THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE REDS
It has been shown in the preceding chapters that the base doctrines
propagated on every side by the revolutionists are among the gravest
evils threatening the welfare of our nation. No doubt the reader
perceives that unless this conspiracy against our country, religion and
family is checked, the Socialists will soon overwhelm us with a bloody
rebellion and establish a government that will mean nothing less than a
reign of terror and a widespread prevalence of discontent, strife and
crime, finally terminating in chaos or anarchy.
Provisions must, therefore, be made for averting the dire calamities
that would attend the unfurling of the red flag over Washington in place
of the Star-Spangled Banner. Measures of defense must quickly be taken
and an army of attack must immediately be set in motion. In this way
alone can we hope to prevent the success of the revolutionary propaganda
that is characterized by a marvelous activity and an ever-increasing
popularity among the unwary and uneducated. The country we love and the
Government which has bestowed upon us innumerable blessings,
notwithstanding abuses, call upon us for help in the hour of need. True
patriotism bids us take up suitable weapons and wage relentless war
against that which would destroy our present constitutional form of
government.
Who can turn a deaf ear to the call? In our heroic work we shall be
helped by millions of patriotic citizens whose devotion to their country
has already rallied them to the defense of the Stars and Stripes. All
that we need do, to fan into flame the fire of patriotism already
glowing in their hearts, is to arouse them to a full realization of the
dangers that threaten the very existence of our nation. Now is the time
to act, before we hear the cry "Too late!" The great weapon must be
education and the ones to be enlightened on the evils of Socialism are
not merely scholars, professors and teachers, but the great masses of
the people.
If we wish to bring home to the American people a clear realization of
the threatening calamity, we ourselves must not only be thoroughly
equipped with knowledge of the Socialistic teachings and their evil
consequences, but must also be able to refute the alluring and deceptive
arguments of the revolutionists. We must acquire a thorough knowledge of
Socialism. But to do this, it almost goes without saying that we should
carefully read and study the excellent and thoroughly up-to-date
anti-Socialistic works that can be had at a moderate price or readily
obtained in the public libraries.
Among the best anti-Socialistic books in the English language may be
mentioned "Socialism, the Nation of Fatherless Children," edited by
Goldstein and Avery. This book, whose authors were once Socialists,
contains hundreds of very strong and useful quotations and is of the
highest value to every student who is studying the evils and dangers of
the revolutionary movement. Published by T. J. Flynn & Co., 62 Essex
Street, Boston, Mass.
"Socialism," by Cathrein and Gettelman, a very scholarly and learned
work, admirably explains and refutes the various Marxian doctrines. It
is published by Benziger Bros., New York City.
A third book of recent publication, and of great value to the
anti-Socialist student is "The World Problem," by Rev. Joseph Husslein,
S. J., published by The America Press, 175 East 83rd Street, New York,
N. Y.
One who is truly interested in the fight against the national enemy
should not content himself with the reading of anti-Socialist
literature, but should pass the matter on to others who may become
interested in the battle against the enemies of our country.
Business men and persons of wealth should not only urge their friends to
read anti-Socialist works that have appealed to themselves, but should
show their patriotism and generosity by extensively purchasing
anti-Socialist literature, whether in the form of books, pamphlets or
leaflets, to be sent to public libraries, clubs, high schools, colleges
and universities, and reading-rooms, and placed within easy reach of
their employes and customers.
The workingmen of our country, to whom the Socialists are especially
appealing, often fall an easy prey to the deceptive arguments of the
"Reds." Many of them do not weigh matters carefully and do not realize
how far the acceptance of radical doctrines may lead them. The men who
started the Russian revolution did not know how far it would go. The
party of Lvoff and Miliukoff did not foresee Kerensky. The followers of
Kerensky did not foresee Lenine and Trotzky; and probably few of the
followers of Lenine and Trotzky dreamed of the abyss of barbarism into
which they in turn have plunged bleeding Russia. The Socialists of the
United States use pamphlets and leaflets, much more than books, in
appealing to workingmen. Books are more expensive and require more time
to read. Leaflets are attractive, short, to the point, easily remembered
and almost costless. Anti-Socialist leaflets, distributed by the
millions, would do untold good and would soon start a tremendous
opposition among laborers to the Red Flag movement.
Since the foreigners in our country, especially Russians, Italians and
Jews, take to Socialism very readily, something should be done to
protect them by native Americans who are especially able to do so.
Patriotic persons and organizations should have immense numbers of
anti-Socialist books, pamphlets and leaflets published in the different
languages and distributed free of charge to foreigners who are not yet
acquainted with English.
Socialism has made terrible inroads among the Jews. To give one example,
"The Forward," a Yiddish daily of New York City, has a circulation of
about 150,000 copies. This paper should be watched very carefully by the
government, for it has been doing some very dangerous work in the line
of revolutionary propaganda without English-speaking people being aware
of the doctrines it is advocating.
In order to counteract Socialist propaganda among girls and boys, a
simple and limited knowledge of the evil plottings of the "Reds" ought
to be imparted in all the grammar and high schools of our country. With
a view to this, text-books should be prepared. The boards of education
in the different cities should see to it that anti-Socialist instruction
be given to the children.
Editors who have a good understanding of the evil consequences of
Socialism have a fine field rapidly opening up to them. Since the
Marxian principles are spreading, there is a rapidly growing demand for
articles to refute and combat them; yet many on the editorial staffs
seem to have little definite knowledge concerning the teachings of the
revolutionists.
All patriotic citizens who understand Socialism and the tactics of the
"Knights of the Red Flag" should expose them, violently attacking them
in their conversations with others, so that it may no longer be said
that the revolutionaries are more zealous in trying to ruin our country
and overthrow out government than loyal Americans are to save them.
Attention should be paid to the men who are advocating Socialism in the
mills, factories, shops, stores, mines, etc. A thorough exposure of
their unsound doctrines will be prolific of much good. The ardor and
zeal of the anti-Socialist should go still further, and the illogical
revolutionary orators should be driven from their soap boxes, not by
violence nor by physical force--for this would only give them another
opportunity for complaining and enable them to win the support of
sympathizers--but by arguments with them so effective as to compel them
to step down and walk off in disgrace under the jeers of their
audiences. In arguing with the visionaries, proofs for the truth of
their statements should be demanded and the fact ought always to be
insisted upon that, even if they could show that the present system of
government and industry was corrupt and useless, it would in no way
follow from this that the Socialists' regime--however magnificently
pictured by an unbridled imagination--would provide a true remedy for
any of the evils and abuses of our day.
The letters that Socialists send to the daily papers for publication, to
further their cause, can, as a rule, easily be refuted. All that is
required, in most instances, after a brief introduction of the question
at issue, is to connect, by a few short sentences, several of the
damaging quotations that can be found, for example, in the present
volume.
