didicerant.’ We are reminded of Frederick of

Urbino, who would have been ‘ashamed’ to tolerate a printed book in his

library. See _Vespas. Fiorent._

[214] _Porcellii Commentaria Jac. Picinini_, in Murat. xx. A

continuation for the war of 1453, _ibid._ xxv. Paul Cortesius (_De

Hominibus Doctis_, p. 33, Florence, 1734) criticises the book severely

on account of the wretched hexameters.

[215] Porcello calls Scipio Æmilianus by mistake, meaning Africanus

Major.

[216] Simonetta, _Hist. Fr. Sfortiæ_, in Murat. xxi. col. 630.

[217] So he was considered. Comp. Bandello, parte i. nov. 40.

[218] Comp. e.g. _De Obsidione Tiphernatium_, in vol. 2, of the _Rer.

Italic. Scriptores excodd. Florent._ col. 690. The duel of Marshal

Boucicault with Galeazzo Gonzaga (1406) in Cagnola, _Arch. Stor._ iii.

p. 25. Infessura tells us of the honour paid by Sixtus IV. to the

duellists among his guards. His successors issued bulls against

duelling.

[219] We may here notice parenthetically (see Jähns, pp. 26, sqq.) the

less favourable side of the tactics of the Condottieri. The combat was

often a mere sham-fight, in which the enemy was forced to withdraw by

harmless manœuvres. The object of the combatants was to avoid bloodshed,

at the worst to make prisoners with a view to the ransom. According to

Macchiavelli, the Florentines lost in a great battle in the year 1440

one man only.

[220] For details, see _Arch. Stor._ Append. tom. v.

[221] Here once for all we refer our readers to Ranke’s _Popes_, vol.

i., and to Sugenheim, _Geschichte der Entstehung und Ausbildung des

Kirchenstaates_. The still later works of Gregorovius and Reumont have

also been made use of, and when they offer new facts or views, are

quoted. See also _Geschichte der römischen Papstthums_, W. Wattenbach,

Berlin, 1876.

[222] For the impression made by the blessing of Eugenius IV. in

Florence, see _Vespasiano Fiorent_, p. 18. See also the passage quoted

in Reumont, _Lorenzo_, i. 171. For the impressive offices of Nicholas

V., see Infessura (Eccard, ii. col. 1883 sqq.) and J. Manetti, _Vita

Nicolai V._ (Murat. iii. ii. col. 923). For the homage given to Pius

II., see _Diario Ferrarese_ (Murat. xxiv. col. 205), and _Pii II.

Commentarii_, _passim_, esp. iv. 201, 204, and xi. 562. For Florence,

see _Delizie degli Eruditi_, xx. 368. Even professional murderers

respect the person of the Pope.

The great offices in church were treated as matters of much importance

by the pomp-loving Paul II. (Platina, l. c. 321) and by Sixtus IV., who,

in spite of the gout, conducted mass at Easter in a sitting posture.

(_Jac. Volaterran. Diarium_, Murat. xxiii. col. 131.) It is curious to

notice how the people distinguished between the magical efficacy of the

blessing and the unworthiness of the man who gave it; when he was unable

to give the benediction on Ascension Day, 1481, the populace murmured

and cursed him. (_Ibid._ col. 133.)

[223] Macchiavelli, _Scritti Minori_, p. 142, in the well-known essay on

the catastrophe of Sinigaglia. It is true that the French and Spanish

soldiers were still more zealous than the Italians. Comp. in Paul. Jov.

_Vita Leonis X._ (l. ii.) the scene before the battle of Ravenna, in

which the Legate, weeping for joy, was surrounded by the Spanish troops,

and besought for absolution. See further (_ibid._) the statements

respecting the French in Milan.

[224] In the case of the heretics of Poli, in the Campagna, who held the

doctrine that a genuine Pope must show the poverty of Christ as the mark

of his calling, we have simply a kind of Waldensian doctrine. Their

imprisonment under Paul II. is related by Infessura (Eccard, ii. col.

