CHAPTER XIX

THE CONSPIRACY AGAINST RELIGION IN AMERICA

Much more testimony than has already been given could easily be

furnished for proving that the Socialist movement in foreign lands is

atheistic and anti-religious, but as sufficient has been given, let us

dwell more on the anti-religious activities of the Revolutionists in our

own country.

In answer to a possible objection, namely, that the American Socialists

should in no way be held responsible for the anti-religious and

atheistic teachings of their comrades abroad, the attention of the

reader is called to the fact that the Socialist movement is an

international one, and that nearly all the Marxian leaders in Europe are

considered by the American Socialists as first class authorities on

Socialism. Moreover the books and writings of these foreign protagonists

form a very considerable part of the Socialistic literature of the

United States and are considered as standard works on the subject.

But in addition to the fact that the American Socialists thus share the

responsibility of their European comrades, the Revolutionists of our own

country will now come forward with more than enough testimony to prove

that they are just as guilty as their foreign comrades of propagating

atheistic and anti-religious doctrines.

Rev. William T. Brown, formerly the pastor of Plymouth Church,

Rochester, New York, after becoming a Socialist, wrote the following in

the May, 1902, number of "Wilshire's Magazine":

"For myself, I do not recognize any existing church or state as

complete in itself or founded by God. There is absolutely nothing

in church or state that cannot be traced to a perfectly natural

origin.... Instead of the religious idea that God breathed into

clay the breath of life, and so man came into existence in the

image of God, we know beyond question that man's ancestors were

animals, and he is the image of his animal parentage.... Singing

hymns, saying prayers, learning catechism, attending the services

of a place miscalled a sanctuary will do nothing whatever to effect

the ends for which men are striving.... The church will attract its

own, and the Socialist cause will draw those who belong to it.

People who are interested in fossils and relics and curios will

find a congenial place in the church as will also the ignorant and

deluded masses."

George D. Herron, who, like William T. Brown, had once been a minister,

on becoming a Socialist expressed his atheistic sentiments by writing in

the "International Socialist Review," Chicago, August, 1901:

"When the gods are dead to rise no more, man will begin to live.

After the end of the gods, when there is nothing else to which we

may turn, nothing left outside of ourselves, we shall turn to one

another for fellowship, and behold! the heart of all worship is

exposed and we have omnipotence in our hands....

"There will be no more priests, no rulers, no judges, when

fellowship comes and the gods are gone. And when there are neither

priests, nor rulers, nor judges, there will be no evil on earth,

nor none called good, to stand over against others called evil."

John Spargo, a former Socialist of considerable renown in the United

States, and until recently very popular with the party, speaking of

education in "Socialism, A Summary and Interpretation of Socialist

Principles," touches upon the question of parochial schools in the

Marxian commonwealth:

"Whether the Socialist regime could tolerate the existence of

elementary schools other than its own, such as privately conducted

kindergartens and schools, religious schools, and so on, is

questionable. Probably not. It would probably not content itself

with refusing to permit religious doctrines or ideas to be taught

in its schools, but would go farther, and as the natural protector

of the child, guard its independence of thought in later life as

far as possible by forbidding religious teaching of any kind in

schools for children up to a certain age....

"This restriction of religious education to the years of judgment

and discretion implies no hostility to religion on the part of the

state, but neutrality[16]." ["Socialism, A Summary and

Interpretaion[17] of Socialist Principles," by John Spargo, page

238 of 1906 edition.]

"The Call" does not fail to publish among its many poems those that are

violently anti-religious. In confirmation of this we shall transcribe

several, all of which furnish excellent proofs of the existence of the

conspiracy against religion. The first poem that will be quoted appeared

in the November 19, 1911, edition, and reads as follows:

"When all the choric peal shall end;

That through the fanes hath rung;

When the long lauds no more ascend

From man's adoring tongue;

When overwhelmed are altar, priest and creed;

When all the faiths have passed;

Perhaps from darkening incense freed,

God may emerge at last."

The following poem, entitled, "To the Religionist," appeared on the same

day:

"You bid us spare your vision;

Put faith in a life after death,

Strive on toward some realm Elysian

And heed all that one Book saith.