Men who have talent for public speaking can make good use of their
eloquence in the warfare against our nation's foes by giving lectures
and delivering speeches. Good writers should devote their talents to the
preparation of books, pamphlets and leaflets against the revolutionists,
and should furnish suitable articles for the newspapers and magazines.
The follies of Socialism also afford an abundance of suggestions for
dramatists and cartoonists.
Socialist school teachers and principals, because of the revolutionary
doctrines that they gradually instill into the minds of the young,
should be eliminated from the school-room. Students of colleges and
universities, in which the Intercollegiate Socialist Society is
organized, could give a noble example of patriotism and loyalty to our
country by forming clubs to oppose the influence of the Socialist
chapters and offset the great harm they are doing.
Patriotic members of the American Federation of Labor should attend as
many of its meetings as possible in order to prevent the Marxians and
radicals from gaining the upper hand in the organization, endorsing the
Socialist Party, or adopting revolutionary principles of any kind.
As Socialist women are trying to destroy our Federal Government, the
women who are opposed to Socialism should give ample proofs of their
loyalty and devotion by taking an active part in the defense of their
country.
Anti-Socialist clubs should be formed throughout the country to study
Socialism and to devise means for combating the zealous propaganda
carried on by the thousands of Socialist locals and branches.
Influential members of the anti-Socialist clubs should see to it that
the public libraries were well stocked with anti-Socialist literature
and that Socialist publications are kept only for legitimate purposes of
reference.
Several very important works of defence remain to be undertaken by our
National Government, if the conspirators are to be prevented from
destroying it. Socialism has already struck deep roots into the soil of
America. Consequently, the Government of the United States, in leaving
to individuals the defence of the nation against the well organized
forces of the revolutionists, is running a risk almost as great as if it
were to entrust the suppression of an armed insurrection to individual
action. The Socialists availing themselves of every opportunity for
spreading their propaganda among foreigners, have already gained many
recruits from the immigrant class. With this serious condition of
affairs confronting it, the National Government should employ strenuous
measures to break the grip that Socialism already has on the nation, and
to prevent the immigrants who are landing on our shores from becoming a
menace.
A law should be passed by Congress forbidding the publication or
circulation of any paper, magazine or book which advocates the unlawful
destruction of our present form of government. The officers of the army
and navy should take precautions for preventing the spread of such
publications among soldiers and sailors.
So far we have spoken only of the negative measures that the United
States Government should adopt for its defence. It remains to add a few
words concerning a positive campaign against the conspirators. If the
Government neglects to stem the rising tide of Socialism it will not be
long before a disastrous insurrections[23] will be upon us. Millions of
dollars a day would then be spent in defraying the expenses of what
might turn out to be an unsuccessful campaign. Congress should now
appropriate the sums of money necessary to suppress the Marxian uprising
and entirely uproot Socialism out of the United States.
The American people as a body will never tolerate Socialism, once they
have been made to realize its full meaning and ruinous consequences.
This knowledge could be brought home to them most effectively by means
of anti-Socialist information issued periodically under the direction of
one of the departments of the Government and furnished to the press of
the country. Such material should also be distributed to all labor
organizations and every public library in the country, and to clubs,
societies, clergymen, legislators, judges, and men and women of
influence. If such a plan were adopted, the forces arrayed in the line
of battle against the Socialists would become tremendously strong and
the danger now seriously threatening our nation would presently
disappear. Surely the Government could afford to spend a few million
dollars a year against revolutionists who are already undermining its
very foundations and whose activities, if unopposed, will bring upon us
evils incomparably greater than those coming from a foreign foe.
Orators attacking Socialism could be recruited by the Government to
speak all over the country for five or ten minutes at a time, after the
fashion of the Four Minute Men.
Those who have read this book have seen that the principles of the
revolutionists are logically unsound and would deluge the land we love
with rivers of blood and plunge us into an abyss of discontent, strife,
crime and chaos. It has been shown that the Socialist Party is an
organization controlled by bosses and politicians with the avowed object
of gaining votes by the most unscrupulous methods. Notwithstanding their
pretentions to honesty and sincerity, evidence has been cited time and
again of the deceitfulness of their propaganda, and of their plottings
to overthrow our constitutional form of government, destroy religion and
ruin family life.
We, however, who sincerely love America, will never tear down the
Star-Spangled Banner and in its place fling to the breezes the
blood-stained flag of Karl Marx.
INDEX
A
Absolutism in Russia, 281-2, 286, 290.
Action, See Direct Action and Mass Action.
A. E. F. ridiculed by N. Y. "Call," 208-9.
Albany Trial, See N.Y. State Socialist Assemblymen.
Aliases of "Reds," 376.
Allaben, Frank, 258.
Alvarado, 96, 298-9.
American Federation of Labor, 381;
against Bolshevism and I. W. W.'ism, 283-4;
"Boring in," 346-9;
Opposed by Socialists, 126, 219.
American Flag, 118.
American Soldiers ridiculed, 207-9.
Amnesty, Agitations for, 347, 376.
Anarchy, Danger of, 279.
Andreiev's S. O. S., 168-9.
Anti-"Red" Campaign among foreign-born, 379.
Anti-Socialist authorities, 378;
Letters, 380;
Literature, 378-9;
Speeches, 380.
"Appeal to Reason," 343, 359.
Argentina, Socialism in, 11, 12.
Aristocracy in Bolshevist Russia, 280-1.
Assemblymen, Socialist, on trial,
See N. Y. State Socialist Assemblymen.
Atheism of Socialists, 293, 301-16;
in Austria, 295;
Belgium, 295-6;
Canada, 298;
England, 296-8;
France, 295;
Germany, 294;
Italy, 295;
Mexico, 298-9, 300;
United States, 292-3, 297.
Atheistic Catechism, 308-9;
Poems, 302-4;
Works on sale, 297, 305, 307.
Austria-Hungary, Socialism in, 5.
Aveling, 8.
B
Bavaria, Socialism in, 4, 178-9.
Basle Manifesto, 18.
Bax, Ernest Belfort, 297, 321-3.
Bebel, August, 2, 198, 200, 294, 324.
Bela Kun, 75, 178, 180, 190.
Belgium, Socialism in, 10.
Berger, Victor L., 13, 15, 51, 54, 56, 62, 67, 69, 70-1, 89, 201-2, 220-1, 232-3, 242-3, 290, 313, 322, 368;
"We must shoot," 201;
"rifles" and "bullets," 202.
Berne Conference, 9, 18-21, 25, 46, 61, 68.
Bernstein, 3.
Bible, attacked by Socialists, 297, 303.
Blasphemies of Socialists, 296-7, 303-5, 307-9.
Blatchford, 8, 296.
