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CHAPTER XVII.

"Thou, Æneas' nurse, Caieta, gav'st thy name,

In dying, to our shores, with deathless fame;

Thy name the place shall keep, thy bones shall guard,

In great Hesperia, if that be reward."

_Virgil's Æneid_, _Book_ vii. T. D.

THE GOOD ORDER IN NAPLES—ITS CAUSES—GARIBALDI VISITS

PALERMO—RETURNS—THE KING AND HIS ARMY AT GAETA AND

CAPUA—DESCRIPTION AND HISTORY OF GAETA AND CAPUA—PRESENT

CONDITION OF GAETA.

In what a peculiar, unexpected, and unaccountable condition must the

minds of the citizens of Naples have been before and after the arrival

of Garibaldi! Whoever has visited that city, as thousands of our

countrymen have done, and, while admiring the celebrated climate and

scenery, observed the poverty, ignorance, superstition, and idleness of

the mass of the people, especially the Lazzaroni—seventy thousand of

whom, it has often been asserted, have no home or shelter, or certain

means of subsistence—must have been ready to believe that scenes of

lawless violence might be excited there with great facility, and that

riots might occur if the government were weakened even for a moment. How

strong and general, then, must have been the salutary influences at work

to preserve peace and order in that population of nearly a million,

under the circumstances which have been reviewed! What could possibly

have secured such results but the faithful care of wise and good men?

The patriotic committee must have been successful in their efforts to

enlighten people of all classes, and to instill patriotic sentiments

into the hearts even of the Lazzaroni themselves; and they and the

rulers must have been well acquainted with the effects which had thus

been produced, or they would never have suffered, much less invited,

Garibaldi to enter Naples as he did, with only a few unarmed friends,

and meet with so peaceful and kind a reception.

On the 17th of September, Garibaldi made a flying visit to Palermo, in

the Neapolitan steamer Electrica. His arrival was entirely unexpected;

but, on his way from the landing to the palace, he was recognized by the

crowd, who followed and assembled beneath the palace windows. He made

his appearance on the balcony, and addressed them in these words:

"People of Palermo, with whom I have shared fatigues, perils and glory,

I am once more among you. Your memory is dear to me, and whatever part

of the world I may be in, I will always think of you.

"Those who wished to urge you to a speedy annexation, were putting you

in the wrong path. If I had followed their advice, I should not have

crossed the Straits and restored seven millions of men to Italy.

"They would have prostrated us at the feet of diplomacy, which would

have bound us hand and foot. There would have been brothers beyond the

Vulturnus, with chains on their ankles. People of Palermo, I thank you

in the name of Italy for your resistance. I love Italy and Victor

Emanuel; no one is a greater friend than myself of Victor Emanuel, the

representative of Italy. You despised their counsels, and I thank you

for it, you invincible people of the barricades."

The following proclamation was issued by Garibaldi to the inhabitants of

Palermo:

"The people of Palermo, who showed no fear in face of those who

bombarded their city, have shown themselves recently equally regardless

of fear in face of corrupt men, who want to lead them astray.

"They have spoken to you of annexation, as if any one was more fervent

than myself for the regeneration of Italy; but their object was to serve

personal interests, and you replied like a people who felt its own

dignity, and placed confidence in the sacred and unviolated programme

which I proclaimed—'Italy and Victor Emanuel.'

"At Rome, people of Palermo, we will proclaim the kingdom of Italy, and

there only will be sanctified the great family-bond between free men and

those who are still slaves of the same country.

"At Palermo annexation was demanded, that I might not pass the Straits;

at Naples it is demanded that I may not cross the Volturno. But as long

as there are chains to be broken in Italy, I will follow my course or

bury my bones there.

"I leave you Mordini, as pro-Dictator, and certainly he will show

himself worthy of you and of Italy. I have yet to thank you, as well as

the brave national militia, for the faith you have placed in me and in

the destinies of our country.

"GARIBALDI.

"PALERMO, _Sept. 17, 1860_."

The following proclamation was addressed to the Palermitans a few days

before:

"Near to you, or far from you, brave people of Palermo, I am with you,

and with you for all my life!