"You will pray to a power celestial,

To direct us in all our ways,

Lest we fall to a region bestial

And lose ourselves in its maze.

"You speak of the Crucifixion

Of one on Calvary

As if his benediction

Was a rank monopoly.

"Shall we pray to a power not human

For guidance miraculous

When the nearest man or woman

Will give help, and without that fuss?

"When the glorious future people

Have realized our dream,

Then the cross upon the steeple

No longer shall blaspheme.

"The godhood of the lowly

Their sacrifice unknown;

Of the temple once held holy

There shall not last one stone."

Only two stanzas of a poem which appeared in "The Call," March 17, 1912,

are hereby given:

"The Gods are dead;

Dead lies their Heaven, their Hell.

The Gods are dead,

With all their terrors! Well!

"Man now unmakes them,

Who made them in his youth;

He boldly breakes them

With shattering blows of truth."

Editorials and articles attacking religion are of very common occurrence

in "The Call." Several illustrations will suffice. In the May 1, 1912,

edition we read:

"In our combat with the natural forces we have been taught by

science to seek the cause and effect not in anything supernatural;

we have gotten rid of superstition[18] and fear of revengeful

gods."

The following short article appeared on November 19, 1911, in the same

paper:

"Our exploiters might as well understand now that we have no use

for the distorted and mystical figure that they present as Christ,

a conservative member of the Property Defence League, a thing

neither man nor woman, but a third sex--not understood of us except

as a rightful object of suspicion; we have no use for this rant,

cant and fustian of his holiness and immaculate qualities. That

presentation has always been repellent to us and always will be, no

matter how much he may be proclaimed as the friend of the

workingman.... Christ, the democrat, the agitator, the

revolutionary, the rebel, the bearer of the red flag, yes we can

understand that figure."

Under the caption, "The Old Year and The New," an editorial, part of

which is here given, was published in "The Call," January 1, 1912:

"Interesting is it to see these clerical reactionists trying to

kindle into flame the dying embers and ashes of the religious

enthusiasm of past ages, now on the point of flickering out, and

marshalling the remnants of fear and ignorance against the

inexorable march of humanity and social progress.

"We have no verbal answer to expend upon them. They are not worth

it. Well do we know that their show of attack is but a defensive

movement. The only answer they need expect from us will be given

in the steady continuance of our work. For we can put a thousand

workers into the field for their one, and despite all they may do,

we will take from them thousands and hundreds of thousands of those

who now follow them, and in whose ignorance alone lies their

defensive strength. Economic conditions fight on our side. Their

capitalist Christ cannot feed the multitude. We can teach the

multitude how to feed themselves."

"The Proletarian," the Socialist paper of Detroit, in its April, 1919,

edition tells us that "Socialism is not a religion, it explains the

causes and fallacies underlying all religions."

In the "International Socialist Review," August, 1908, a notable

confession is made relative to religion:

"Religion spells death to Socialism, just as Socialism to religion.

The moment Socialism turns into a religion it loses all its

progressiveness, it ossifies and turns into a superstition of

fanatics, who never forget and never learn anything. Socialism is

essentially, although not apparently, a free-thought movement. The

thinking Socialists are all free-thinkers."

In the "International Socialist Review" not only are there many articles

and editorials attacking religion, but also many advertisements of

atheistical and anti-religious books. For instance, in the February,

1912, edition, among the many works advertised on page 512 the following

are listed under the heading, "Free-Thought Pamphlets":

"Holy Smoke in Holy Land.

Myth of the Great Deluge.

Revelation Under the Microscope of Evolution.

Chas. Darwin, What He Accomplished.

Jehovah Interviewed.

Church and State--by Jefferson.

Mistakes of Moses--by Ingersoll.

Ingersolia: Gems from R. G. Ingersoll.

Age of Reason--by Thos. Paine.

Ingersoll--44 Lectures.

Ingersoll's Famous Speeches."

In the April, 1912, edition of the "International Socialist Review" the

subsequent additions are made to the advertisements already mentioned:

"Voltaire.

Confessions of a Nun.

Merry Tales of the Monks.

Secrets of Black Nunnery."