Bolsheviki, Russian, Advocacy of rebellion in other lands, 171-2;
Criticised by Catherine Breshkovsky, 139;
Disperse parliament, 4, 138;
Educational System, 151;
Freeing of criminals, 161;
Murder women, 158;
Opposed to liberty, 145;
Rise to power, 4, 138;
Shooting of children, 155-7;
Uprisings against, 161;
Victories, 5.
Bolshevism, Advocated by American Socialist Party, 59, 60-2, 68, 70, 72, 74-5, 77, 142, 168, 171-3, 184-5, 187-94, 198, 205, 234-6, 238, 248, 250, 255;
identical with Socialism, 291;
in America, 185;
in Russia, Against freedom of speech, of the press and of voting, 145, 155;
Against justice, 146, 154;
liberty, 145;
religion, 146-51;
An economic failure, 174-5;
Starvation under, 282-3, 286.
Bolshevist Constitution, 139-40;
propaganda, 256.
Bolshevist reign of terror, 141, 143, 145-8, 153, 154-63.
Bomb plot, 118-19.
Bonds, under Socialism, 273.
Books, anti-Socialist, 378.
"Boring in," 348-9.
Bossism in Socialist Party, 14, 15.
Bourgeoisie, 30.
Branting, Hjalmar, 11.
Breshkovsky, Catherine, 139, 170.
Bulgaria, Socialism in, 12.
Bureau, International Socialist, 17.
Business under Socialism, 83, 272-3.
C
Cadets of Russia, 4.
Calhoun, Arthur W., 356-7.
Call for Moscow International, 31-3.
Call for Proletarian International, 247.
Campaign against the Reds, 377-82.
Canada, Socialism in, 12.
Capital invited back by Socialist Russia, 288.
Capitalism, 76, 106, 174, 373.
Carillo, Felipe, 299.
Cartoons, Socialist, 360;
anti-Socialist, 380.
Children, anti-Socialist instruction for, 379;
Deprived of religious education under Socialism, 302;
shot in Bolshevist Russia, 155-7.
Chinese and the I. W. W., 120.
Christ ridiculed by Socialists, 303-5, 307-8.
Christian Socialists, 292, 310, 315, 322.
Christianity attacked by Socialists, 292-316.
Citizenship tags, 99.
Civil discord under Socialism, 269-79.
Class consciousness, 265.
Class hatred, 63, 107, 346, 348, 352, 363-4, 372-3.
Class struggle explained, 30, 107-8, 265.
Clubs, anti-Socialist, 381.
Committee against Socialism, Publicity, 257-8.
Compensation, I. W. W. plan, 111.
Commune, Paris, 200-1.
Communism, in Bavaria, 4, 178-9;
in Russia, See Bolshevism and Bolshevist reign of terror.
Communist, the name, 59.
Communist Labor Party of America, Chicago Convention, 55-8;
Conspiracy against U. S. Government, 214-19;
Origin, 52-3, 64;
Principles, 53-4, 58, 74, 218-19, 225;
Socialist Party's attitude toward, 74-5.
Communist Labor Party of Germany,
See Spartacans.
Communist Manifesto, 1, 46, 198, 321.
Communist Party of America,
Chicago Convention, 55-8;
Conspiracy against U. S. Government, 214-19;
Origin, 52-3;
Plan to organize Negroes, 217-18;
Principles, 53-4, 58, 74-5, 217-19, 224;
Socialist Party's attitude toward, 74-5, 225.
Communist Propaganda League, 25, 64.
Communists of Hungary, 180-91;
Favored by American Socialists, 180, 186, 188-93.
Conscription of labor in Socialist Russia, 281-5.
Conspiracy against our country, 212-67;
against the family, 317-29;
against the race, 330-41;
against religion, 292-316.
Constituent Assembly, Russia, 4.
Convention, Socialist Party, 75, 91-3.
Co-operative organizations, Russian and Siberian, 162-3.
Corruption, political, among Socialists, 97, 277-8.
Criminals freed in Bolshevist Russia, 161.
Czecho-Slovakia, Socialism in, 10-11.
D
Debs, Eugene V., 59, 81, 92, 105, 126-7, 194-7, 203-4, 210-11, 239-45, 264, 290, 315-16, 336.
De Leon, Daniel, 13, 105.
Demands of Socialist Platforms, Immediate, 368.
Determinism, Economic, 293.
Dictatorship of the Proletariat, 4, 47, 49-50, 53-4, 128, 145, 189, 220.
Direct action, 24, 31, 98, 124-5, 201, 370.
Discontent, Socialist apostles of, 343, 346-8.
Divorce in Bolshevist Russia, 164, 167, 329.
"Dope" of "Scientific Socialists," 96-102, 363-4.
"Down with the Stars and Stripes," 210.
"Drunk with man," a Socialist masterpiece, 87.
Dynamite, use advocated, 299-300.
E
Ebert, 3, 177, 179, 187-90.
Economic conditions in Bolshevist Russia, 174-5.
Economic determinism, 293.
Education in Bolshevist Russia, 151.
Eisner, Kurt, 4, 7, 178, 187.
Emergency Convention, Socialist Party, 242.
Employment schemes in Socialist state, 273.
Engels, Frederick, 1-2, 294, 325-6.
Ettor, Jos. J., 105-6.
Exploitation, 49-50, 83, 106, 110, 272, 365.
Expropriation, 49, 50, 53, 98-9, 108, 123, 143, 179-80, 189-90, 270-1.
Expulsion, Michigan organization, from Socialist Party, 42.
"Eye Opener, The," 192.
Eyre, Lincoln, interview with Lenine, 173-4;
with Trotzky, 174-6;
with Zinovieff, 253-5;
on Bolshevist Russia, 253-6, 279-84, 286-90.
F
Fabian Society, 8.
Failure of Socialism,
in Mexico, 101-2;
in Bolshevist Russia, 2, 279-90;
in Yucatan, 101-2.
Farming under Socialism, 32, 49, 83, 271-2.
Ferguson, I. E., 133-4.
Fighting the "Reds," 377-82.
Financial conditions in Socialist Russia, 287-8.
"Flag, to hell with the," 210.
Foreign language papers of Socialist Party, 343.
Foster, William Z., 348-9.
Fraina, Louis C., 26, 55, 214-15.
France, Socialism in, 5, 7-8.
Freedom of Speech, 114, 242, 354;
in Bolshevist Russia, 145.
Free love, advocated by Socialists, 317-29;
Hypocricy of Socialists regarding, 370;
in Socialist Russia, 164, 166, 329;
Socialist books on, 317, 321-26, 329.
G
Gale, Linn A. E., 339-340.
Germany, Socialism in, 2, 3.
Germer, Adolph, letter to "Appeal," 92-3.
Giovannitti, Arturo, 108-9, 111, 308.
Government ownership of public utilities, 368-9.
"Grandmother of the Russian Revolution,"
See Breshkovsky, Catherine.