"Bonds of affection, community of fatigue, of danger, of glory, bind me

to you with indissoluble ties; moved from the very depths of my soul,

with my conscience as Italian, I know that you will not doubt my words.

I separated myself from you for the common cause, and I left you another

self—Depretis! Depretis is confided by me to the good people of the

capital of Sicily; and, more than my representative, he is the

representative of the holy national idea, 'Italy and Victor Emanuel.'

Depretis will announce to the dear people of Sicily the day of the

annexation of the island to the rest of free Italy. But it is Depretis

who must determine—faithful to my mission and to the interest of

Italy—the fortunate epoch. The miserable beings who talk to you of

annexation to-day, people of Sicily, are the same who a month ago spoke

to you and stirred you up; I ask them, people, if I had condescended to

their individual littlenesses, could I have continued to fight for

Italy—could I have sent you this day my salutation of love from the

beautiful capital of the Southern Italian continent? Well, then, noble

people, to the cowards who hid themselves when you fought in the

barricades of Palermo for the liberties of Italy, you will say, from

your Garibaldi, that the annexation and the kingdom of King Victor

Emanuel we will proclaim quickly; but there, on the heights of the

Quirinal, when Italy shall count her sons in one family, and receive all

as free men in her illustrious bosom, and bless them.

"G. GARIBALDI."

Garibaldi has always been humane and sympathizing, and especially with

his own suffering soldiers. Of this there are proofs in the preceding

pages. Few men ever knew as well as he how to make the unfortunate feel

that they were compassionated. The following is an account of one of his

visits to the hospitals of Palermo, from the letter of one of our own

countrymen, who had offered his services as a surgeon early in the

Sicilian war:

"One of the most moving sights it has been my lot to witness, was

Garibaldi's visit here the other morning. As he entered the different

wards, it seemed as though an electric shock had been communicated to

all the inmates; after the first joyful cry: '_E lui! E Garibaldi! E il

Generale!_" a dead silence prevailed; all eyes were fixed upon him as he

passed from bed to bed, taking the thin, wasted hands in his, or

pressing his own upon many a feverish brow, making each patient feel

that he was his general's favorite son, and that from him he might

expect all that a father's tenderness could give. All his own men were

known to him; he called them by their names, remembered where and how

they were wounded, promoted this one, promised honorable employment to

others disabled for military service, granting permission to others to

go home, and providing them with ample means. When he came to the

Sicilians, he inquired kindly into their wants and condition; ordered

that the pay of one should be doubled, that another should be pensioned,

and so on. But perhaps the most interesting scene of all was his visit

to the Neapolitan ward, where we have eleven wounded prisoners, who have

petitioned to enter our ranks. After being told that they were wounded

at Calata Fimi, he said, 'Then you are brave men, truly! You have been

misled; taught to look on us as enemies. I am fortunate to have you for

my soldiers and for brothers.' Those men, strong and stalwart as they

were, wept like little children, and in Garibaldi's eyes were tears;

none could help weeping, and one felt why it is that he is so loved, so

idolized by all. When the emotion had a little passed, they tried to

kiss his hands; he snatched them away. 'No, no!' he said, 'no more

_Eccellenza_; no more kissing of hands; that is servile. We are

Italians—brothers—we are equals!'"

On Garibaldi's return to Naples, he had soon to turn his attention from

the city toward the strongholds to which the poor king had retired, in

the northwestern extremity of his late kingdom. The only territory now

remaining to him of "the Two Sicilies," was the remarkable promontory of

Gaeta and the adjacent range of mountainous and hilly country, extending

southwesterly a few miles, near the frontier of the Pope's dominions,

and along the courses of the rivers Volturno and Garigliano, to the

heights of Capua. Gaeta and Capua have long been strong fortresses, and

have known, at different periods, the hard fate of war. In Gaeta the

present pope found a refuge, when he fled from Rome in 1848; thence were

sent the calls to his spiritual subjects in all countries, to make

contributions of "Peter's pence," and the demands on "Catholic powers,"

to reinstate the "Gentle Shepherd" in his sheepfold—by force of arms.