Surely such books as these would not be extensively advertised in the

"Review" and in the Socialist papers, nor would money be spent in this

way by their publishers, unless the atheistic and anti-religious works

found many purchasers among those who inserted a plank in their party

platform stating that the Socialist movement was primarily an economic

one and was not concerned with matters of religious belief.

The following is part of an editorial taken from the "Comrade," New

York, January, 1904, on the death of Herbert Spencer:

"Dying at 84 years of age, Herbert Spencer leaves behind him an

enduring monument such as few men have been able to build for

themselves. He helped to rid the world of superstition and to

destroy priestcraft; he put the idea of a God-direction of the

world, and its counterpart, the eternal subjection and the

dependence of man, into the waste paper basket of history. He

cleared the way for the feet of the army of progress."

In the propagation of atheism, the German Socialist papers of the United

States are worthy imitators of those that are published in English. The

"New Yorker Volkszeitung," October 9, 1901, thus acknowledges the

atheistic and anti-religious attitude of the revolutionary movement:

"Socialism and belief in the Divinity as taught by Christianity and

its representatives do not agree, cannot agree, are diametrically

opposed to one another. Socialism is logical only when it denies

the existence of God, when it maintains that we do not need the

so-called assistance of God, since we are able to help ourselves.

Only he who has no faith begins to feel that he can accomplish

something. The laborer who places confidence in God, and who, with

Christian resignation, thinks that all is done by God is well

done--how can that laborer develop revolutionary forces for the

overthrow of authority and social order, both of which, according

to his faith, are instituted by God? As long as he clings to this

belief he will not be able to acquire a genuinely revolutionary

spirit."

In the May 10, 1902, edition of "Vorwärts," a weekly supplement of the

"New Yorker Volkeszeitung," we read:

"New York, May 6.--Archbishop Corrigan died last night after a

protracted illness. Preparations are going on for a grand funeral

with the usual paraphernalia. The soul of the prelate whizzed out

of his mortal remains straight up into the seventh heaven, and now

the bishop is staying there with lovely little angels and other

beautiful beings hovering about him. Let him who is fool enough,

believe it."

We are informed by "The Call," April 5, 1911, that at Utica, New York,

on April 4, 1911, churches of all denominations were placed under the

ban of the Italian Socialist Federation of the United States at the

closing session of its National Congress, which had been in session for

the last three days in that city and that strongly worded resolutions

charging all churches with being against the emancipation of the working

class and for the protection and perpetuation of capitalism and moral

and economic slavery were unanimously adopted amid vociferous applause;

finally that by the adoption of these resolutions, all members of the

federation must sever their affiliations with any and all existing

churches and religious organizations and refrain from all religious

practices and rites.

Some information regarding the atheistic teachings of the New York "Il

Proletario," the official organ of the Italian Socialist Federation of

the United States, will be of interest to the reader. In the edition of

December 23, 1910, there are several attacks on Christianity. One of

these entitled "Christmas Is Here" is translated as follows:

"Christmas is a fib, Christmas is a fraud, Christmas is a crime

wanted and continued by the powerful to delude their servants and

to make them believe that there is really happiness, justice and

love on this earth.... There is no everlasting joy. How long, O

poor and exhausted workingmen of the world, will the shameful

comedy continue? When will you finally perceive that not from a

false and unexisting God, not from a mystical and epileptic

crucified man, who died without rebellion and without protest, will

come your redemption? When will you open your eyes to the truth of

Socialism, and realize that finally upon you alone depends your

salvation?"

In the same edition of "Il Proletario" there is a detailed list of 170

books and pamphlets that are advertised as being on sale at the

book-store of the Italian Socialist Federation. The first part of the

list, under the heading "Anti-religious Pamphlets," includes 22 works,

whose prices range from 5 cents to 30 cents. Among them are to be found:

"The Religious Pest--5 cents.

The Crimes of God--5 cents.

The Sins of My Lady Penitents--8 cents.

The Last Religious Lie--5 cents.

Neither God Nor Soul--15 cents."

Near the end of the detailed list 22 more works are advertised as

anti-clerical novels.

On May 1, 1912, while its editor, Arturo M. Giovannitti, was in prison

at Lawrence, Massachusetts, "Il Proletario" published an article under

the caption, "The Priest":

"Now at last the nations have understood that God is a monstrous

fable, and that hell, heaven, immortality, and all the other

devilish things are states created by rascals to despoil and

oppress the people."

