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The Red Conspiracy
BY
JOSEPH J. MERETO
1920
THE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY
37 West 39th Street, New York
This book proves the existence of the Red Peril. We publish it to warn
America. We ask the help of every loyal American, organization and
institution to put "The Red Conspiracy" in every home, school and
library in the land. Price, cloth bound, $2.15 postpaid; in paper, $1.10
postpaid.
Chapters of the book and parts of chapters can also be supplied in
pamphlet and leaflet form for wide distribution. Write us for
particulars.
The National Historical Society
37 West 39th Street, New York
_Copyright, 1920, by
The National Historical Society_
INTRODUCTION
As a mark of sincere gratitude for all that he owes to his Country from
birth, the author of "The Red Conspiracy" hereby dedicates his work to
his fellow-countrymen, trusting that it will prove a bulwark of defense
for our Star-Spangled Banner and constitutional form of government, now
so violently assailed by disloyal American citizens, as well as by
Marxian rebels from abroad who have deceived many of the uneducated or
trained them in ways of evil.
While "The Red Conspiracy" will appeal strongly to all who are seeking a
clear and comprehensive knowledge of Socialism, Bolshevism, Communism
and I. W. W.'ism, it will be of special value to the workingmen of
America, as it will enable them easily to understand the fallacies of
the Revolutionists and at the same time make them realize the serious
dangers that would result from the adoption of any of the various
radical programs.
Friendship, indeed, the "Knights of the Red Flag" profess for the
laboring man. Such friendship, however, once it is understood will be
spurned, for it is one which would plunge the sons of toil into a
terrible abyss of injustice, deprivation and suffering--wrongs far
greater than those endured from abuses of capitalism and partial
corruption of some government officials.
At the very beginning of this work, the author wishes to express his
heartfelt sympathy for poor men and women who are treated unjustly by
employers, as well as with all who receive too small a recompense for
their wearisome labors. It is, indeed, a source of deep regret to us
that in consequence of injustice and uncharitableness, there are to be
found in this rich republic numbers of our fellow-countrymen, not merely
men and women but even innocent little children, who can scarcely
relieve the pangs of their hunger by the coarsest kinds of food and have
naught but rags for clothes and huts for homes. Feeling deep concern for
these poor people, and for all who suffer either from employers or from
defects of government, we trust that "The Red Conspiracy" will not only
help toward remedying many of the evils that now weigh heavily upon the
working class, but help to avert the far more dreadful evils that would
result from the adoption of Socialism, Bolshevism, Communism, and I. W.
W.'ism.
For many years the author has made a careful study of radicalism, and
during that time has read not only many thousands of Socialist and I. W.
W. papers, leaflets, pamphlets and books, but also most of the leading
works against Socialism in the English language. We have sought to
gather an illuminating collection of quotations, not merely from
standard Marxian publications, but from the speeches of Socialists of
unquestioned authority in the international movement. These open
confessions of the Revolutionists cannot fail to interest the reader and
will certainly arouse the deep indignation of every fair-minded person
against a propaganda of deception which is working fast to wreck modern
civilization.
No doubt the readers of "The Red Conspiracy" will be interested to learn
that many of the revelations made in this book are brought to light
through purchase by the author himself of revolutionary papers and
pamphlets on sale in the spring and summer of 1919 at the National
Headquarters of the Socialist Party, the Chas. H. Kerr Socialist
Publishing Company, and the National Headquarters of the I. W. W., all
in Chicago, and also in leading Socialist bookstores of Chicago, New
York, and Philadelphia. The matter obtained in these centres of
underworld corruption and anarchy could not have been procured had the
author ransacked every public library in the United States.
Though loyalty and patriotism should always inspire us to defend our
country against its foes, we must concede to the Socialists that human
government, whether national, state or municipal, is by no means free
from serious defects; and we are bound to admit that representatives of
the American people, as well as men engaged in business and commerce,
have too often been guilty of dishonesty, injustice and cruelty to the
suffering poor.
Law-abiding citizens, while very much regretting that wrongs such as
these should exist, confidently hope to reduce them to a reasonable
minimum by methods of social reform still more effective than those that
have already brought to an end not a few of the evils prevalent in days
gone by. Prudence and charity suggest to true social reformers
reasonable constitutional and lawful methods by which to correct abuses
instead of adding to their number by adopting Socialism. We have already
seen too much of the work of the "Reds" in Europe and in parts of
Mexico, and we do not wish to behold our fellow-countrymen shedding more
blood and suffering graver evils, under Socialism, than they did during
the terrible World War.
Loyal and patriotic citizens of America, judging from the progress that
has been made in the past in matters of social reform, have every reason
for looking forward confidently to the success of their efforts--unless,
indeed, the Revolutionists, by greatly increasing their numbers, should
divide the workingmen of our country into two big parties, comprising,
respectively, the Socialists and the anti-Socialists, whose main purpose
it would then be to fight each other instead of joining forces against
social abuses. If the Revolutionists should gain very large numbers of
recruits, there would be, on the one hand, a great party consisting of
those whose object it would be to destroy our present form of
government, as well as the entire industrial system, and, on the other,
an opposition party, embracing good citizens and men of common sense and
intelligence, who, because of their realization of the blessings which
privately-owned industries and our constitutional form of government
have bestowed upon the people of America, would be determined to shed
the last drop of their blood in defense of them.
The Socialists, however, are not satisfied with social reform, but are
bent on the total destruction of our system of government and industry,
holding the system itself, rather than the faults and shortcomings of
men, to be by its very nature responsible for all the economic evils of
the day. "Down with the Stars and Stripes" is their cry. "Abolish
religion and the present form of marriage." "Atheism and free-love must
reign supreme." Then, trusting that workingmen will admire anything,
provided that it be adorned in sufficiently glowing colors, they paint
such fabulous pictures of Socialism as the following:
"Hundreds of thousands of former representatives of the state will
enter various professions, and by their intelligence and strength
will help to increase the wealth and comfort of society. Neither
political nor common crimes will be known in the future. Thieves
will have disappeared because private property will have
disappeared, and in the new society everybody will be able to
satisfy his wants easily and conveniently by work. Nor will there
be tramps and vagabonds, for they are the product of a society
founded on private property, and with the abolition of this
institution they will cease to exist. Murder? Why? No one can
enrich himself at the expense of others, and even murder for
hatred or revenge is directly or indirectly connected with the
social system. Perjury, false testimony, fraud, theft of
inheritance, fraudulent failures? There will be no private property
against which these crimes could be committed. Arson? Who should
find satisfaction in committing arson when society has removed all
cause for hatred? Counterfeiting? Money will be but a mere chimera,
it would be love's labor lost! Blasphemy? Nonsense! It will be left
to good Almighty God himself to punish whoever has offended him,
provided that the existence of God is still a matter of
controversy." ("Woman Under Socialism," by Bebel, page 436 of the
1910 edition in English.)