Great Britain, Socialism in, 8-9.
Guesde, Jules, 6, 321.
H
Haase, Hugo, 3.
Hardie, J. Keir, 8.
Haywood, William D., 123-4, 127, 199, 241, 248.
Herron, George D., 302;
day dream of, 94, 95.
High Schools, Socialism taught in, 354.
Hillquit, Morris, 13, 17, 23, 34, 40-1, 50-1, 54, 62-3, 73-5, 79, 81, 85, 89, 184, 188, 220-1, 224-6, 232-4, 236-7, 239-40, 243-5, 248-53, 255, 259-60, 263-6, 274-5, 290, 311, 313-14, 328, 337, 361, 366.
Hoan, Mayor of Milwaukee, 69, 202.
Holland, Socialism in, 10.
Hostages in Bolshevist Russia, 154, 159.
Hypocrisy of the I. W. W., 246.
Hypocrisy of Socialists, 204-5, 210, 219-21, 225, 233-6, 239-40, 246, 252-4, 266, 363-71, 375-6;
On religion, 292, 309-16, 326;
On free love, 317, 319-20, 322-4, 326.
Hyndman, Henry M., 8.
I
Iglesias, Pablo, 9.
Immediate demands of Socialist Party platforms, 24, 87, 91, 368.
Immorality under Socialism, 317-41.
Independent Labor Party of Great Britain, 8.
Ingersoll argument of Socialists, 293.
Inheritance, rights of, 110.
Industrial action, 77, 228-9, 234, 237-8.
Industrial Unionism, Endorsed by Communists and Communist Laborites of America, 54;
by Socialist Party, 238;
I. W. W., 107-8.
Insurance policies under Socialism, 273.
Inter-allied[24], Socialist and Labor Conference, 21-2.
Intercollegiate Socialist Society, 355-6, 380.
International, First, 16;
Second, 7, 16, 17-19, 32, 68;
Third, 6-7, 9, 11-12, 18, 20-1, 33, 45-50, 61, 67-9, 74-5, 216, 218, 228, 233-6, 239, 252-6.
International character of Socialism, 17.
International Congresses, 17.
International Socialist Bureau, 17.
International Workingmen's Association, 1, 2.
"Internationale Communist," organ of Moscow International, 255-6.
Irreligious poems of Socialists, 302-4.
Italian labor unions, 9.
Italy, Socialism in, 9.
I. W. W., Advocates rebellion, 109, 115-17;
Affiliated with Moscow Bolshevists, 247-8;
Atheistic and anti-religious, 118;
Bomb threat, 119;
Chinese to be organized, 120;
Encouraged by Socialist Party, 114-15;
Growth, 136;
Industrial unionism, 107-8;
In foreign lands, 136-7;
Method of organization, 106-7;
Negroes to be organized, 119;
Organized by Socialists, 105;
Paterson strike, 117-18;
Plans destruction of society, 109;
Preamble to platform, 107;
Principles, 105-13, 115, 125, 130-1;
Publications, 116-17;
Relations with Socialist Party, 105, 108, 114-15, 122-7, 129, 131-6;
Songs, 120-2;
Tactics, 109;
Terrorism, 118;
Views on Bolshevism, 128-33.
J
Jaurés, 6, 321.
K
Kautsky, Karl, 2, 233.
L
Labor certificates, 273.
Labor Conference, Inter-allied, 21.
Labor conscription in Socialist Russia, 281-5.
Labor Party of Illinois, 173.
Labor under Socialism, 273-7.
Land ownership under Bolshevism, 139;
under Socialism, 271-2, 365-8.
Lassalle, Ferdinand, 2.
Law and order in Socialist Russia, 282, 290.
Leaflet campaign of Socialists, 192, 344-5.
Leaflets, anti-Socialist, 378-9.
League of Resistance, 299, 300.
Leathan, 8.
Lectures, anti-Socialist, 380.
Left Wing, Conference, 52;
Criticises the Right, 25, 28-9, 36, 37;
Defined, 23;
Development, 24, 39, 45;
Directed by Russian Bolsheviki, 31-3;
Expulsions and suspensions, 42-5;
Merges into Communist and Communist Labor Parties, chapter 5;
Opposed by Socialist Party bosses, 36-7;
Origin, 24;
Principles, 24-31, 36;
Relations with I. W. W., 135-6;
Tactics at party meetings, 35, 37, 38.
Legion, Loyal, rediculed by Socialists, 208-9.
Lenine or Lenin, Nicolai, Autocrat of Russia, 5;
Letter to American workingmen, 142, 170, 174, 183-4, 216, 223-4.
Lesson 24, Socialist Primer, 352.
Liebknecht, Karl, 3, 7, 30, 177-8, 185-7, 191-3.
Liebknecht, Wilhelm, 2, 294.
Longuet, Jean, 6.
London, Jack, 199, 200, 268.
Looters, Socialist, 102.
Loriot, F., 6.
Love, See Free-love.
Lusk Committee evidence, 248-50, 264, 358, 361.
Luxemburg, Rosa, 3, 7, 30, 177-8, 187, 191-3.
M
MacDonald, J. Ramsay, 18-19.
Manifesto, See Communist Manifesto;
of Left Wing, 28;
of Moscow, See Moscow Manifesto;
of National Emergency Convention of Socialist Party, 72-8, 181, 228-9, 236-7, 239.
Marriage in Bolshevist Russia, 164.
Martens, Ludwig C. A. K., 172, 184-5, 194, 233-4, 248, 251.
Marx, Karl, 2, 198, 200, 372.
Mass Action, 11, 26-8, 32, 69, 92, 217, 227, 228-9, 231, 234, 237, 262.
Materialistic conception of history, 293, 315.
May Day riots, 196-7.
Mensheviki of Russia, 4.
Mexico, Socialism in, 12, 96.
Militarism in Bolshevist Russia, 176.
Millerand, 6.
Money situation in Bolshevist Russia, 287.
Money under Socialism, 272-3.
Morris, 8.
Moscow Conference, call to, 233.
Moscow International, See Third International.
Moscow Manifesto, 46-9, 67, 216-18, 228, 235, 237, 239-40.
Moscow propaganda methods, 253-4, 256.
Moving pictures, Socialist, 351.
N
National Emergency Convention, Socialist Party, 43, 55-7, 66-7, 69-72, 76-8;
Manifesto of, 72-8.
Nationalization of women, 163-8.
Nearing, Scott, 205, 361.
Negroes, organized by I. W. W., 119;
by Socialist Party, 361.
Newspapers in Bolshevist Russia, 145.
"New Unionism, The," 108.
New York State Socialist Assemblymen on trial at Albany, 34, 74-5, 221-7, 232, 234, 239, 242-6, 249-50, 252-3, 255, 257-65, 329, 340-1.