We are very much indebted to the Social Reform Press for favoring us

with the translation of "The Little Catechism," edited by Bartos

Bittner, whose dead and corrupt body was found by neighbors in his

lodging in Chicago. This blasphemous Catechism, from which quotations

are to be given, was published for the use of the children of the

Bohemian-American Socialists:

"Question. What is God?

Answer. God is a word used to designate an imaginary being which

people of themselves have devised.

Q. Is it true that God has never been revealed?

A. As there is no God, He could not reveal himself.

Q. What is heaven?

A. Heaven is an imaginary place which churches have devised as a

charm to entice their believers.

Q. How did man originate?

A. Just as did animals; by evolution from their lower kinds.

Q. Has man an immortal soul as Christianity teaches?

A. Man has no soul; it is only an imagination.

Q. Who is Jesus Christ?

A. Jesus Christ is the son of a Jewish girl called Mary.

Q. Is he the son of God?

A. There is no God, therefore there can be no God's son.

Q. Did Christ rise from the dead as Christianity teaches?

A. The report about Christ rising from the dead is a fable.

Q. Is it true that after Christ's death the Apostles received the

Holy Ghost?

A. It is not; the Apostles had imbibed too freely of wine and their

dizzy heads imagined all sorts of queer things.

Q. Did Christ ascend into heaven?

A. He did not; what the church teaches is a nonsensical fable,

because there is no heaven, and there was no place to ascend to.

Q. Will Christ come to this earth?

A. He will not because no dead person can come back.

Q. Will Christ return on judgment day?

A. There will be no judgment day; that is all a fable so that

preachers could scare people and hold them in their grasp. Man has

no soul, neither had Christ a soul. All these things have been

invented by the church.

Q. What is the Holy Spirit?

A. The Holy Spirit is an imagination existing only in the minds of

crazy religious people.

Q. Is Christianity desirable?

A. Christianity is not advantageous to us, but is harmful, because

it makes us spiritual cripples. By its teachings of bliss after

death it deceives the people. Christianity is the greatest obstacle

to the progress of mankind, therefore it is the duty of every

citizen to help wipe out Christianity. All churches are impudent

humbugs.

Q. Is there communion of saints?

A. No, because there is no God, no saints, no soul, and therefore

our prayers are wholly useless, and only a waste of time, which

should be spent in more useful things.

Q. What is our duty when we have learned that there is no God?

A. We should teach this knowledge to others.

Q. Should we take the name of God in vain?

A. Yes, because the name of God has no meaning."

Isador Ladoff, a Socialist of Cleveland, Ohio, and a candidate for

office in 1911, speaks very frankly about religion on page 11 of his

pamphlet, "Socialism, The Anti-Christ":

"The church knows that Socialism in spite of the declaration of

neutrality of the latter in religious matters, undermines the very

foundation of the former. The church realizes that Socialism is

anti-Christ. For the church it is a question of life and death, a

struggle for existence. Why, then, should the Socialists not engage

in an open aggressive campaign against the church? Would not an

honest war between Christ and anti-Christ be more dignified, more

wise and more effective, than a false pretence of neutrality and a

defensive attitude toward the attacks of the church? Let us have

the courage of our convictions, not only in matters of social and

economic significance, but in all things affecting the interests of

the toiling masses of humanity, including religious institutions."

Rev. E. E. Carr, writing in the "Christian Socialist," Chicago, May 15,

1907, informs us that, "The Christian Socialists do not ask or desire

that the party declare for religion. Strictly speaking, Socialism is a

purely economic proposition.... We demand absolute freedom of religious

opinion in the party, and that officials of the party cease teaching

anti-religious dogma as an essential part of Socialist philosophy."

Dishonest Socialists, when arguing that their party does not advocate

atheism as the "religion" of their contemplated state, frequently appeal

to the religious plank of their 1908 National Platform, which declares

that the Socialist Party is not concerned with matters of religious

belief.