As an immense number of American citizens would not be led astray by
these foolish promises, or by others equally absurd--recalling how
political and common crimes, theft, murder, arson, perjury, worthless
currency, blasphemy and political corruption have ruined Socialist
Russia and made it a hell on earth--a dreadful revolution would be
necessary to compel our countrymen to surrender their cherished rights.
The Socialists, if victorious, after having set up a new form of
government, modeled on their own low ideas of morality, would not only
substitute a free-love regime for the present form of marriage, but,
going still further, would avail themselves of every opportunity for
destroying religion. The evils, however, would by no means end here, for
the new government, whose rapid decay would begin from the very day of
its birth, would in a short time collapse and fall, and then the
citizens of America would have neither a government to protect them from
the ravages of criminals, whose number would be legion, nor yet any
suitable system of organized industries for the employment of men and
the production of the necessaries of life. Consequently, trials and
sufferings incomparably greater than any of the present day would befall
the people in the reign of anarchy that would ensue.
It is to preserve our fellow-countrymen from ever having to endure such
calamities that we have undertaken this work, in which it is proven
conclusively that the "Reds," unless quickly thwarted, will overwhelm us
with unspeakable horrors of crime, rebellion, anarchy and destitution.
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION iii
Scope of Book, iii; Value to Workingmen, iii; Sympathy for Labor,
iii; Quotations from Socialist Authorities, iv; Revolutionists Set
Back the Cause of Labor, v; Bebel's Fabulous Picture of Socialist
Possibilities, v; Socialism Means War, vi.
CHAPTER I
SOCIALISM IN OTHER LANDS 1
Modern Socialism Dates from "Communist Manifesto," 1848, 1; Karl
Marx, 1; Engels, 1; International Workingmen's Association, 1;
"Capital" by Marx, the Socialist Bible, 2; Socialism in Germany, 2;
in Bavaria, 4; in Russia, 4; Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, 5;
Socialism in Austria-Hungary, 5; in France, 5; in Great Britain, 8;
in Italy, 9; in Spain, 9; in Belgium, 10; in Holland, 10; in
Bohemia, 10; in Sweden, 11; in Norway, 11; in Argentina, 11; in
Canada, 12; in Bulgaria, 12; in Mexico, 12; in Other Foreign Lands,
12.
CHAPTER II
GROWTH OF SOCIALISM IN THE UNITED STATES 13
Introduced from Europe, 13; Workingmen's Party, 13; Socialist Labor
Party, 13; Socialist Democracy of America, 13; Socialist Party of
America, 13; Socialist Periodicals, 14; Socialist Party Strife and
Bossism, 14; The Internatonal, 16; The First International, 16; The
Second International, 16; International Socialist Bureau, 17;
American Socialists and the International, 17; The Berne
Conference, 18; The Third (Moscow) International, 18; Debs and
American Socialists Recognized by Lenine, 20; American Socialists'
Straddle Resolution on Berne and Moscow, 21.
CHAPTER III
THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF AMERICA DEVELOPS A LEFT WING 23
Revolution Camouflaged as Evolution, 23; "Yellows," "Reds,"
"Rights" and "Lefts," 23; Origin of the Left Wing, 24;
Revolutionary Principles of the Left Wing, 24; Sympathy with
Russian Bolshevism, 25; Industrial Unionism Advocated, 26; Mass
Action and Strikes the Prelude to Armed Rebellion, 26; "Moderate"
Socialism Rejected by American Revolutionists, 28; To Overthrow the
United States Government, 30; Text of Call to Moscow International,
31; American Socialist Party for "Industrial Unionism," 34.
CHAPTER IV
THE FREE-FOR-ALL FIGHT BETWEEN THE RIGHT AND LEFT WINGS 35
Rowdies at Socialist Meetings, 35; Revolution in America "at Hand,"
36; "Existence of the Party at Stake," 37; "The Steering
Committee," 38; Hillquit Says Left Wing is Not "Too Radical," 40;
"Friendly Separation," 41; The Left Wing Gets More "Dictatorship"
Than It Wants, 42; The Rights Expel and Suspend Tens of Thousands,
42; The Socialists' "Immortal" Executive Committee, 42; Manifesto
of the Third (Moscow) International, 45.
CHAPTER V
BIRTH OF THE COMMUNIST AND COMMUNIST LABOR PARTIES 52
Left Wing Conference, 52; Left Wingers Split, 52; Call for a
Communist Convention, 53; Too Many Would-Be Lenines and Trotzkys,
54; The "Firing Squad," 55; National Emergency Convention, 55; Who
Called the "Cops"? 57; A Convention on Each Floor, 57; The
Communist and Communist Labor Parties Organize, 57; Their
Principles, 58; "Reds" No Worse Than "Yellows," 58; Bolshevism of
the Socialist Party, 59; Utterances at the Emergency Conference,
60; Revolutionary Character of the Socialist Party, 65;
Trachtenberg on Affiliation with Moscow International, 68;
Glassberg Letter, 69; Victor L. Berger, 70; American Socialists
Join the Third International, 74; Hillquit Encourages the
Communists, 74; The Socialist Party's Revolutionary Manifesto,
71-75.
