Thoreau was of a piece; he was at harmony with himself, though it

may be that the elements that went to make up the harmony were few.

The austerity and exhilaration and simple paganism of his art were

at one with his morality. He was, at the very core, a preacher; the

morality that he preached, interesting in itself, is, for us, the

most significant thing about him. Thoreau was, in the noblest sense

of the word, a Cynic. The school of Antisthenes is not the least

interesting of the Socratic schools, and Thoreau is perhaps the

finest flower that that school has ever yielded. He may not have been

aware of his affinities, but it will help us if we bear them in mind.

The charm that Diogenes exercised over men seems to have consisted

in his peculiarly fresh and original intellect, his extravagant

independence and self-control, his coarse and effective wit. Thoreau

sat in his jar at Walden with the same originality, independence, and

sublime contentment; but his wisdom was suave and his wit was never

coarse--exalted, rather, into a perennial humour, flashing now and

then into divine epigram. A life in harmony with Nature, the culture

of joyous simplicity, the subordination of science to ethics--these

were the principles of Cynicism, and to these Thoreau was always true.

“Every day is a festival,” said Diogenes, and Metrocles rejoiced that

he was happier than the Persian king. “I would rather sit on a pumpkin

and have it all to myself,” said Thoreau, “than be crowded on a velvet

cushion.” “Cultivate poverty like a garden herb, like sage.... It is

life near the bone, where it is sweetest.... Money is not required to

buy one necessary of the soul.” He had “travelled much in Concord.”

“Methinks I should be content to sit at the back-door in Concord under

the poplar tree for ever.” Such utterances as these strewn throughout

Thoreau’s pages--and the saying in the last days of the dying man to

the youth who would talk to him about a future world, “One world at

a time”--are full, in the uncorrupted sense, of the finest cynicism.

Diogenes, seeing a boy drink out of his hand, threw away his cup;

Thoreau had an interesting mineral specimen as a parlour ornament, but

it needed dusting every day, and he threw it away: it was not worth

its keep. The Cynics seem to have been the first among the Greeks to

declare that slavery is opposed to nature. Thoreau not only carried his

independence so far as to go to prison rather than pay taxes to Church

or State--“the only government that I recognize is the power that

establishes justice in the land”--but in 1859, when John Brown lay in

prison in Virginia, Thoreau was the one man in America to recognize the

greatness of the occasion and to stand up publicly on his side: “Think

of him!--of his rare qualities!--such a man as it takes ages to make,

and ages to understand; no mock hero, nor the representative of any

party. A man such as the sun may not rise upon again in this benighted

land. To whose making went the costliest material, the finest adamant;

sent to be the redeemer of those in captivity; and the only use to

which you can put him is to hang him at the end of a rope!”

Every true Cynic is, above all, a moralist and a preacher. Thoreau

could never be anything else; that was, in the end, his greatest

weakness. This unfailing ethereality, this perpetual challenge of

the acridity and simplicity of Nature, becomes at last hypernatural.

Thoreau breakfasts on the dawn: it is well; but he dines on the rainbow

and sups on the Aurora borealis. Of Nature’s treasure more than half is

man. Thoreau, with his noble Cynicism, had, as he thought, driven life

into a corner, but he had to confess that of all phenomena his own race

was to him the most mysterious and undiscoverable. He writes finely:

“The whole duty of man may be expressed in one line: Make to yourself a

perfect body;” but this appears to be a purely intellectual intuition.

He had a fine insight into the purity of sex and of all natural animal

functions, from which we excuse ourselves of speaking by falsely saying

they are trifles. “We are so degraded that we cannot speak simply of

the necessary functions of human nature;” but he is not bold to justify

his insight. He welcomed Walt Whitman, at the very first, as the

greatest democrat the world had seen, but he himself remained a natural

aristocrat. “He was a man devoid of compassion,” remarks Mr. Burroughs,

“devoid of sympathy, devoid of generosity, devoid of patriotism, as

those words are generally understood.” He had learnt something of the

mystery of Nature, but the price of his knowledge was ignorance of his

fellows. The chief part of life he left untouched.

Yet all that he had to give he gave fully and ungrudgingly; and it was

of the best and rarest. We shall not easily exhaust the exhilaration

of it. “We need the tonic of wildness.” Thoreau has heightened for us

the wildness of Nature, and his work--all written, as we need not be

told, in the open air--is full of this tonicity; it is a sort of moral

quinine, and, like quinine under certain circumstances, it leaves a

sweet taste behind.