Though this deceitful appeal of the "Knights of the Red Flag" has been

exposed time and again, still it seems expedient that the underhand

methods of the party which boasts of being the only one sufficiently

honest and upright to fight for the rights of poor and oppressed

workingmen, be better known to the American people, and that the more

important parts of the indoor convention speeches be presented in

greater detail.

Pages 191 to 205 of the "Proceedings of the 1908 National Convention of

the Socialist Party," edited by John M. Work, published by the Socialist

Party[19], and sold at 50 cents a copy at the National Office of the

party, Chicago, Illinois, bear the following ample testimony to the

hypocrisy of the Revolutionists.

When Delegate Simons had finished reading the proposal of the platform

committee "that religion be treated as a private matter--a question of

individual conscience," Arthur M. Lewis, a delegate from Illinois rose

and moved its rejection, saying:

"I am among those who sincerely hoped the question of religion

would not be raised at this convention. I am willing to concede so

far that we shall let sleeping dogs lie. I know that the Socialist

position in philosophy on the question of religion does not make a

good campaign subject. It is not useful in the propaganda of a

presidential campaign, and therefore I am willing that we should be

silent about it. But if we must speak, I propose that we shall go

before this country with the truth and not with a lie.... Now I do

not propose to state in this platform the truth about religion from

the point of view of the Socialist philosophy as it is stated in

almost every book of Standard Socialist literature; but if we do

not do that, let us at least have the good grace to be silent about

it, and not make hypocrites of ourselves.... I say, let us either

tell the truth or have the good grace and the common sense and the

stamina and the manhood and the self-respect to keep our mouths

shut about it. Therefore I move this be stricken from the

platform."

Delegate Hillquit of New York urged the following amendment as a

substitute for the one the ratification of which Lewis had tried to

prevent: "The Socialist movement is primarily an economic and political

movement. It is not concerned with the institutions of marriage or

religion." Hillquit then went on to say:

"The fact that Comrade Lewis as a scholar, as a student of

psychology, of history, of ethics and of everything else, has in

the domain of religion come to the position of an agnostic, and

that ninety-nine per cent of us have landed in the same spot, does

not make Socialism agnostic, nor is Socialism Christian, nor is

Socialism Jewish, Socialism hasn't anything to do with that side of

our existence at all. I say to you, Comrades, if we are to follow

Comrade Lewis's advise, and to say in our platform and declaration

of principles what is true, let us not be afraid to insert in it

the things we are advocating day after day and on all occasions."

Delegate Unterman of Idaho, speaking in favor of the adoption of the

religious plank as originally proposed by the platform committee and

read by Simons, added:

"Comrades, no one will accuse me with any sympathy with

Christianity, either as a church or as a religion. I am known in

the United States as a materialist of the most uncompromising

order. But I want it clearly understood that my materialist

philosophy does not permit me to strike this plank out of the

platform. I want it understood that my materialist dialectics do

not permit me to forget the exigencies of the moment for our ideals

in the far future.... Would you expect to go out among the people

of this country, people of different churches, of many different

religious factions, and tell them that they must become atheists

before they can become Socialists? That would be nonsense. We must

first get these men convinced of the rationality of our economic

and political program, and then after we have made Socialists of

them and members of the Socialist Party, we can talk to them inside

of our ranks, talk of the higher philosophy and of the logical

consequences of our explanation of society and nature.... We should

not go out in our propaganda among people that are as yet

unconvinced and are still groping in ignorance and obscurity, and

tell them that they first must become materialists before they can

become members of the Socialist Party. No. This declaration that

religion is a private matter does not mean that it is not a social

matter or class matter at the same time. It merely means that we

shall bide our good time and wait till the individual is ready,

through his own individual evolution, to accept our philosophy. It

means that we shall give him plenty of time to grow gradually to

the things that are necessary to him, and those material things

that affect his material welfare, the economic and political

question of Socialism. After he has grown into them, it will be so

much easier to approach him with the full consequences of the

Socialist philosophy. Therefore I ask you to retain this plank in

our platform."

Delegate Stirton gave the following reason for his opposition to the

adoption of any religious plank in the party platform:

"If this statement is true that religion is no concern of our

movement, as stated in the amendment, or in the original

recommendation that it is a private matter--if that is a true

statement, then we don't need it. If it is a lie, then we don't

want it."