CHAPTER VI
SOCIALISM IN THEORY 79
Socialist Office-holding is Not Socialism, 77, 85; Collective
Ownership, 80; I. W. W. Point of View, 80; Socialism Explained
Diversely by Its Leaders, 80; Hillquit's Notion, 81; Debs' Demand,
81; American Socialists to "Capture the Government," 82; Analysis
of Collective Ownership, 82; All Women to Work, 84; Atheism and
Free-Love, 85; Poetry from the "Call," 86; Don't Judge Socialism by
Reform Planks in Platforms, 87; Socialists Attack Their Own Social
Reform Program, 89; Unpatriotic Attitude of Socialists in the War,
92.
CHAPTER VII
SOCIALISM IN PRACTICE 94
Herron's Socialist Day Dream, 94; Communist Experiments in Russia
and Hungary, 94; Socialism in Yucatan, 96; "Zapata, Great Socialist
Leader of Southern Mexico," 97; Act of the Second: "Zapata, a
Tyrant, Who Played a Huge Joke on 100,000 Confiding Workers Whom He
Exploited," 101; Socialist Experiment in Russia, 103.
CHAPTER VIII
THE I. W. W. 105
A "Dangerous" Organization, 105; Its Origin, 105; Industrial
Unionism Explained, 106; Organization by Industries, 107; I. W. W.
Preamble, 107; Revolutionary Aims, 108; Conceptions of Right and
Wrong, 108; Violent Tactics, 100; Revolution by Means of the
"General Strike," 109; "Government Will Disappear," 110;
Remuneration for Work and the "Man-Day," 111; Doctrine and Examples
of Sabotage, 111.
CHAPTER IX
INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD IN ACTION 114
I. W. W. Trials and Socialist Support, 114; Revolutionary Threats,
115; Plotting Against the United States, 116; I. W. W.
Publications, 116; Propaganda Among Foreigners, 117; The Paterson
Strike, 117; The I. W. W. Atheistic and Anti-Religious, 118;
Arousing the Negro, 119; Arousing the Chinese, 120; I. W. W. Songs,
120; Socialists Favor the I. W. W., 122; Pretended Anti-Sabotage
Policy of the Socialist Party, 124; Gene Debs in Love with Bill
Haywood, 126; I. W. W. Attitude Toward Bolshevism, 128; Drawing
Together of Radicals, 129; "Left Wing" Socialists and the I. W. W.,
131; I. W. W. Help in Establishing Russian Bolshevism, 133;
Socialist Drift Toward I. W. W.'ism, 135; Growth of Syndicalism
Throughout the World, 136.
CHAPTER X
BOLSHEVIST RULE IN RUSSIA 138
Rise of Russian Bolshevists, 138; Bolshevist Constitution, 139;
Land Confiscation in Socialist Russia, 140; Peasant Warfare, 141;
The Russian Soviets, 142; "Liberty" in Socialist Russia, 145;
Justice in Bolsheviki-land, 146; Bolshevist Atheism and Religious
Persecution, 146; Church and State "Separated," 147; Michigan Left
Wing "Lets the Cat Out of the Bag," 149; Education Under Lenine's
Government, 151.
CHAPTER XI
RUSSIA RED WITH BLOOD AND BLACK WITH CRIME 153
The Red Terror, 153-5; "Take Our Lives But Spare Our Children,"
156; 500 Butchered in a Night, 157; Horrors of Bolshevik Prisons,
158; Atrocities and Tortures, 159; Petrograd, "City of the Dead,"
160; 76 Uprisings, 161; "Criminal Element" in Office, 161; "A Lapse
Into Barbarity," 162; Nationalization of Women, 163; "The Bureau of
Free Love," 166; Forcible Abolition of Celibacy, 167; The "Call"
Lauds Bolshevism, 168; "S. O. S., An Appeal to Humanity," 169;
"Every Pore" of Russia's "Body Shedding Blood," 170; Lenine Working
for World-Wide Bolshevism,[1] 170; Official Bolshevist[2] Organ in
New York, 172; American Socialists Want Bolshevism, 173;
Bolshevism's Economic Failure Revealed by Lincoln Eyre, 173; After
Destroying "Capitalism" Lenine Seeks "Foreign Capital," 174;
Bolshevism Has Sacrificed "the Health of Future Generations," 175;
Trotzky Offers "Foreign Capitalists" a "Share of the Profits" from
Russian Conscript Labor, 175.
CHAPTER XII
EUROPEAN SPARTACIDES AND COMMUNISTS 177
Spartacides of Germany, 177; Origin of Name, 177; Violent
Principles, 177; Rowdies and Ruffians Approved by American
Socialists, 177; Spartacan Terrorism, 178; Communists of Bavaria,
178; Terrorism in Munich, 179; The Peasants Rise While the
Communists Plunder, 179; American Socialists Allied With the Scum
of Bavaria, 179; Communists of Hungary, 180; Free-Lovers, 180;
Churches Converted Into Music Halls, 180; Budapest Painted Red,
180; American Socialists Lined Up With European Thugs, 181.
CHAPTER XIII
THE BOLSHEVISM OF AMERICAN SOCIALISTS 182
Pink Booklet "About Russia," 182; Lenine Tells Why Bolshevism
Requires "A World Revolution," 183; American Socialists "Greet"
Bolshevist "Ambassador," 184; Poem on Liebknecht, 185; The "Call"
Endorses Communism, Bolshevism and Spartacism, 186; Hillquit Hails
Foreign Radicals, 188; American Socialist Papers Are Bolshevist,
188-93; Debs a "Bolshevik" and "Flaming Revolutionist," 194.
CHAPTER XIV
VIOLENCE, BLOODSHED AND ARMED REBELLION 196
Socialist Riots, 196; Trouble at Gary, 197; Haywood Says Socialists
are Conspirators Against U. S. Government, 199; Jack London on the
International "Fighting Organization," 200; Berger Says Socialists
"Must Shoot," 201; "Blow Open the Vaults of the Banks," 202;
Haywood and Bohn Say the Socialist "Does Not Hesitate to Break" the
Laws, 203; "I am Law Abiding Under Protest," Says Debs, "and Bide
My Time," 203; Scott Nearing "Wants War," 205.
CHAPTER XV
PATRIOTISM RIDICULED AND DESPISED 207
Socialists Against Patriotism, 207; American Flag Scouted, 207;
"Honor the Uniform? No, Spit on It," 208; The "Call" Derides Our
Soldiers Returning from France, 208; "I Spit Upon Your Flag! I
Loathe the Stars and Stripes! To Hell With Your Flag! Down With the
Stars and Stripes! Run Up the Red Flag!" 210; Debs Attacks the
American Flag, 210.