1893), Platina, p. 317, &c.

[225] As an illustration of this feeling see the poem addressed to the

Pope, quoted in Gregorovius, vii. 136.

[226] _Dialogus de Conjuratione Stephani de Porcariis_, by his

contemporary Petrus Godes de Vicenza, quoted and used by Gregorovius,

viii. 130. L. B. Alberti, _De Porcaria Conjuratione_, in Murat. xxv.

col. 309. Porcari was desirous ‘omnem pontificiam turbam funditus

exstinguere.’ The author concludes: ‘Video sane, quo stent loco res

Italiæ; intelligo qui sint, quibus hic perturbata esse omnia

conducat....’ He names them ‘Extrinsecus impulsores,’ and is of opinion

that Porcari will find successors in his misdeeds. The dreams of Porcari

certainly bore some resemblance to those of Cola Rienzi. He also

referred to himself the poem ‘Spirto Gentil,’ addressed by Petrarch to

Rienzi.

[227] ‘Ut Papa tantum vicarius Christi sit et non etiam Cæsaris.... Tunc

Papa et dicetur et erit pater sanctus, pater omnium, pater ecclesiæ,’

&c. Valla’s work was written rather earlier, and was aimed at Eugenius

IV. See Vahlen, _Lor. Valla_ (Berlin, 1870), pp. 25 sqq., esp. 32.

Nicholas V., on the other hand, is praised by Valla, Gregorovius, vii.

136.

[228] _Pii II. Comment._ iv. pp. 208 sqq. Voigt, _Enea Silvio_, iii. pp.

151 sqq.

[229] Platina, _Vita Pauli II._

[230] Battista Mantovano, _De Calamitatibus Temporum_, l. iii. The

Arabian sells incense, the Tyrian purple, the Indian ivory: ‘Venalia

nobis templa, sacerdotes, altaria sacra, coronæ, ignes, thura, preces,

cælum est venale Deusque.’ _Opera_, ed. Paris, 1507, fol. 302 _b_. Then

follows an exhortation to Pope Sixtus, whose previous efforts are

praised, to put an end to these evils.

[231] See e.g. the _Annales Placentini_, in Murat. xx. col. 943.

[232] Corio, _Storia di Milano_, fol. 416-420. Pietro had already helped

at the election of Sixtus. See Infessura, in Eccard, _Scriptores_, ii.

col. 1895. It is curious that in 1469 it had been prophesied that

deliverance would come from Savona (home of Sixtus, elected in 1471)

within three years. See the letter and date in Baluz. _Miscell._ iii. p.

181. According to Macchiavelli, _Storie Fiorent._ l. vii. the Venetians

poisoned the cardinal. Certainly they were not without motives to do so.

[233] Honorius II. wished, after the death of William I. (1127), to

annex Apulia, as a feof reverted to St. Peter.

[234] Fabroni, _Laurentius Mag._ Adnot. 130. An informer, Vespucci,

sends word of both, ‘Hanno in ogni elezione a mettere a sacco questa

corte, e sono i maggior ribaldi del mondo.’

[235] Corio, fol. 450. Details, partly from unpublished documents, of

these acts of bribery in Gregorovius, vii. 310 sqq.

[236] A most characteristic letter of exhortation by Lorenzo in Fabroni,

_Laurentius Magn._ Adnot. 217, and extracts in Ranke, _Popes_, i. p. 45,

and in Reumont, _Lorenzo_, ii. pp. 482 sqq.

[237] And perhaps of certain Neapolitan feofs, for the sake of which

Innocent called in the Angevins afresh against the immovable Ferrante.

The conduct of the Pope in this affair and his participation in the

second conspiracy of the barons, were equally foolish and dishonest. For

his method of treating with foreign powers, see above p. 127, note 2.

[238] Comp. in particular Infessura, in Eccard. _Scriptores_, ii.

_passim_.