Norway, Socialism in, 11.
O
Oaths, Socialist, 260.
Old Age Pension, Berger's, 89.
One Big Union, See I. W. W.
"One Big Union Monthly," 105.
Origin of modern Socialism, 1.
Ownership, Government, 368-9.
P
Papers, Socialist, of the U. S., 14.
Parental authority undermined by Socialists, 353.
Paris Commune, 200-1.
Parochial schools under Socialism, 302.
Parties affiliated with the Third (Moscow) International, 33.
Paterson, N. J., strike of 1913, 117-18.
Petrograd under Bolshevist rule, 161.
Platform planks of Socialists utterly unreliable, 365-8.
Poems, anti-religious Socialist, 302-4.
Political action, 24, 26, 201.
Political corruption among Socialists, 97, 277-8.
Primer, Socialist, Lesson 24, 352.
Private business under Socialism, 83.
Private ownership of land in Socialist state, 271-2.
Private property, 32, 47, 53, 76, 80-3, 110, 365-8.
Private property under Bolshevist rule, 139.
Private schools under Socialism, 302.
Profit under Socialism, 82, 273.
Proletarian International, call for, 247.
Proletariat, 30.
Promises, golden, of Socialists, 342-4, 349, 371.
Propaganda, Socialist, 192, 342-61, 363-5, 368-76.
Prostitution under Socialism, 318-21.
Publications, of I. W. W., 116-17.
Publications of Socialist Party, 343-5.
Publicity Committee against Socialism, 257-8.
Q
Quelch, 8.
R
Race suicide, 326-7.
Raids, Government, on Communist and Communist Labor Parties, 215.
Raids on I. W. W., 116.
Rand School, 248-50, 357, 361.
Rebellion advocated by Socialists, 47-50, 63-4, 71-2, 75, 78, 109, 115-17, 123, 128, 131, 134, 170-2, 183-4, 186, 189, 197-9, 201-2, 204-5, 212-20, 222, 227-9, 234-5, 237, 240-1, 243, 247, 249, 251, 254, 255-6, 262, 265, 266, 269, 270, 351, 356.
"Reds" and "Yellows," 23, 24.
Reed, John, 55.
Refinery, sugar, 100, 102.
Religion, conspiracy against, 292-316.
Religion in Bolshevist Russia, 146-51, 168.
Remuneration for work under Socialism, 83, 273-7.
Rents under Socialism, 82, 273.
Resistance, League of, 299, 300.
Revolution without the "r," 23.
Right and Left Wings, 23.
Riots, Socialist, 194-5, 196-8.
"Rows and Rows of 'em march," 208-9.
"Russia going to pieces," 174.
Russia, Socialism in, 4;
See Bolsheviki, Bolshevism and Bolshevist.
Russian Industrial Unions appeal to workers in Allied countries, 247-8.
S
Sabotage, 111-13.
Scheidemann, 3, 177, 179, 187-8, 190.
Schools under Socialism, 302.
School teachers, Socialist, 380.
Seventy-seventh Division, A. E. F., 208.
Shaw, 8.
Soap box orators, 343, 363-5, 368-71, 380.
Social Democratic Federation of Great Britain, 8.
Social reforms hypocritically advocated by Socialists, 87-91, 368-9.
Socialism a peril, 268-84, 286-90, 347;
Explained, 76, 79-93, 198-9, 270-8, 349, 365-8, 372-3;
Fails in Yucatan, 101-2.
Socialist beggars, 92.
Socialist blasphemies, 296-7, 303-5, 307-9.
Socialist legislators, criticism of, 29.
Socialist oaths, 260.
Socialist papers of the U. S., 14.
Socialist school teachers, 380.
Socialists and the I. W. W., 105, 108, 114-15, 122-7, 129, 131-6.
Socialists, varieties of, See Varieties.
Soldiers and Sailors proselytized by Socialists, 359-60.
Soldiers of America ridiculed by Socialists, 207-9.
Songs, I. W. W., 120-2;
Socialist, 351.
Soviets of Russia, 18, 138, 142-3, 157-8;
Origin, 4;
Uprisings against, 143-5.
"Soviet Russia," magazine, 172.
Spain, Socialism in, 9, 10.
Spargo, John, 123, 303.
Spartacans, 3, 30, 53, 177-8, 190;
Favored by American Socialists, 177, 187-93.
Spartacides, See Spartacans.
Speculators in Socialist Russia, 282, 286.
"Stars and Stripes," down with, 210.
Starvation in Socialist Russia, 282-3, 286.
St. Louis platform of Socialists, 75, 91-2, 125.
Stokes, Rose Pastor, 55.
Strikes, Bring death in Socialist Russia, 290;
in Belgium, 10;
Paris, 7;
Prelude to armed rebellion, 26-8, 32, 109-10, 241, 346-8;
in Rome, 9;
Sympathetic, 108, 109, 346;
Under a Socialist form of government, 276;
Winnipeg, 125, 229-30, 245-6.
Struggle, See Class struggle.
"Struggling Russia," magazine, 142.
Students' warfare against Socialism, 380.
Sugar refinery in Yucatan, 100, 102.
Suicide, See Race suicide.
Sunday schools, Socialist, 350-3.
Sweden, Socialism in, 11.
T
Tactics of the Left Wing, 35.
Teachers of public schools, Communists, 355.
Teachers' Union of New York City, 354-5.
Terrorism of I. W. W., 118.
Theatrical plays, Socialist, 351, 360.
Thomas, Albert, 6.
Trial at Albany of Socialist Assemblymen, See New York State Socialist Assemblymen.
U
Underground, "Reds" working, 375-6.
"Uniform, spit on it," 208.
Union among Socialists of all nations, 17.
Unionism, Industrial, See Industrial Unionism.
United States, Socialism in, 13.
V
Vandervelde, Emil, 10, 270, 296.
Varieties of Socialists, 79.
Voting in Bolshevist Russia, 140, 145.
W
Wage courts under Socialism, 276-7.
Wage system, abolition of, 107, 108.
Wages under Socialism, 273-7.
Walling's criticism of Socialist Party, 251.
War, Socialist opposition to, 91-3.
Wings, Right and Left, 23.
Winnipeg general strike, 230-1.
Work, assignment to, under Socialism, 273-7.
Works, anti-Socialist, 378.
Workingmen, beware of the Reds, 375-6, 378-9, 382.
Women must work under Socialism, 84-5, 277.
Wreckage resulting from Socialism, 101-2.
Wynkoop, David, 10.
Y
"Yellow" Socialists, 63.
"Yellows" and "Reds," 23-4, 58, 66.
Young People's Socialist clubs, 350-1.
Young, Teaching Socialism to, 350-5.
Yucatan, Atheism of Socialists in, 298-9.
Yucatan, Socialism in, 96.