CHAPTER XVI
THE CONSPIRACY AGAINST OUR COUNTRY 212
I. W. W. Conspirators, 213; "The Future of Socialism Lies in the
General Strike, Armed Insurrection and Forcible Overthrow of All
Existing Social Conditions," 213; Left Wing Socialists by Strikes
and Industrial Unions to Establish "the Dictatorship of the
Proletariat," 215; Government Raids, 215; Communist Parties for
Overthrow of Government, 215-219; Socialist Party More Dangerous
Than the Communists, 219-21; American Socialists Part of the
"Invisible Empire," 222-4; Secret Resignations in the Socialist
Party, 225-6; Socialist Party for "Mass Action," "General Strikes"
and "Industrial Unionism" to Seize "the Industries and Control of
the Government of the United States," 227-32; Winnipeg General
Strike, 230-1; The Socialist Party Joins the Third (Moscow)
International, 232-7; Imitates Moscow's Program and Methods,
237-40; Socialists Acclaim Debs, the Convict, 242-5; Hillquit
Threatens the New York Legislature with a General Strike, 245-6;
Socialists Disguise Their Principles at the New York Assembly
Trial, 246-51; Walling Rejects Socialist Peace Pretensions, 251;
The Russian Soviet Government Talks Peace While Its International
Plots War, 252-7; Wholesale Law-Breaking of American Socialists
Justified at the Assembly Trial, 257-62; Their Traitorous
Principles and Propaganda, 263-66; Socialists "Enter the
Government" to Destroy It, 266; Forewarned Is Forearmed, 266-7.
CHAPTER XVII
SOCIALISM A PERIL TO WORKINGMEN 268
Socialist Chaos and Anarchy, 268; Discontent in the Socialist
State, 269; Perils of Confiscation, 270-2; Liberty Bonds and
Insurance, 273; Unworkable Labor Schemes, 273-7; Forcing Women to
Work, 277; Political Corruption, 277; Quarrels Over Religion and
Free-Love, 278; Lincoln Eyre Reveals Socialism's Economic Failure
in Russia, 279-91; "Lenine and Trotzky More Absolute Than Any
Czar," 281; Starvation and Disease, 282-3; Military Confiscation of
Russian Labor, 283-8; Lenine and Trotzky Invite "Foreign Capital"
to Share the Profits from Exploiting the Wage-Slaves of
Bolsheviki-land, 288-9; Death for Russian Wage-Slaves Who Strike
Against Their Socialist Task-Masters, 290.
CHAPTER XVIII
THE CONSPIRACY AGAINST RELIGION ABROAD 292
Ingersoll Argument Refuted, 293; Economic Determinism, 293; Atheism
of European Socialists, 294-5; "There Must Be War Between Socialism
and the Church," 296; Socialists "All more or Less Avowed
Atheists," 297; "No Man Can Be Consistently Both a Socialist and a
Christian," 298; Socialism Persecutes Religion in Yucatan, 298.
CHAPTER XIX
THE CONSPIRACY AGAINST RELIGION IN AMERICA 301
Socialism Turns Ministers Into Atheists, 301-2; Spargo Says
Socialism Cannot Tolerate Religious Schools, 302; Anti-Religious
Poems in "Call," 303; The "Call" Has "No Use" for "Christ," 304;
"Religion Spells Death to Socialism," as Socialism "Does to
Religion," 305; "Socialism Logical Only When It Denies the
Existence of God," 306; "Christmas Is a Crime," 307; Blasphemous
Socialist Catechism for Children, 308; A Socialist Says "Socialism
Is Anti-Christ," 309; Hypocrisy of Hillquit, Berger and Other
Leaders in Concealing the Socialist Party's Irreligion to Get
Votes, 310-15; Hillquit Says "Ninety-Nine Per Cent of Us" Are
"Agnostic," 311.
CHAPTER XX
THE CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE FAMILY 317
Socialist Books Advocate Free-Love, 317; Socialists Dodge the Truth
by Arguments About Prostitution, 318-19; The "Call's" Poem on "The
Harlot," 320; Socialist Advocates of Free-Love, 320-2; Victor
Berger's Milwaukee Company Sells Free-Love Literature, 322;
Free-Love Stuff Sold by Kerr and Company and the National Office of
the Socialist Party, 323-9.
CHAPTER XXI
THE CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE RACE 330
The "Call," chief Organ of the Socialist Party in New York, An
Obscene Vehicle of Propaganda for Race-Suicide, Teaching "All
Within Its Polluting Reach to Violate One of the Laws of the State
of New York," 330-41.
CHAPTER XXII
SOCIALIST ORGANIZATION AND "BORING IN" 342
Organizing Activity of Socialists, 342; Dues-Paying Members, Locals
and Branches, 342; 400 Socialist Periodicals in the United States,
343; Use of Books and Leaflets, 344; Financial Support by Rich
Radicals, 345; Red Propaganda to Proselytize Labor and Promote
Strikes, 346; Effect on the American Federation of Labor, 347; I.
W. W.'s "Boring from Within," 348; William R. Foster, An I. W. W.,
Leads the A. F. of L. Steel Strike, 348-9.
CHAPTER XXIII
ENLISTING RECRUITS FOR THE CONSPIRACY 350
Socialist Sunday Schools, 350; "Catch Them Young," 351; Lesson 24
from the "Socialist Primer," 352; Socialist Propaganda Among School
Children by Townley's Non-Partisan League, 353; The Teachers' Union
of New York City, 354; The Inter-Collegiate Socialist Society, 355;
Radical College Professors, 356; The Rand School, 357; Socialist
Propaganda Among Immigrants, 358; Socialist Naturalization Bureau,
359; The Red Curse Among Women, 359; Among Soldiers and Sailors,
360; Socialist Cartoons and Movie Films, 360; Making Rebels of
Negroes, 361.