That call was answered by four monarchs; one of whom, the savage father

of the now fugitive King of Naples, had his armies, too, routed by the

now victorious Garibaldi; and another, Louis Napoleon, after having his

advance of 8,000 men driven back by the same hero, at the point of the

bayonet, afterward, by false faith and overwhelming numbers, took the

city by fraud and bombshells, and, on one pretext and another, has held

it to the present time. He, however, has recently done so much for

Italy, and seems resolved to do so much more, that her friends gladly

indulge the hope, that he will continue a course quite the opposite of

that which history was compelled to record nearly twelve years ago, and

which posterity will ever be compelled emphatically to condemn.

A description of Gaeta, Capua, and Caserta will be necessary to many

readers, before a connected account is given of the important military

events which took place in that remarkable vicinity in October and

November, 1860.

The traveller who leaves Naples for Rome, soon joins the route taken by

the Apostle Paul from Puteoli. He first crosses the Campagna di Lavoro

(country of labor), formerly called by the Romans, the Campania Felix

(happy country), and now covered with countless fields, pastures,

gardens and forests of vineyards. At the distance of about twenty miles,

he reaches the foot of the bare mountain range above mentioned, where

are seen the ruins of ancient Capua; and after winding among

eminences—among scenes desolate compared with those he has seen—and

crossing the Volturno and the Garigliano, he stops at Castello or Mola

di Gaeta. From the windows or terrace of the post-house he looks out

through a garden of flowers and orange-trees, upon a fine bay, several

miles across, the shores of which, low and curving round on the right,

extend to a high, round mountain opposite, where a city is seen at its

foot, and the zigzag walls and batteries of a mighty fortress on its

sides and summit. That is Gaeta.

When seen and sketched by the writer, not a ship or boat lay on the

noble bay, and there was scarcely a sign of life on the land. Cicero's

tomb (if tradition may be trusted) is one of the large square masses of

brick-work, overgrown with ivy, which stand near the road beyond the

hotel; for on his way to Gaeta was the great Roman orator assassinated,

by command of the treacherous Octavius.

An old Latin itinerary of Italy gives several pages to the history and

description of Gaeta, which was considered an almost impregnable

fortress two centuries ago, being a peninsula connected with the

mainland only by a fortified bridge, and having many forts and

batteries.

We translate the following account of Gaeta with abridgments, from a

celebrated work, "The History of Naples from 1734 to 1835," by General

Pietro Colleta:

The first walls of this city were raised by the Trojans, according to

ancient tradition; and Æneas named it after his nurse, Caieta, who was

buried there. It soon increased and was extended. Alfonzo, of Aragon,

erected a castle; Charles V. inclosed the city with fortified walls, and

succeeding kings added new defensive works. In 1734, it was besieged by

the Spaniards, and was then almost as it is now. It is situated on a

promontory, at the end of a low isthmus of the Tirrenian sea, the

descent to which is very abrupt. The isthmus extends, in a narrow plain,

to the mountains of Castellona and Itri.

On the summit of Gaeta is the very ancient tower of Orlando. The walls

of the fortress follow the declivities of the ground, and present

bastions, curtains and angles defending every point, modern science

being brought into use, as far as the nature of the ground would permit.

On the land side is a second inclosure within the first, with two

fosses, two covered ways, and several parade grounds. The citadel is

called the Castle of Alfonzo.

The Duke of Liria besieged the place with 16,000 Spaniards, well

provided with ships of war, arms, machines and supplies, when it was

defended by 1,000 Germans and 500 Neapolitans of the battalion formed by

the Duke of Montaleone. Trenches were soon opened, and approaches made,

by covered ways, toward the wall, while several cannon and mortar

batteries were raised, to batter the citadel, and reply to the guns of

the fortress. The Duke of Montemar and Charles V. joined the besiegers,

pressed the siege, and, after some delay, the place was surrendered,

after small loss on both sides. Only Capua then remained bearing the

standard of Cæsar; the Count de Traun commanding the Germans, and Count

Marsillac the Spaniards, who had been, as on previous occasions,

friends, enemies, and prisoners to one another, often disappointed by

ill-fortune, but always with benevolent hearts. The preceding facts we

have abridged from the first volume of Colleta's history.