Z
Zapata, Emiliano, 98, 101-2.
Zeuch, letter to by Socialist professor, 356-7.
Zimmerwald resolutions, 6.
Zinovieff, 252-5.
APPENDIX
THE NATIONAL CONVENTION OF THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF THE UNITED STATES, MAY
8-14, 1920
After "The Red Conspiracy" went to press, this Convention was held at
Finnish Hall, New York City. Of its 156 delegates, sixty were of foreign
birth. By some newspapers the Convention was incorrectly styled "mild"
and "conservative," so well were the avowed revolutionary designs of the
Socialists camouflaged behind seemingly harmless innocuous phrases for
the deception of the uninformed. "Vote-catching" was the key-note of the
proceedings. As this book shows, the Socialist Party in 1919 lost the
vast majority of its members to the Communists and the Communist
Laborites and had, therefore, to seek new members. These, however, could
be won only by concealing for the time being the true revolutionary
objects of the Socialist Party. This covering-up of its conspiracy
against the United States, and the resultant gathering into the
conspirators' net of the timid halfway Socialists as yet members of
other political Parties, could be accomplished only by the lure of a
Convention Platform so worded as to convince the unwary that the
Socialists as a Party had discarded their ultra radicalism and blatant
un-Americanism.
The Convention of May, 1920, therefore, was guided, under the adroit
management of Morris Hillquit and Victor L. Berger, toward a Platform
worded more mildly and conservatively than might have been expected. No
thinking person, however, Socialist or decent American, will be deceived
into believing that the beast of prey has changed its ugly spots because
a gauzy veil of lies has been thrown over them.
"The Red Conspiracy" has proven that the Socialists in the United States
have been, almost to a man, in thorough accord with the principles and
workings of the blackest Bolshevism. They have consistently and
completely supported the I. W. W. They are avowed foes of the American
Federation of Labor, though willing enough to use this organization by
sending traitors to join it and to bore their rat-holes of corruption
from within its respectable membership. One of the delegates to the
Socialist Convention of May, 1920, George Bauer, of New Jersey, said:
"We must remember that there are four or five million men in the A. F.
of L., and I don't believe we can establish a co-operative commonwealth
without them." The Convention, following this argument of expediency,
adopted a resolution stating that the Socialist Party did not intend to
interfere with the internal affairs of labor unions; but added a
statement that the Party favored the organization of workers along the
line of industrial unionism, acting as one organized working-class body.
The I. W. W. is, of course, the leading industrial union in America, and
the Convention's resolution set another seal to the sympathetic bond
between Socialism and I. W. W.'ism, with the added encouragement of the
Socialist Party's support of the less powerful industrial unions now
within the American Federation of Labor.
The Camouflagists at the Convention politely declared that the Socialist
Party did not seek to interfere with the institution of the family. But
Hilkovitz whitewash is not white enough to obscure the lurid red of the
free-love and race-suicide propaganda carried on in the Socialist press,
Hillquit's favorite sheet, "The New York Call," being one of the chief
offenders. A visit to the Rand School in New York City and examination
of the books for sale on its book-store shelves and the periodicals and
pamphlets there for sale will present appalling and convincing evidence
of the Socialist efforts to destroy elementary decency as well as the
institutions of marriage and the family.
Another declaration of the Camouflagists at the Socialist Convention of
May, 1920, stated that the Socialist Party "recognizes the right of
voluntary communities of citizens to maintain religious institutions and
to worship freely according to the dictates of their conscience." As
August Claessens warned the Convention: "Cry out against that which men
cherish as holy, and you rouse an antagonism which no argument can
defeat." This counsel of discretion is interesting side by side with
another Convention statement, made by William Karlin of New York: "If
the churches do stand for the old order, it will be a bad day for them
when the new order comes, because the churches will go down with the old
order." Mr. Karlin, however, accepting discretion as valor's better
part, admitted that "There are many people to whom we can appeal if we
don't arouse their religious prejudice;" while Delegate McIntyre, of the
District of Columbia, prudently advised the members of the Convention to
"get the voters first and talk religion out of them afterward." Again,
a visit to the book-shop of the Rand School is suggested if proof is
desired of the Socialist propaganda of atheism, sacrilege, and,
specifically, hatred of Christianity. The reader of "The Red Conspiracy"
will have noted enough of the Socialists' blasphemies to prevent the
Convention Camouflagists' hedging on this subject from having any effect
but added disgust at hypocrisy.
The Convention declared in favor of political action for the attainment
of the Socialists' ends. Exactly! Chapter XVI of this book, "The
Conspiracy Against Our Country," has shown for what purposes political
action and political power are to be used. Get traitors in office and
when the Revolution comes the forces to coerce the American people and
destroy the American Government will be in the traitors' control.
Camouflagists[25] and their opponents of the Convention united in the
nomination of Eugene V. Debs, convicted criminal, for President of the
United States. Let us hear the words of this man whom Morris Hillquit
stated resembles "the Nazarene," and who styles himself "a flaming
revolutionist." A press report, from Atlanta, Georgia, dated May 14,
1920, quotes him as saying:
"Personally I am a radical. I have always been one. My only fear
has always been that I might not be radical enough. In my own party
I always led the minority, but I hope to lead a united Socialist
Party to the polls this Fall. They are fighting within my own party
today. It is a good healthy sign. The radicals keep the
conservatives from giving away too much to popularize the movement.
That is what killed the Populist Party. The leaders sought to
popularize its political propaganda by pandering to more
conservative elements. They lost the radical support of their
party, which became the Socialist Party, and naturally the
conservatives had no further use for them. To begin to placate your
enemies is to invite decay."
The radical minority in the Socialist Party formerly comprised the Left
Wing members who later on became Communists and Communist Laborites. J.
Louis Engdahl of Chicago at present leads a new Left Wing radical
minority within the Party.
The American public may at times be gullible, but hardly sufficiently so
as to believe in the sincerity of Hillquit and Victor L. Berger, who
filled the air at the Convention with phrases of moderation and disclaim
of treason and revolution, following their gentle verbiage by nominating
Debs who scores those who "sought to popularize" "political propaganda
by pandering to more conservative elements." "Panderer" is not a pretty
thing to be called, but the pleasant Messrs. Hilkovitz and Berger
swallow it. That their conservative phraseology would fool no one was
recognized at the Convention by Irwin St. John Tucker, who said: "You
can disguise yourself by sprouting pink whiskers." Mr. Tucker, however,
would not join the Camouflagists, remarking: "It may be that the
American people are not yet ready to accept Socialist principles, but I
would rather lose an election than lose those principles."
Hillquit himself said in the Convention, on May 13, 1920, that the
nomination of Debs "proves that we have not receded from our position of
revolutionary Socialism and that we will be more effective and still
more revolutionary than ever before."