CHAPTER XXIV
EXPERTS IN THE ART OF DECEPTION 363
Must Socialism Be Good Because Something Else Is Bad? 363;
Socialist Party Platform Planks Unreliable, 365; Socialists
Disagree on Land Ownership, 365-8; Government Ownership of Public
Utilities Is Not Socialism, 369; Double-Faced Socialists, 370; The
Burden of Proof Rests on the Socialist, 371; The "Lunatic"
Sophistry, 372; Sophistry That Labor Earns All Wealth, 373;
Vote-Getting by Advocating Popular Schemes, 375; Latest Dodge of
Red Organizations to Hide from Prosecution by Changing Their Names,
375; The Socialist Party Not a Real Workingmen's Party, 376.
CHAPTER XXV
THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE REDS 377
High Time to Fight the Reds, 377; Read and Circulate Anti-Socialist
Literature, 378; Warn Our School Children, 379; Quiz the Soap-Box
Orators, 380; Expel Socialist School Teachers, 380; Tasks for the
National Government, 381; Oppose Socialism in a Nation-Wide
Campaign of Education, 382.
INDEX 383
APPENDIX 391
Convention of the Socialist Party of the United States, May 8-14,
1920.
CHAPTER I
SOCIALISM IN OTHER LANDS
Modern Socialism may be said to date from the year 1848 when Marx and
Engels published their "Communist Manifesto," a pamphlet that has since
been translated into almost all modern European languages and has to
this day remained the classical exposition of international Socialism.
Karl Marx, the chief founder of the movement, was born of Jewish parents
at Treves, Germany, May 5, 1818. After studying at Jena, Bonn, and
Berlin, he became a private professor in 1841, and about a year later
assumed the editorship of the "Rhenish Gazette," a democratic-liberal
organ of Cologne, that was soon suppressed for its radical utterances.
In 1843 he moved to Paris where he became greatly interested in the
study of political economy and of early Socialistic writings and where
he subsequently made the acquaintance of Frederick Engels, his
inseparable companion and life-long friend.
Engels was born at Barmen, Rhenish Prussia, in 1820. He remained in
Germany until he had completed his military service, and then moved to
Manchester, England, where he engaged in the cotton business with his
father. In 1884, while traveling, he met Karl Marx, and was banished
with him from France in 1847, and expelled from Belgium in 1848, the
very year that witnessed the appearance of the "Communist Manifesto."
Not long after this, Marx and Engels returned to Germany, and were
instrumental in fomenting a revolution in the Rhine Province in 1849.
The revolt having been suppressed in the same year, both men sought
refuge in England. Here Engels was the author of numerous German books
on Socialism and became best known by editing, after Marx's death, the
second and third volumes of the latter's works.
While in England Marx took up his abode in London where he became the
first president of the International Workingmen's Association, whose
influence was not limited to England, but extended to France, Germany,
Austria, Belgium, Holland, Denmark, Spain, Portugal, Italy, Switzerland,
Poland, and even the United States of America. The active career of this
association embraced a period of about eight years, from 1864 to 1872.
Its six conventions were largely devoted to the discussion of social and
labor problems and it produced a lasting effect upon the Socialist
Movement by impressing upon it a harmonious and world-wide character. By
1876 the International Workingmen's Association was ruined by the
quarrels that had taken place between the more moderate faction under
the leadership of Marx, and the anarchistic element under Bakunin. It
had, however, by this time contributed wonderfully towards the spread of
Socialism, for it had taught the working classes of Europe the
international nature both of their own grievances and of capitalism.
Closely rivaling the success of the International Workingmen's
Association in furthering the cause of Socialism was a book known as
"Capital," an economic work the first volume of which was published in
1867 by Karl Marx. The author never lived to edit the second and third
volumes, though after his death in London, March 14, 1883, they were
published from his notes by Frederick Engels. This work, to which the
Father of the Revolutionary Movement gave the German title "Das
Kapital," has long been known as the Bible of Socialism. Its
systematized philosophic and economic doctrines besides having supplied
the various national branches of the party with a common theory and
program, in the main still constitute the creed of the immense majority
of the Socialists the world over. Though "Capital" has suffered severely
from the criticism of economists of many schools, and though not a few
of its doctrines have been rejected by present-day Socialists, its
powerful influence still persists to a very marked degree.
Supplementing this short historical sketch of the origin of the modern
Socialist movement, short comments will be added concerning the
Revolutionary organization in the different countries of the world.
In Germany the Socialist movement first took shape in 1862 under the
influence of Ferdinand Lassalle. It made comparatively slow progress
until 1874 when the 450,000 Socialist voters returned ten members to the
Reichstag. An attempt on the part of the German Government to suppress
the movement failed, and henceforth the party under the leadership of
August Bebel, Karl Kautsky, George Von Vollmar, and Wilhelm Liebknecht
steadily continued to grow in strength. Shortly before the outbreak of
the World War the Socialists, besides occupying 110 seats in the
Reichstag out of a total of 397, polled about 4,252,000 votes and
published 158 papers, but a faction under the leadership of Bernstein
had made great progress in its endeavors to transform the Revolutionary
organization into an opportunist party.
Most of the German Socialists supported the war and the majority of
their members in the Reichstag voted for the war credits. Some, however,
like Karl Liebknecht, the son of Wilhelm Liebknecht, opposed the
imperial government and were imprisoned. Pressure, however, finally
forced the government to release Liebknecht, who then delivered
impassioned speeches throughout the country, stirring up the people
against Kaiserism and the war profiteers and urging the soldiers to turn
their weapons against the imperial government itself. While Liebknecht
was defying the authorities, the naval forces mutinied at Kiel. The
Socialists then called a general strike for November 11, 1918, as a
prelude to the revolution. Scheidemann and Ebert had been supporting the
government of Prince Max of Baden, the successor of Von Hertling, as
chancellor of the empire, and had deprecated the idea of a revolution.
But when Scheidemann saw that the revolution was certainly coming and
that he and his colleagues would probably be left stranded, he joined
the movement with his powerful organization, stepped in and grasped the
power. A national council of soldiers, sailors and workmen was formed at
Berlin, but the provisional government was shaped by Scheidemann, Ebert
and others of the majority Socialists by virtue of their excellent
political machinery. The Ebert-Scheidemann government fought many a
bitter struggle with growing radicalism. Their government represented
the most moderate group of the Socialists and received the support of
the Centerists and others because these were far more opposed to the
Socialists of the extreme left, such as the Spartacan Communists.