II.

Whitman has achieved the rarest of all distinctions: he has been placed

while yet alive by the side of the world’s greatest moral teachers,

beside Jesus and Socrates--

“the latter Socrates,

Greek to the core, yet Yankee too.”

And his biographer records briefly his conviction that this man was

“perhaps the most advanced nature the world has yet produced.” Yet the

facts of his life are few and simple. He was born in May, 1819, on the

shores of the great south bay of Long Island. Like Bret Harte, who has

given classic expression to the young life of Western America, Whitman

is half Dutch, and this ancestral fact is significant. The well-known

portrait prefixed to “Leaves of Grass” shows him with an expression

like his father’s; in later life he bears a singular resemblance to

his mother as she is represented in Bucke’s book. He himself, we are

told, makes much of the women of his ancestry. “I estimate three

leading sources and formative stamps of my own character,”--in his

own words--“the maternal nativity-stock brought hither from far-away

Netherlands, for one (doubtless the best); the subterranean tenacity

and central bony structure (obstinacy, wilfulness) which I get from my

paternal English elements, for another; and the Long Island birth-spot,

sea-shores, childhood’s scenes, absorptions, with teeming Brooklyn and

New York--with, I suppose, my experiences afterwards in the Secession

outbreak--for third.” His mother, he wrote, was to him “the ideal

woman, practical, spiritual, of all of earth, life, love, to me the

best.”

For thirty years the youth set himself to learn the nature of the

world. There could be no better education; he has described its

elementary stages, by barnyard and roadside, in “There was a child went

forth.” The same large receptiveness still went with him, as he was by

turn teacher, printer, journalist, government clerk, and always, and

above all, loafer. He loafed year after year in Broadway, on Fulton

Ferry, on the omnibuses talking to the drivers, in the workshops

talking to the artisans. His physical health was perfect; he earned

enough to live on; he felt himself the equal of highest or lowest; he

drank of the great variegated stream of life before him from every

cup. His culture was, in its own way, as large and as sincere as

Goethe’s. Of books, indeed, he knew little; he was equally ignorant

of science, of philosophy, of the fine arts; he appears to have been

content--for his own ends wisely content--with elemental and mostly

ancient utterances of the race, as the Bible, Homer, Shakespeare, the

Nibelungenlied. And by-and-by, in 1855, when this new personality, with

its wide and deep roots, had become organized, Walt Whitman, at the

age of thirty-six, himself printed and published a little book called

“Leaves of Grass.”

After this there was but one fresh formative influence in Whitman’s

life, but without it his life and his work would both have suffered an

immense lack. What had chiefly characterized him so far had been his

audacious _nonchalance_, the frank and absolute egotism of a healthy

Olympian schoolboy. In 1860 the Civil War began; from 1862 to 1865

Whitman nursed the sick and wounded at Washington. During that period

of three years (broken by an attack of hospital malaria, the first

illness of his life, contracted in the discharge of these self-imposed

duties) he visited and tended nearly 100,000 men, and the personal

presence of the man, his inexhaustible love and sympathy, were of even

more worth than the manifold small but precious services that he was

enabled to render. He has himself given a simple and noble record of

his work in the “Memoranda” included in “Specimen Days and Collect,”

and in “Drum Taps,” a still more precious and intimate record of his

experiences. From this period a deep tenderness, a divine compassion

for all things human, is never absent from Whitman’s work; it becomes

more predominant than even his superb egotism. It is this element in

his large emotional nature, brought to full maturity by these war

experiences, which so many persons have felt thrilling through the

man’s whole personality, and which probably explains in some measure

the devotion he has inspired. Whitman went to Washington young, in

the perfection of virile physical energy (“He is a _Man_,” said the

shrewd Lincoln, to whom Whitman was unknown, as he chanced to see

him through a window once); he came away old and enfeebled, having

touched the height of life, to walk henceforth a downward path.

Physically impressive, however, at that time and always, he remained.

He is described, after this time (chiefly by Dr. Bucke), as six feet

in height, weighing nearly two hundred pounds; with eyebrows highly

arched; eyes light blue, rather small, dull and heavy (this point is

of some interest, bearing in mind that with exceptional creative

imagination large bright eyes are associated); full-sized mouth, with

full lips; large handsome ears, and senses exceptionally acute. The

peculiar complexion of his face, Bucke described as a bright maroon

tint; that of his body “a delicate but well-marked rose colour,”

unlike the English or Teutonic stock; his gait an elephantine roll.