J. Louis Engdahl may be an enemy to the United States and to society in
general, but he is man enough to say boldly what he really thinks. At
the Convention he declared: "I say that it is time to inaugurate the
revolution immediately. The time to prepare for victory is now.... We
can't fool anybody here by decorating the walls with the flag of Wall
St."
Delegate Oneal, one of Hillquit's own faction of political actionists,
volunteered to furnish a reason why camouflage was a useful policy for
the Socialists to adopt until "The Day" arrived,--the black day when the
United States of America should be gasping in the throes of death-agony,
like wretched Russia. Oneal sapiently remarked at the Convention: "The
time and conditions which favored the Russian revolution must be studied
before we attempt to adopt them here."
But the Camouflagists of the Convention did not sever and did not wish
to sever the close bond of union between the Socialist Party of the
United States and the Third or Moscow International, the Convention, in
its majority report, stating that "The Moscow organization is virile and
aggressive, inspired as it is by the militant idealism of the Russian
revolution," the majority report further stating that the Socialist
Party of the United States, "retaining its adherence to the Third
International," "instructs its executive committee, its international
secretary and international delegates to be elected" "To participate in
movements looking to the union of all true Socialist forces in the world
into one International and to initiate and further such movements
whenever the opportunity is presented." The said majority report
follows, as reported in "The New York Call," May 15, 1920:
"The international organization of Socialism has been disrupted as
a result of the world war.
"The old Second International is represented principally by the
majority party of Germany, the Socialist parties of the countries
carved out from the former Austro-Hungarian empire, and of most of
the countries of Europe that remained neutral during the war.
"The parties affiliated with this organization have largely
abandoned the revolutionary character and the militant methods of
working class Socialism. As a rule, they co-operate with the middle
class reform parties of their countries.
"The Third or Moscow International was organized by the Communist
party of Russia with the co-operation of several other Communist
organizations recruited in the main from the countries split off
from the former Russian empire and some Scandinavian and Balkan
countries. The Third International also includes the Labor party of
Norway and the Communist Labor party of Poland. Of the other
important countries, the Socialist parties of Switzerland, Italy
and the United States, and the British Socialist party have
expressed their intention to affiliate with it.
"The Moscow organization is virile and aggressive, inspired as it
is by the militant idealism of the Russian revolution. It is,
however, at this time only a nucleus of a Socialist International,
and its progress is largely impeded by the attitude of its present
governing committee, which seems inclined to impose upon all
affiliated bodies the formula of the Russian revolution 'The
dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of Soviet power.'
"The Independent Socialist party of Germany, the Socialist party of
France and the Independent Labor party of Great Britain are
unaffiliated. They have initiated a movement to unite all truly
Socialist parties of the world, including those represented in the
Moscow organization, into one International.
"At no time was an active and effective organization of a Socialist
International more vitally necessary for the success of Socialism
than at this crucial period of the world's history. Socialism is in
complete control in the great country of Russia. It is represented
in the bourgeois governments of several important countries of
Europe. The Socialists constitute the leading opposition parties in
most of the remaining modern countries. It should be the task of
the Socialist International to aid our Comrades in Russia to
maintain and fortify their political control and to improve and
stabilize the economic and social conditions of their country by
forcing the great powers of Europe and America to abandon the
dastardly policy of intrigue, war and starvation blockade against
Soviet Russia. It should be its task to help the Socialists in
countries of divided political control to institute full and true
Socialist governments, and to support the struggles of the
Socialists in the capitalist-controlled countries, so that they may
more speedily secure victory for the workers in their countries.
"But above all a true Socialist International would at this time
fulfill the all-important function of serving as the framework of
the coming world parliament.
"To accomplish these great tasks the International of Socialism
must be truly international.
"It cannot be truly Socialist if it is not based upon the program
of complete socialization of the industries, and upon the
principles of class struggle and uncompromising working class
politics. It cannot be truly international unless it accords to its
affiliated bodies full freedom in matters of policy and forms of
struggle on the basis of such program and principles, so that the
Socialists of each country may work out their problems in the light
of their own peculiar economic, political and social conditions as
well as the historic traditions.
"In view of the above considerations the Socialist party of the
United States, while retaining its adherence to the Third
International, instructs its executive committee, its international
secretary and international delegates to be elected
"(a) To insist that no formula such as 'the dictatorship of the
proletariat in the form of soviets' or any other formula for the
attainment of the Socialist commonwealth be imposed or exacted as
condition of affiliation with the Third International.
"(b) To participate in movements looking to the union of all true
Socialist forces in the world into one International, and to
initiate and further such movements whenever the opportunity is
presented."
The brotherly sympathy between the Socialist Party of the United States
and the Red Vandals of Soviet Russia is exhibited by the following, also
from "The New York Call," May 15, 1920, reporting the proceedings of the
Socialist Convention in Finnish Hall:
"A mission of three members was provided for to carry fraternal
greetings to Soviet Russia and to investigate and report on
conditions in the first working class republic, and the
international delegates were further instructed to get into
communication with Socialist organizations in North and South
America for the purpose of creating Socialist Pan-American
congresses."
The majority reporters, or discreet Camouflagists, despite the prudent
efforts of careful Mr. Hillquit to separate the Socialist Party of the
United States from the Communists and other out-in-the-open enemies of
our Country, evidently believed it wise to throw out a beckoning hand to
all radicals in general, especially to the Red Left Wing Socialists who
left the Party to become Communists and Communist Laborites in the fall
of 1919. At the Convention of May, 1920, the following resolution was
adopted:
"Resolved, that we, the national convention of the Socialist party,
in order to carry into effect this desire for unity, make the
following proposals:
"That any individual, branch, local or state or language federation
that left the party last fall because of tactical differences and
now desires to re-enter on the basis of the Socialist party
platform and constitution, be welcomed to return.
"That where Socialist party locals and other groups of the labor
movement exist side by side in the same locality, we propose the
creation of joint campaign committees for the management of a
working class electoral campaign upon the basis of our platform.
"That after the campaign is over, whenever the situation promises
practical results, steps be taken to confer with representatives of
other factions of the movement with a view to establishing possible
basis for organization unity.
"That a national advisory council of all working class
organizations for the purpose of combatting the reactionary forces
be formed so that wherever possible there be voluntary united
action by all political and economic organizations who take their
stand on the basis of the class struggle."
There was a family fuss over a proposed clause, finally stricken out,
that "due stamps or other evidence of membership in the groups formed by
the split in the party shall be recognized as evidence of good standing"
in the Socialist Party. In this connection, William Kruse of Illinois,
who is far from a Camouflagist, said: "Debs believes that the Communist
and Communist Labor members are as good Socialists as any." The
authorities of our Nation have condemned membership in the Communist
organization as illegal and have proven Debs a criminal. The Socialists
welcome the Communists and Communist Laborites, "whenever the situation
promises practical results" (when the time for "shooting," for "bullets"
rather than "ballots," has arrived?), and the Socialists, Camouflagists
as enthusiastically as their opponents, acclaim Debs the criminal, Debs
the convicted enemy of the United States of America, and nominate this
criminal enemy for President of the United States of America!