It will be remembered that Delegate Lewis at an earlier session of the

convention had said: "Let us either tell the truth or have the good

grace and the common sense and stamina and the manhood to keep our

mouths shut about it" (i.e., religion from the viewpoint of Socialist

philosophy).

To show the insincerity of Lewis, we shall now quote parts of a second

speech made by him in the evening of the same day on which he had spoken

so eloquently in behalf of asserting the truth and not telling a lie:

"I have gone into conference," he says, "between the afternoon

session and the evening session with most of the members of the

platform committee, and I have reached an agreement with them which

I am sure the convention would be glad to hear, and it will dispose

of this question, I think, amicably to all concerned.... I consider

myself and every other delegate on this floor as being present at

this convention for the sole purpose of promoting the best

interests of the Socialist Party. I am willing to waive any

personal views of mine, and I believe the members of the platform

committee are in the same position, to promote those interests....

While it may not harmonize with my personal opinion to have this

plank remain in the platform, I am willing to sink those personal

opinions rather than put the Socialist movement in America in a

false position and lay it open to the attacks of our enemies."

Victor Berger of Wisconsin mentioned expediency as his reason for

favoring the adoption of a religious plank and argued:

"In the first place, a plank of this kind you will find in every

platform or program of every other civilized nation in the world.

Yet in no country do they have as much reason for it as in this

country. There is not a race in the world that is as thoroughly

religious as the Anglo-Saxon race. If you want a party made up of

free-thinkers only, then I can tell you right now how many you are

going to have. If you want to wait with our co-operative

commonwealth, until you have made a majority of the people into

free-thinkers, I am afraid we will have to wait a long while. I say

this, although I am known, not only in Milwaukee, but wherever our

papers are read, as a pronounced agnostic.... You can hardly find a

paper in which we are not denounced as men who want to abolish all

religion and abolish God. Something must be done in order to enable

us to show that Socialism, being an economic theory--or rather the

name for an epoch of civilization--has nothing to do with religion

either way, neither pro nor con."

What reader, who elsewhere in this book has followed the evidence

linking together the cunning craft of Morris Hillquit and Victor L.

Berger in committing their party and followers to deceit and hypocrisy

to obtain votes under false pretenses, will be surprised to find them

thus also in the 1908 convention uniting the tongues of two old foxes to

put through Hillquit's hypocrisy-plank on marriage and religion? These

are the two whose deceit and violence have now reduced the Socialist

Party of America to little more than a hollow echo of two lying hearts.

Delegate Vander Porten opposed the adoption of the plank as originally

read by Simons and urged the adoption of Morris Hillquit's amendment:

"Nobody regrets more than I do that this question has arisen in

this convention, but as long as it occupies the position that it

does, I believe that there is to be an expression upon it, that

expression should be the truth and not a lie.... When we talk of

educating mankind and when we talk of raising mankind above the

level in which he is, then we have got to throw from his arms those

crutches that bind him to his slavery, and religion is one of them.

Let it be understood that the moment the Socialist Party's whole

aim and object is to get votes, we can get them more quickly by

trying to please the religionists and those whose only ambition is

to pray God and crush mankind.... Let us say nothing or say the

truth. To spread forth to the world that religion is the

individual's affair, and that religion has no part in the

subjection of the human race, we lie when we say it."

After several other delegates had spoken, the "Proceedings of the 1908

National Convention" inform us that the chairman put the question on the

acceptance of the substitute offered by Delegate Hillquit, and the

result being in doubt, a show of hands was called for, and the vote

resulted in 79 for the substitute, and 78 against it.

Those who honestly voted against the plank admitted thereby that the

Socialist Party was very much concerned with matters of religious belief

and that the Revolutionists were then, just as they are today, the

bitter enemies of religion.

The 79 who voted for the plank did so, not because they had any love for

religion, for this is evident from their speeches and from their method

of procedure, but because they considered that a great deal of prejudice

against Socialism would be removed by the adoption of a plank stating

that the Socialist Party is primarily an economic and political

movement, and that it is not concerned with matters of religious belief.

On one single plank therefore there were 79 liars in the Socialist

National Convention out of a possible 157. Quite an unenviable record

for the party which is so fond of accusing its opponents of lies and

falsehoods!