Several revolts engineered by the Spartacans were put down with
considerable bloodshed. In January, 1919, soon after the defeat of the
Spartacides in Berlin, Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, their
leaders, were put to death, and their minority party seemed to diminish
in strength. In the latter part of May, 1919, the majority Socialists of
the reactionary Ebert-Scheidemann group were at first opposed to the
signing of the Treaty of Paris, whereas the Spartacans, and also the
Independent Socialists under the leadership of Hugo Haase and Karl
Kautsky, tried to force their opponents to sign it, so that the people
of Germany might soon blame the "reactionaries" for the humiliation,
and rise in rebellion to overthrow them.
In Bavaria the anti-war sentiment spread rapidly, fostered by the
efforts of Kurt Eisner. King Ludwig abdicated the throne on November 16,
1918, and Eisner took up the reins of power, forming a Socialist
government. After a few weeks Eisner broke with the Ebert-Scheidemann
government of Berlin, and soon after was assassinated. Not long after
this the Bavarian communists imposed the Soviet form of government on
the country, much to the dislike of many of the inhabitants, especially
those living outside of Munich. The peasants of Bavaria rebelled against
the communist-soviet government of Munich, which finally fell, after the
Noske-Ebert-Scheidemann forces had marched against the city.
Very many years ago Socialists began to spread their doctrines as best
they could in the realms of the Czar. Many a Marxian was arrested for
attempting to undermine the Russian government and sent into exile in
Siberia. The World War having broken out, Russia suffered terribly, and
this suffering, especially of the masses, caused great discontentment
and made the people an easy prey to the revolutionary forces of
Socialism. The bureaucratic Czarist regime finally broke down in March,
1917, as soon as the revolution started. Three main contending parties
attempted to ride into power on the revolutionary tide; the Cadets, the
Moderate Socialists (i.e., the Mensheviki, and Social Revolutionists)
and the Bolsheviki or revolutionary Socialists. The Cadets were the
first to gain the upper hand, but were soon swept away, for they strove
to satisfy the soldiers, workers and peasants with abstract, political
ideals. The Mensheviki and Social Revolutionists succeeded the Cadets.
The demand for a Constitutent Assembly was one of the main aspirations
of the Russian Revolution. It was on the eve of its realization that
Bolsheviki, in November, 1917, by a _coup d'état_ seized the reins of
power. The elections for the assembly took place after the Bolsheviki
had gained the upper hand and the Bolsheviki were defeated. The
Constituent Assembly was actually convened in Petrograd in January,
1918, but the Bolsheviki dispersed the parliament at the point of the
bayonet. Russia was then ruled by Lenine, head of the soviet system of
government. The government was a "dictatorship of the proletariat,"
characterized by injustice, violence, oppression, and bloodshed, the
Soviets being little more than tribunals of punishment and execution,
instruments of terror in the hands of the Autocrat Lenine. The
Bolshevist government has met with continual opposition from the
opposing groups of Socialists in Russia and has been attacked by the
Allies, principally on the Archangel front and in the Gulf of Finland.
The Finns, Lithuanians, Poles, Czecho-Slovaks, Rumanians, Ukranians, and
especially Admiral Kolchak's Siberian forces waged a relentless warfare
against the Bolsheviki tyranny either for political reasons or to rescue
the countless millions of Russians who suffered so terribly from the
Lenine system of dictatorship. By the latter part of February, 1920, the
Lenine government seemed to be overcoming all military opposition.[A]
The Socialists in Austria-Hungary as far back as 1907 could count
1,121,948 votes and 58 newspapers. Shortly before the end of the World
War the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy fell. Austria and Hungary separated
from each other and each became a republic. Count Karolyi was head of
the new Hungarian government, socialistic in tendency. In the early
spring of 1919, when Hungary was being invaded by Czecho-Slovak troops,
Italians and Rumanians, and was threatened with an invasion from the
Allies Count Karolyi fled and the government fell into the hands of the
radical Socialist, Bela Kun, who soon established intimate relations
with the Bolshevist government at Moscow. One difficulty after another,
however, especially the attacks of the Rumanians, soon taxed the
strength of the crimson-red government; and in the summer of 1919 it
succumbed to pressure brought to bear on it by the Allies.
Notwithstanding the Bolshevist propaganda carried on in Vienna, the
Austrian government down to February, 1920, has resisted all inducements
to adapt Bolshevism.
Modern Socialism in France was rather inactive previous to the outbreak
of the Commune in 1871. Then, after the victory of the government forces
over the revolutionists, many leaders of the Commune declared for
Anarchism, but subsequently abandoned it as impracticable and devoted
themselves to the propaganda of Marxian Socialism. After Jules Guesde
and other communards were permitted to return to France, by the amnesty
of 1879, the party at first developed considerable strength, but soon
split up into several factions, with Guesde as the leader of the more
radical wing and Jaurés and Millerand at the head of the moderate
parliamentarian group. In the election of May, 1914, the United
Socialists under Jaurés polled 1,357,192 votes, while the Radical
Socialists and their allies in the Caillaux combination cast 2,227,176
votes. During the World War most of the Socialists, especially those in
parliament, supported the government.
After the War the Longuet faction of the Socialist Party became the
majority party, took over control of the great Paris Socialist daily
L'Humanité and chose Cashin as editor. On April 6, 1919, a great
demonstration took place in Paris in honor of Jaurés, the Socialist
leader of France, who had been assassinated at the beginning of the
World War. This and the decisions taken at the Socialist party congress
of the Federation of the Seine on March 13th, demonstrated the decided
turn to the left that the Socialist Party had taken since its previous
congress in October, 1918. In the demonstration, consisting, perhaps, of
50,000 Socialists, cries of "Revolution!" "Down with the War!" "Down
with Clemenceau!" "Long live the Soviet!" and "Long live Russia!" filled
the air for three hours.
"The Call," New York, May 19, 1919, thus comments:
"The Socialist papers for several days appeared uncensored, though
every line breathed revolution. Most startling of all, there were
as many soldiers as civilians marching.