“No description,” his Boswellian biographer, Dr. Bucke, again speaks

(and Mr. Kennedy, a later and equally Boswellian biographer, supplies

confirmatory details), “can give any idea of the extraordinary

physical attractiveness of the man,” even upon those who came in

contact with him for a moment. In 1873 he had a stroke of paralysis

(left hemiplegia), and for three years there seemed little promise of

recovery. The return to health was slow and incomplete. In those years

he spent much time bathing, or naked in the open air--“hanging clothes

on a rail near by, keeping old broad-brim straw on head and easy shoes

on feet”--and considered that that counted for much in his restoration

to health. “Perhaps,” he adds, “he or she to whom the free exhilarating

ecstasy of nakedness in nature has never been eligible, has not really

known what purity is--nor what faith or art or health really is.”

It is not possible to apprehend this man’s work unless the man’s

personality is apprehended. Every great book contains the precious

life-blood of a master-spirit, and no book throbs with a more vivid

personal life than “Leaves of Grass.” It is the whole outcome of

a whole man, audacious and unrepentant, who has here set down the

emotional reverberations of a manifold life. “For only,” according to

his own large saying,

“For only at last, after many years, after chastity, friendship,

procreation, prudence and nakedness,

After treading ground and breasting river and lake,

After a loosened throat, after absorbing eras, temperaments, races,

after knowledge, freedom, crimes,

After complete faith, after clarifyings, elevations, and removing

obstructions,

After these and more, it is just possible there comes to a man,

a woman, the divine power to speak words.”

III.

Of art, in the conventional sense of the word, there is not much in

Whitman. If we wish to approach him as an artist, J. F. Millet probably

helps us to understand him, more than any other artist in foreign

fields and lands. Millet has a deep and close relationship to Whitman.

At first sight, their work is curiously unlike: Whitman, in a great

new country, delighting in every manifestation of joy and youth and

hope; Millet, the child of an older and colder country, in love with

age and suffering and toil. Yet in essentials it is identical. Even

personally, it is said, Millet recalled Whitman.[6] Judging from the

representations of him, Millet, in his prime, was a colossal image of

manly beauty--deep-chested, muscular, erect, the quiet, penetrating

blue eyes, the delicately expressive eyelids, the large nose and

dilating sensitive nostrils, the firm mouth and jaw, the thick and

dark brown beard. The consumptive artist--a Keats or a Thoreau--craves

for health and loveliness; he turns shuddering from all that is not

pleasant. It is only these men, heroic incarnations of health, who are

strong enough to look sanely upon age and toil and suffering, and equal

to the prodigious expense of spirit of writing “Leaves of Grass” with a

heart laden with memories of Washington hospitals.

[6] See an interesting paper of “Recollections of J. F. Millet” in

the “Century,” May, 1889, to which I am indebted for several of the

painter’s utterances here quoted.

Millet and Whitman have, each in his own domain, made the most earnest,

thorough, and successful attempts of modern times to bring the Greek

spirit into art, the same attempt which Jan Steen, a great artist whom

we scarcely yet rate at his proper value, made in seventeenth century

Holland. It is not by the smooth nudities of a Bouguereau or a Leighton

that we reach Hellenism. The Greek spirit is the simple, natural,

beautiful interpretation of the life of the artist’s own age and people

under his own sky, as shown especially in the human body. It cannot be

the same in two ages or in two lands. One little incident mentioned

by Madame Millet to a friend is suggestive, “of Millet compelling her

to wear the same shirt for an uncomfortably long time; not to paint

the dirt, as his early critics would have us believe, but that the

rough linen should simplify its folds and take the form of the body,

that he might give a fresher and stronger accent to those qualities he

so loved, the garment becoming, as it were, a part of the body, and

expressing, as he has said, even more than the nude, the larger and

simpler forms of Nature.” There is the genuine Hellenic spirit, working

in a different age and under a different sky. Millet felt that for him

it was not true to paint the naked body, and at the same time that

the body alone was the supremely interesting thing to paint. In the

“Sower” we see this spirit expressed in the highest form which Millet

ever reached--the grace of natural beauty and strength, in no remote

discobolus or gladiator, but in the man of his own country and clime,

a peasant like himself, whose form he had studied from his own in the

mirror in his own studio. The coarse clothes and rough _sabots_ play

the same part in Millet’s work as the bizarre, uncouth words and varied

technical phraseology in Whitman’s; one may call them accidental,

but they are inevitable and necessary accidents. “One must be able,”