When speeches against religion, such as the ones quoted, can be

delivered at the national convention of a political party, without

arousing anything like serious opposition among the delegates present,

or among the rank and file of the party who afterwards read them, the

only reasonable conclusion to be drawn is that the vast majority of the

members of the party either advocate atheism or else are in sympathy

with those who do.

For four long years the Socialists all over the country appealed to the

religious plank of their 1908 platform to prove that their party was not

opposed to religion; and although they were aware that the plank was a

lie, they were not sufficiently honest to have it removed by referendum,

as could have been done at any time. The plank was finally dropped by

the National Convention of 1912 and has not since then been readopted.

This, however, was not because the Socialists as a body had become more

upright through their adherence to atheism, but because their lies

concerning religion had become pretty well known all over the United

States.

No doubt the reader will be interested in the following quotation taken

from "The Communist," the Left Wing Socialist paper of Chicago. In the

April, 1919, edition there is an article by John R. Ball, entitled,

"Challenge of the S. P. [i.e., the Socialist Party] of Michigan":

"When the delegates to a State Socialist Convention gathered in

Grand Rapids, Michigan, February 24, 1919, to nominate candidates

for the coming State Elections, they were determined to do much

more than to go through the mere formalities of complying with

State Election Laws....

"There were many striking features about the personnel of the

delegates: not only were the preachers entirely absent, but their

following also. A Christian Socialist would have felt lonesome

indeed, with no one to act as a listener for him....

"Fearless and unashamed, in true Bolshevik fashion, the delegation

paid no heed to the prejudice of some, but adopted, with one

opposing vote, an additional constitutional amendment, guided

solely by historic facts and scientific data. A Socialist who

understands the Materialistic Conception of History cannot have

faith in superstitions of any kind. In other words, a 'religious'

or 'Christian' Socialist is a contradiction of terms, and the

statement that 'religion is a private matter' is a lie. The belief

in a supreme being or beings is a social phenomenon which can be

explained on the materialistic basis, just as all economic

phenomena can be explained. With persistent adherence to honesty,

the convention adopted a resolution and a constitutional amendment

declaring religion to be a social phenomenon and instructing all

organizers and speakers to explain religion upon its materialistic

basis.

"Here again, the Socialist Party of Michigan issued a direct

challenge to the National Organization. This time it is not a

challenge in regard to tactics, but we challenge the honesty of the

National Organization in declaring that 'religion is a private

matter.'"

Now listen to the words of Eugene V. Debs, published on the editorial

page of "The Call," New York, July 21, 1919, and see what a fraud and

hypocrite the leader of the Socialists of the United States is:

"If you have not already done so, read the platform of the

Socialist Party, and then let us know what you find in it to

warrant the lying charge of the sleek and fat leeches and parasites

and their degenerates, tools and hirelings that Socialism is

atheism and free-love(?) and that it will tear up the family by the

roots, smash up the home and turn society into a raging bedlam."

Sufficient evidence has now been given to prove that the Socialists are

the declared enemies of the church. They are conspiring to destroy an

institution which, apart from the supernatural blessings that it has

conferred upon mankind, has done wonders to promote the happiness of

nations. To the church many countries owe their civilization and their

conversion from heathenism. She has preserved for us the priceless

treasures of art and learning that would otherwise have fallen a prey to

the ravages of the barbarians. For centuries she has trained untold

millions to observe the Commandments of God, and has thus been

instrumental in the prevention of innumerable crimes and sins from which

the human race would have suffered. Not only has she taught the people

the virtues of charity, justice, temperance, humility, liberality,

purity, meekness and forgiveness of enemies, and been a source of

immense consolation to the poor and oppressed, the sick and the injured,

but she has comforted millions of the dying, who, when they realized

that no earthly joys remained, took hope and delight at the thought of

an eternal reward in heaven.

It is this glorious institution, then, founded by Almighty God Himself,

that the Socialists hate with all their hearts, and would destroy

forever, because it prevents the spread of their revolutionary doctrines

by teaching respect for law, order and authority, and by exposing to all

the world the deceptions, frauds and empty promises of the conspirators

against religion.

The Red Conspiracy · 第 20 / 26 章