"Seven days later the representatives of each Socialist local in
the Department of the Seine met in convention to decide upon which
of three resolutions they should recommend the coming national
congress of the Socialist Party to adopt. The discussion was hot,
and more or less revolved around the personalities of the three
leaders, Albert Thomas, Right Socialist, Jean Longuet, Left
Socialist, and F. Loriot, Communist or Bolshevist. Broadly
speaking, the Thomas resolution based its faith upon present
political action and future political power; the Longuet resolution
advocated a third International, without indorsing the third
International held in Moscow in March, and the Loriot resolution
indorsed the Zimmerwald resolutions (against all wars) and
recognized the existence of the Third International established by
the Russian Bolshevik party.
"Most of the discussion hinged upon affairs in Russia with hoots of
derision at every uncomplimentary mention of Bolshevism, until the
speaker either had to take his seat or qualify his criticism of the
Soviet republic.
"Both the Longuet and Loriot resolutions called the war the
consequence of imperialistic anarchy and bourgeois ambition, both
denounced the imposition upon Germany of an unjust, or Bismarckian,
peace, such as was imposed upon France in 1871, and both mourned
the assassination of Karl Liebknecht, Rosa Luxemburg, and Kurt
Eisner.
"The Longuet resolution was as strong in its declaration of
solidarity with the Soviet republic of Russia as the Loriot
resolution was in opposition to all annexation of the Sarre Valley
by France."
The National Congress of the Socialist parties of France was held from
April 19 until April 22, 1919. A motion by M. Kienthaliens demanding the
adhesion of French Socialists to the Internationale at Moscow, under the
leadership of Premier Lenin of the Bolshevist government polled only 270
votes. This resolution failed to pass probably because the Longuet
majority faction desired the union of all the French Socialist parties.
The Congress adopted by a majority of 894 votes, a resolution offered by
Jean Longuet to the effect that the French Socialists are willing to
continue to form a part of the Second Internationale, provided that all
those who are Socialists in name only shall be excluded.
On May Day, 1919, the Socialists manoeuvered a general strike of all
labor in Paris for twenty-four hours. The press dispatches informed us
that the shut-down was virtually complete. Not a wheel was turning on
any of the transportation systems and taxicabs and omnibuses kept off
the streets. All restaurants and cafés were closed and guests in the
hotels went hungry if they had not supplied themselves with food
beforehand. Even the drug stores closed.
Theatres, music halls, and other resorts did not open. No newspapers
were published and periodic stoppages occurred in the postal and wire
services throughout the day. Industry on all sides was in a state of
complete inactivity, work being suspended by every class of labor. There
was considerable disorder and very many policemen and civilians were
injured.
In the elections of November, 1919, the Socialist vote increased to
1,750,000, a gain of 40 per cent over that of 1914. On the 1914 basis of
representation this would have given them 160 seats in the Chamber of
Deputies; but their representation was actually reduced from 105 to 55,
due to a new basis of representation and a new formation of districts.
The French Syndicalists, of the Labor Confederation, had 600,000 members
before the war and now claim 1,500,000. They were quiescent during the
war, but their congresses of July, 1918, and September, 1919, showed a
"tendency to return to the traditional revolutionary policy of French
Syndicalism."
In Great Britain it was not until 1884, when the Social Democratic
Federation was organized by Henry M. Hyndman, that the Marxian movement
displayed any notable activity. Its progress at first was extremely
slow, but after the Independent Labor Party was formed in 1893 under the
leadership of J. Keir Hardie with a view to carrying Socialism into
politics, the revolutionary doctrines spread much more rapidly, "The
Clarion" and "Labor Advocate," the two organs of the Independent Labor
Party, helping wonderfully in the work. In 1883 the Fabian Society, an
organization Socialistic in name and tendencies, was founded by a group
of middle class students. It rejected the Marxian economies, and by
means of lectures, pamphlets, and books advocated practical measures of
social reform. Among the leading English Socialists of the more radical
type have been Hyndman, Aveling, Blatchford, Bax, Quelch, Leathan and
Morris; while Shaw, Pease and Webb were the leading members of the
moderate Fabian Society.
The vast majority of English Socialists supported the government in the
World War, but the Labor Party, mostly Socialistic, during that time
engineered great strikes of the coal miners, dock workers and railroad
men. A press despatch dated London, April 21, 1919, says:
"The first gun in the long advertised campaign of Bolshevism in
Britain was fired at Sheffield, where the British Socialists'
annual convention, at its opening session passed a resolution
urging the establishment of a British soviet government.
"The resolution expresses all admiration for the workings of the
soviet system in Hungary and Bavaria. It declares war on the
'capitalist' system in Britain, attacks the policy of the peace
conference toward Russia and favors the distribution of
revolutionary propaganda in the British army and navy."
During the summer and fall of 1919, Socialist and Bolshevist principles
continued to gain an ever-increasing and very serious hold on the people
of England and proved a serious menace to the government in the general
railway strike in October.
In Italy Socialism has been making steady progress for many years and
since the end of the World War has increased wonderfully in strength.
The party has greatly profited by the suffering and discontent due to
the war and especially by the failure of Italy to secure coveted
territory after all her sacrifices and the victory of the Allies. On
April 10, 1919, the Italian Socialists manoeuvered a very successful
general strike in Rome, but were prevented by the government forces from
marching through the streets in any considerable numbers. About the same
time disturbances were also engineered in many cities and towns of the
country, especially in Florence[3] and Milan. In the latter part of
April, 1919, the Executive Committee of the Socialist party of Italy
resolved to sever its connection with the International Socialist Bureau
and the Berne Conference, in which there were many reactionary
Socialists, and to affiliate with the newly established Moscow
International, consisting of the various National groups of Socialists
giving whole-hearted support to Lenine and the Bolsheviki.
On July 21, 1919, Italian Socialists conducted a general strike against
the Russian blockade. Industrial prostration resulted in whole provinces
stopping all traffic and communication while Soviets were set up in 240
towns and cities, including Genoa and Florence. In the November, 1919,
elections the Socialists secured 159 Deputies in the Chamber, having had
44 previously. They cast over one-third of all votes cast, about
3,000,000, as against 883,409 in 1913.