The entire record of the May, 1920, Socialist Convention is a series of
insincere, futile, clever attempts to whitewash the blood-red of the
known and proved Socialist principles and aims, these attempts in turn
combated by the more honest delegates, and the net result being the
re-affirmation in tangible and important matters of these same menacing
principles and aims, though set forth in wilier and more guarded
language than has been heretofore the case.
The Red Conspiracy has been proven, and every new move of the Socialists
but confirms, in the minds of sane and loyal Americans, the extent and
peril of the conspiracy, and intensifies our will to combat this evil
thing in our midst until righteous combat has fought to glorious
victory. Down with the Red Flag of Socialism, Communism, Bolshevism, I.
W. W.'ism, and Anarchy! Victory and glory to the Stars and Stripes of
our beloved Country!
FOOTNOTES
[A] "The Bolsheviks--formerly a faction within the Social-Democratic
Labor Party--have recently changed their name to Communist party to
distinguish themselves from the other Social-Democratic groups.
"The term Bolsheviks and Mensheviks date back to 1903, when at a
congress of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party a difference arose
on a seemingly unimportant question (editorial supervision of the party
organ), when upon a vote which decided the question there naturally was
a majority and minority. Those who were with the majority were nicknamed
Bolsheviks and those with the minority Mensheviks, deriving their names
from the Russian words Bolshinstvo and Menshinstvo, meaning majority and
minority respectively." _"The Soviets at Work," by Nicolai Lenin,
published, with foreword and footnotes by Alexander Trachtenberg, by the
Rand School of Social Science._
[B] It is a notable fact that throughout his three days' testimony on
the witness stand at Albany, February 17, 18 and 19, 1920, in the case
of the five suspended Socialist Assemblymen before the Judiciary
Committee of the New York Assembly, Morris Hillquit, illustrious leader
of the Red Rebels' Whitewash Squad, tried to save the five suspended
Socialist Assemblymen and the damaged reputation of their organization,
the Socialist Party of the United States, by tremendous applications of
Debs' old recipe of quicklime and water, the special formula of which is
to spell revolution and rifles without the "r," pistols without the "p"
and bombs without the "b."
[C] Engdahl was indicted at Chicago, February 2, 1918, as Editor of the
Socialist Party's official publications, brought to trial before Judge
Landis, December 9, 1918, and convicted on January 8, 1919. The four
indicted, convicted and sentenced with him, each for twenty years, were
Victor L. Berger, member of the Socialist Party's National Executive
Committee; Adolph Germer, the Party's National Executive Secretary;
William F. Kruse, Secretary of the Young People's Socialist League, and
Irwin St. John Tucker, former head of the Party's Literature Department.
[D] This reference to Left, Right and Center bears every earmark of
familiarity with the use of these terms in the call to the Moscow
Conference.
[E] Thus Hillquit seems to have had his eye on the "call" to the Moscow
Conference, although he swore on the stand at Albany, in February, 1920,
that he had not read the Moscow manifesto when he wrote 90 per cent. or
more of his Party's Chicago manifesto of September, 1919.
[F] The reference is to Alexander Stoklitzky.
[G] Article 3, Section 3 (a), of the "National Convention and Platform
of the Socialist Party, 1917," as officially published, reads: "The call
for the regular election of members of the National Executive Committee
shall be issued on the first day of January, 1918, and on January first
of each odd numbered year thereafter. _Members elected in 1918 shall
retire July first, 1919._" But why should their own Constitution bother
plotters who wish to dynamite that of the United States?
[H] Gitlow was tried, convicted and sentenced in New York City early in
1920, for inciting to anarchy.
[I] The report brought back by this delegate, James Oneal, was the basis
of the straddle resolution then adopted by a majority of the Executive
Committee, the text of which we have given near the close of Chapter II.
[J] As we have seen, the testimony of Morris Hillquit, February 19,
1920, at the trial of the five Assemblymen at Albany, was, "At least
ninety per cent. of the manifesto is my authorship."
[K] See Chapter V of this book for an account of Referendum D, carried
by a large majority in the spring or summer of 1919, by which the rank
and file of the Socialist Party opposed its entrance into any
international Socialist alignment except that of the Third (Moscow)
International.
[L] In its article on "The Russian Soviet Government Bureau in the
United States" Trachtenberg's Labor Year Book, 1919-1920, pages 384-5,
says: "The Legal Department, under the supervision of Morris Hillquit,
advises the Bureau so that its actions may at all times conform to the
laws of the United States.... The raid upon the Soviet Bureau by local
authorities engaged the attention of the Legal Department."
Again, the "Albany Argus" of February 19, 1920, describing Hillquit's
testimony in the Socialist case on the preceding day, February 18, says:
"It was brought out in cross-examination that Mr. Hillquit had acted as
counsel for the Russian Soviet Bureau in this country.... The witness
testified that he had advised Ludwig C. A. K. Martens to file his
credentials with the Secretary of State; had aided him in the
preparation of his statement and advised him generally in the
organization of his office and in every effort undertaken by him for the
establishment of trade connection with the United States."
[M] Those willing to co-operate with the Committee should communicate
with its Chairman, Mr. Frank Allaben, President of The National
Historical Society, publishers of this book, 37 West 39th street, New
York City.
TRANSCRIBER NOTES
[1] Changed "Bolshevissm" to "Bolshevism".
[2] Changed "Bolhevist" to "Bolshevist".
[3] Changed "Forence" to "Florence".
[4] Changed "circulaton" to "circulation".
[5] Changed "constitutent" to "constituent".
[6] Changed "form" to "from".
[7] Changed "Ukrainains" to "Ukrainians".
[8] Changed "renumeration" to "remuneration".
[9] Changed "Procedings" to "Proceedings".
[10] Changed "chidren" to "children".
[11] Changed "futhermore" to "furthermore".
[12] Changed "inauguarate" to "inaugurate".
[13] Changed "Knickerobcker" to "Knickerbocker".
[14] Changed "prevalance" to "prevalence".
[15] Changed "Englisn" to "English".
[16] Changed "neutriality" to "neutrality".
[17] Changed "Interpretaion" to "Interpretation".
[18] Changed "superstitution" to "superstition".
[19] Changed "Pary" to "Party".
[20] Changed "nowithstanding" to "notwithstanding".
[21] Changed "camparatively" to "comparatively".
[22] Changed "dailes" to "dailies".
[23] Changed "insurrections" to "insurrection".
[24] Changed "alied" to "allied".
[25] Changed "Canouflagists" to "Camouflagists".