Millet said, “to make use of the trivial for the expression of the

sublime.” They both insisted that the artist must deal with the average

and typical, not with the exceptional. They both tried to bring the

largeness and simplicity of Nature into their work, and to suggest more

than they expressed. They both refused to believe any part of Nature

could be other than lovely. “The man who finds any phase or effect in

Nature not beautiful,” said Millet sternly, “the lack is in his own

heart.”

It is not as an artist that Whitman is chiefly interesting to us. It

is true that he has written “Out of the Cradle endlessly rocking,”

“When Lilacs last in the Dooryard bloomed,” “This Compost,” and

other fragments from which may be gained a simple and pure æsthetic

joy. Frequently, also, we come across phrases which reveal a keen

perception of the strangeness and beauty of things, lines that

possess a simplicity and grandeur scarcely less than Homeric; thus,

“the noiseless splash of sunrise;” or of the young men bathing, who

“float on their backs, their white bellies bulge to the sun.” But such

results are accidental, and outside the main purpose. For that very

reason they have at times something of the divine felicity, unforeseen

and incalculable, of Nature; yet always, according to a rough but

convenient distinction, it is the poetry of energy rather than the

poetry of art. When Whitman speaks prose, the language of science, he

is frequently incoherent, emotional, unbalanced, with no very just and

precise sense of the meaning or words or the structure of reasoned

language.[7] It is clear that in this man the moral in its largest

sense--that is to say, the personality and its personal relations--is

more developed than the scientific; and that on the æsthetic side the

artist is merged in the mystic, wrapt in emotional contemplation of a

cosmic whole. What we see, therefore, is a manifold personality seeking

expression for itself in a peculiarly flexible and responsive medium.

It is a deep as well as a superficial resemblance that these chants

bear to the Scriptures of the old Hebrews--as Isaiah or the Book of

Job--wherein also the writer becomes an artist, and also absorbs all

available science, but where his purpose is the personal expression

of a moral and religious conception of life and the world. Whitman

has invented a name for the person who occupies this rare and, in the

highest degree, significant position; he calls him the “Answerer.” It

is not the function of answerers, like that of philosophers, to arrange

the order and limits of ideas, for they have to settle what ideas are

or are not to exist; nor is it theirs, like the singers, to celebrate

the ostensible things of the world, or to seek out imaginative forms,

for they are “not followers of beauty, but the august masters of

beauty.” The answerer is, in short, the maker of ideals.

[7] I think this defective scientific perception is perhaps as

responsible as any failure of moral insight for the vigorous manner in

which an element of “manly love” flourishes in “Calamus” and elsewhere.

Whitman is hardy enough to assert that he expects it will to a large

extent take the place of love between the sexes. “Manly love,” even in

its extreme form, is certainly Greek, as is the degradation of women

with which it is always correlated; yet the much slighter degradation

of women in modern times Whitman sincerely laments.

Whitman will not minimize the importance of the answerer’s mission. “I,

too,” he exclaims, “following many and followed by many, inaugurate

a religion.” If we wish to understand Walt Whitman, we must have

some conception of this religion. We shall find that two great and

contradictory conceptions dominate his work; although in his thoughts,

as in his modes of expression, it is not possible to find any strongly

marked progression.

The “Song of Myself” is the most complete utterance of Whitman’s first

great conception of life.

“I have said that the soul is not more than the body,

And I have said that the body is not more than the soul;

And nothing, not God, is greater to one than one’s self is.”

The absolute unity of matter and spirit, and all which that unity

involves, is the dominant conception of this first and most

characteristic period. “If the body were not the soul,” he asks, “what

is the soul?” This is Whitman’s naturalism; it is the re-assertion of

the Greek attitude on a new and larger foundation. “Let it stand as an

indubitable truth, which no inquiries can shake, that the mind of man

is so entirely alienated from the righteousness of God, that he cannot

conceive, desire, or design anything but what is wicked, distorted,

foul, impure and iniquitous; that his heart is so thoroughly environed

by sin that it can breathe out nothing but corruption and rottenness.”