The membership of the Italian labor unions is now estimated at
1,000,000, an increase of about 300,000 since 1917. At a national
conference, in April, 1919, the labor unions demanded a change of the
national Parliament into a national Soviet.
In Spain, especially in the big cities and notably in Barcelona,
Socialism has made steady progress and the Marxians have taken part in
several upheavals. In the early part of 1919 the eleventh national
Congress, which met at Madrid, elected Pablo Iglesias president of the
Executive Committee and adopted aggressive measures for extending
Socialist propaganda, especially into the rural districts, and for
establishing Socialist day schools and women's evening schools. The
official organ of the party, "El Socialista," came in for a round of
criticism because of its espousal of the Allied cause to the detriment,
it was charged, of the International principles to which it should have
adhered.
In the latter part of April, 1913, the Belgian Socialists, under the
leadership of Emil Vandervelde attracted the attention of the world by
attempting to paralyze the entire industrial system of the country by a
general strike. Shortly before the outbreak of the World War, Belgium,
with its comparatively small population, had about half a million
Socialist voters, constituting approximately half of the electorate of
the country. During the war the Socialists supported the government and
since the war down to the early fall of 1919 have not caused any serious
trouble.
On November 16, 1919, the Socialist vote rose to 644,499, with election
of 70 Deputies and 20 Senators, an increase of 21 Deputies and 5
Senators.
In March, 1919, out of the 100 members of the Second Chamber of Holland,
there were four Communists or Socialists of the extreme left and 20 of
more moderate tendencies. The Communists published a newspaper called
"The Bolshevist" and maintained relations with the Russian Soviet
Government and the German Sparticides. David Wynkoop, the leader of the
Dutch Communists, is called "Holland's Little Liebknecht" and in a
parliamentary speech openly threatened a general strike. There was a
Bolshevist crisis in January, 1919. An assembly of international
communists met at the Hague and Spartacide success in Germany was the
only thing required to launch a revolutionary attempt, accompanied by a
general strike and terrorism. The government then adopted stern
measures. Civil guards were formed, and banks, newspaper offices and
police bureaus were occupied by the military with machine guns, the
banks and newspapers having been previously equipped with wireless
against the cutting of telephone wires.
Wynkoop, in the company of workingmen, visited soldiers in their
barracks asking them to join the movement, but the soldiers fired,
killing three and wounding several. Efforts to corrupt the cavalry and
the navy by similar means were not a success.
Shortly after the overthrow of the Austro-Hungarian Government, the
three Socialist parties of Czecho-Slovakia, which had been divided
principally over questions of nationality, got together and their
leaders of moderate tendencies were very sanguine over the outlook for a
general victory at the ballot box in the near future. It appears,
however, that the party was afterwards split into pro and anti
Bolshevist factions, with a consequent decrease in political strength.
In speeches made by several leaders at the Bohemian Socialist conference
at Prague in the early part of April, 1919, it was decided that the
alliance with the Entente should be maintained because reconciliation
with Berlin, Budapest and Moscow would mean danger for the Czecho-Slovak
republic.
Bolshevism was described as the suicide of the proletariat, and it was
urged that the working people of Bohemia should differentiate between
exaggeration and methodic reform.
In Prague, Pressburg and other cities troops clashed with the Communists
and Social Democrats. On March 7, 1919, at a mass meeting addressed by
three leading agitators from Prague, 40,000 workers, mostly miners,
cheered assertions that the revolution of October 28, 1918, had not
turned out well for the proletariat which was still being oppressed;
that the Government of Prague was as weak as under the old Austrian
regime.
Socialism, in recent years, has made considerable progress in Sweden.
The majority of the Marxians seems to be of the moderate group, though
the Left Socialist Party assisted the Lenine Government of Russia.
Hjalmar Branting, the leader of the Moderate Socialists, addressing the
French Socialist Congress in the Spring of 1919, bitterly assailed
Bolshevism and issued a warning against it. Branting's Social-Democratic
Labor Party has 86 seats in Parliament, while the radicals, who seceded
to form the Socialist Party in 1917, have 12 seats. In this convention,
in June, 1919, the Socialist Party voted to join the Third (Moscow)
International, declared for the principle of the dictatorship of the
proletariat, voted for "mass action" as the means of conquest and a
Soviet organization of the workers.
In the Socialist party of Norway the Bolshevist faction appears to be in
control. After the revolution in Germany in the latter part of 1918, the
Norwegian Socialists, in speeches and articles urged the laborers to
organize revolutionary organizations similar to those in soviet Russia,
provide themselves with arms and be ready for a revolutionary uprising
to overthrow the government. The party congress in 1919 joined the Third
(Moscow) International and adopted "mass action" as tactics and
preparation for a general strike.
The Socialists were very active in Argentina after the ending of the
World War and were the back-bone of the serious and prolonged
disturbances in Buenos Aires. In the latter part of April, 1919, the
Pan-American Socialist Conference was held in the Argentine capital. Its
purpose was to promote the amalgamation of all the Socialist and labor
organizations of the Western Hemisphere into one body. In South America
Socialism is best organized in Argentine, Chile and Peru, and weakest in
Brazil and Colombia.
In Canada, at least till the summer of 1919, the Marxian forces were
gaining in strength daily. This was especially true of the western part
of the Dominion, where the radical industrial union, generally called in
Canada the "One Big Union," has become very influential. Serious strikes
with Bolshevist tendencies took place throughout the Dominion,
especially in Winnipeg in the spring of 1919.
Bulgaria has two Socialist parties, the Moderates and the Communist
Party, the latter affiliated with the Third (Moscow) International. In
the August, 1919, election the Moderate Socialist members in the
"Sobranie" or Chamber of Deputies decreased from 46 to 39, while the
Communists increased their Deputies from 10 to 47.
Mexico, on our southern border, has added "industrial unionism" to her
Socialist movement. At the Socialist Party convention in the fall of
1919 a part of the organization seceded and reorganized as the Communist
Party.
Besides the many millions of Socialists in the countries already
referred to, the Marxians are well organized and are making rapid
strides in Serbia, Denmark, Greece, Switzerland, the Balkan States,
Australia, New Zealand and even in South Africa and far distant Japan
and China.