[239] According to the _Dispacci di Antonio Giustiniani_, i. p. 60, and

iii. p. 309, Seb. Pinzon was a native of Cremona.

[240] Recently by Gregorovius, _Lucrezia Borgia_, 2 Bände 3 Aufl.,

Stuttgart, 1875.

[241] Except the Bentivoglio at Bologna, and the House of Este at

Ferrara. The latter was compelled to form a family relationship,

Lucrezia marrying Prince Alfonso.

[242] According to Corio (fol. 479) Charles had thoughts of a Council,

of deposing the Pope, and even of carrying him away to France, this upon

his return from Naples. According to Benedictus, _Carolus VIII._ (in

Eccard, _Scriptores_, ii. col. 1584), Charles, while in Naples, when

Pope and cardinals refused to recognise his new crown, had certainly

entertained the thought ‘de Italiæ imperio deque pontificis statu

mutando,’ but soon after made up his mind to be satisfied with the

personal humiliation of Alexander. The Pope, nevertheless, escaped him.

Particulars in Pilorgerie, _Campagne et Bulletins de la Grande Armée

d’Italie_, 1494, 1495 (Paris, 1866, 8vo.), where the degree of

Alexander’s danger at different moments is discussed (pp. 111, 117,

&c.). In a letter, there printed, of the Archbishop of St. Malo to Queen

Anne, it is expressly stated: ‘Si nostre roy eust voulu obtemperer à la

plupart des Messeigneurs les Cardinaulx, ilz eussent fait ung autre

pappe en intention de refformer l’église ainsi qu’ilz disaient. Le roy

désire bien la reformacion, mais il ne veult point entreprandre de sa

depposicion.’

[243] Corio, fol. 450. Malipiero, _Ann. Veneti, Arch. Stor._ vii. i. p.

318. The rapacity of the whole family can be seen in Malipiero, among

other authorities, l. c. p. 565. A ‘nipote’ was splendidly entertained

in Venice as papal legate, and made an enormous sum of money by selling

dispensations; his servants, when they went away, stole whatever they

could lay their hands on, including a piece of embroidered cloth from

the high altar of a church at Murano.

[244] This in Panvinio alone among contemporary historians (Contin.

Platinæ, p. 339), ‘insidiis Cæsaris fratris interfectus ... connivente

... ad scelus patre,’ and to the same effect Jovius, _Elog. Vir. Ill._

p. 302. The profound emotion of Alexander looks like a sign of

complicity. After the corpse was drawn out of the Tiber, Sannazaro wrote

(_Opera Omnia Latine Scripta_ 1535, fol. 41 _a_):

‘Piscatorem hominum ne te non, Sixte, putemus

Piscaris natum retibus, ecce, tuum.’

Besides the epigram quoted there are others (fol. 36 _b_, 42 _b_, 47

_b_, 51 _a_, _b_--in the last passage 5) in Sannazaro on, i.e. against,

Alexander. Among them is a famous one, referred to in Gregorovius i.

314, on Lucrezia Borgia:

Ergo te semper cupiet Lucretia Sextus?

O fatum diri nominis: hic pater est?

Others execrate his cruelty and celebrate his death as the beginning of

an era of peace. On the Jubilee (see below, p. 108, note 1), there is

another epigram, fol. 43 _b_. There are others no less severe (fol. 34

_b_, 35 _a_, _b_, 42 _b_, 43 _a_) against Cæsar Borgia, among which we

find in one of the strongest:

Aut nihil aut Cæsar vult dici Borgia; quidni?

Cum simul et Cæsar possit, et esse nihil.

(made use of by Bandello, iv. nov. 11). On the murder of the Duke of

Gandia, see especially the admirable collection of the most original

sources of evidence in Gregorovius, vii. 399-407, according to which

Cæsar’s guilt is clear, but it seems very doubtful whether Alexander

knew, or approved, of the intended assassination.

[245] Macchiavelli, _Opere_, ed. Milan, vol. v. pp. 387, 393, 395, in

the _Legazione al Duca Valentino_.