That is the fundamental thought of Christian tradition set down in the

“Institutes,” clearly and logically, by the genius of Calvin. It is

the polar opposite of Whitman’s thought, and therefore for Whitman the

moral conception of duty has ceased to exist.

“I give nothing as duties,

What others give as duties I give as living impulses.

(Shall I give the heart’s action as a duty?)”

Morality is thus the normal activity of a healthy nature, not the

product either of tradition or of rationalism.

“Whatever tastes sweet to the most perfect person, that is finally

right”--this, it has been said, is the maxim on which Whitman’s

morality is founded, and it is the morality of Aristotle. But no Greek

ever asserted and illustrated it with such emphatic iteration.

From the days when the Greek spirit found its last embodiment in

the brief songs, keen or sweet, of the “Anthology,” the attitude

which Whitman represents in the “Song of Myself” has never lacked

representatives. Throughout the Middle Ages those strange haunting

echoes to the perpetual chant of litany and psalm, the Latin

student-songs, float across all Europe with their profane and gay

paganism, their fresh erotic grace, their “In taberna quando sumus,”

their “Ludo cum Cæcilia,” their “Gaudeamus igitur.” In the sane and

lofty sensuality of Boccaccio, as it found expression in the history

of Alaciel and many another wonderful story, and in Gottfried of

Strasburg’s assertion of human pride and passion in “Tristan and

Isolde,” the same strain changed to a stronger and nobler key. Then

came the great wave of the Renaissance through Italy and France and

England, filling art and philosophy with an exaltation of physical

life, and again later, in the movements that centre around the French

Revolution, an exaltation of arrogant and independent intellectual

life. But all these manifestations were sometimes partial, sometimes

extravagant; they were impulses of the natural man surging up in

rebellion against the dominant Christian temper; they were, for the

most part consciously, of the nature of reactions. We feel that there

is a fatal lack about them which Christianity would have filled; only

in Goethe is the antagonism to some extent reconciled. Beneath the

vast growth of Christianity, for ever exalting the unseen by the easy

method of pouring contempt on the seen, and still ever producing some

strange and exquisite flower of _ascêsis_--some Francis or Theresa or

Fénelon--a slow force was working underground. A tendency was making

itself felt to find in the theoretically despised physical--in those

everyday stones which the builders of the Church had rejected--the very

foundation of the mysteries of life; if not the basis for a new vision

of the unseen, yet for a more assured vision of the seen.

No one in the last century expressed this tendency more impressively

and thoroughly, with a certain insane energy, than William Blake--the

great chained spirit whom we see looking out between the bars of his

prison-house with those wonderful eyes. Especially in “The Marriage

of Heaven and Hell,” in which he seems to gaze most clearly “through

narrow chinks of his cavern,” he has set forth his conviction that

“first the notion that man has a body distinct from his soul is to

be expunged,” and that “if the doors of perception were cleansed,

everything would appear to man, as it is, infinite.” This most

extraordinary book is, in his own phraseology, the Bible of Hell.

Whitman appeared at a time when this stream of influence, grown mighty,

had boldly emerged. At the time that “Leaves of Grass” sought the light

Tourgueneff was embodying in the typical figure of Bassaroff the modern

militant spirit of science, positive and audacious--a spirit marked

also, as Hinton pointed out, by a new form of asceticism, which lay

in the denial of emotion. Whitman, one of the very greatest emotional

forces of modern times, who had grown up apart from the rigid and

technical methods of science, face to face with a new world and a new

civilization, which he had eagerly absorbed so far as it lay open to

him, had the good inspiration to fling himself into the scientific

current, and so to justify the demands of his emotional nature; to

represent himself as the inhabitant of a vast and co-ordinated cosmos,

tenoned and mortised in granite:

“All forces have been steadily employed to complete and delight me,

Now on this spot I stand with my robust soul.”

That Whitman possessed no trained scientific instinct is unquestionably

true, but it is impossible to estimate his significance without

understanding what he owes to science. Something, indeed, he had gained

from the philosophy of Hegel--with its conception of the universe

as a single process of evolution, in which vice and disease are but

transient perturbations--with which he had a second-hand acquaintance,

that has left distinct, but not always well assimilated marks on his

work; but, above all, he was indebted to those scientific conceptions

which, like Emerson, he had absorbed or divined. It is these that lie

behind “Children of Adam.”

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