Between the time of the surrender in 1734 and the treaty of Aix la

Chapelle, and during the fears of war in the reign of Ferdinand, the old

walls and bulwarks were restored, and the place surrounded by two walls,

and in front were formed a fosse and two covered ways. The siege was

commenced in February, by about 14,000 men against 7,000, in the form of

a blockade, as the besiegers were destitute of heavy artillery and

besieging apparatus. By the end of May, cannon being obtained, and

batteries having been constructed at Montesecco, the trench was opened,

and branches extended toward the two sides of the isthmus, and formed

the first parallel. But, the soil being bare and composed of hard

calcareous rock, earth was brought from a distance, and fascines and

gabions from the woods of Fondi, twelve miles distant. Much wood,

however, was obtained by destroying the houses in the vicinity, which

had been inhabited by nine thousand sailors and other industrious

people, who had fled from the scene of war. Batteries were raised to

fire upon ships approaching, and Sicilian and English vessels were

several times driven off with loss. The fortress kept up firing day and

night, and 2,000 shots were made in twenty-four hours without doing any

injury or receiving any reply from the besiegers. By the beginning of

July, preparations were made to open breaches in the citadel and the

Bastion della Breccia; and on the 7th, after the long silence on the

part of the besiegers, a tremendous fire was opened with eighty heavy

cannon and mortars, to which the besieged promptly replied. After ten

days of continued firing, the citadel was breached, but the bastion held

out until the 19th. On the morning of the 20th, when the French had

shown themselves ready to assault, the garrison demanded terms and

surrendered. They took an oath not to fight France or her confederates,

and 3,400 were transported to Sicily, some hundreds remained in the

hospital, some escaped, and others deserted to the conquerors. About 900

Bourbonists were killed and wounded, and 1,100 Frenchmen. Among the

former was Prince Phillipstadt, and among the latter, General Vallongue.

In 1798, Gaeta was surrendered to General Rey. While the left wing of

the French army was proceeding slowly through the Abruzzi, the right

wing reached the Garigliano, and summoned the Swiss commander of Gaeta,

Marshal Tschiudi, to surrender. The latter being a Swiss mercenary, who

had risen to rank by marriage and promotion without merit, urged by the

bishop and intimidated by the first missile thrown by the French, gave

up the fortress without conditions. Four thousand men, and a formidable

fortress well prepared for resistance, were thus given up, with 60 brass

cannon, 12 mortars, 20,000 arquebuses, a year's provisions, machines,

ships in the harbor, and innumerable materials for defence. The soldiers

were sent into prison, but the commander secured himself and officers

the shameful distinction of liberty on parole.

General Mack still held out in Capua, and Gen. Macdonald hoped to find

him also a coward or a traitor; but his assault was resisted with vigor,

after the outposts had been driven in, and the attempt was fruitless.

Capua was given up to Gen. Championet by the treaty of Jan. 13, 1799.

The present condition of Gaeta is thus described by recent Turin papers:

"Gaeta is a second Gibraltar. It is armed with seven hundred pieces of

artillery. All the sovereigns, from Charles V. downward, have added to

its defences. Ferdinand II. fortified its most vulnerable points. Our

army will find great difficulties in taking it; but this siege will not

hinder the political and military reorganization of southern Italy, a

task to which the government is devoting its utmost efforts. Gaeta has

provisions for six months, and during the siege, the representatives of

foreign powers will remain on board ships of war belonging to their

nations at anchor in the port.

"The front of attack on the land side does not exceed 700 metres in

extent. It is defended by works cut in the rock, and armed with three

rows of faced batteries, one of which has rifled cannon. These batteries

together mount about 300 guns, and their line of fire converges on the

points from which the attack must necessarily be made. The ditch at the

foot of the escarpment is cut in the rock, and the bottom of the

escarpment itself is completely covered. The other fortified points are

protected by masses of rocks, which render them unapproachable. The

ground in front of the place of attack is so rocky that any approaches

must be most difficult, and occupy a considerable time. Independently of

those defences, Gaeta possesses a certain number of works established on

the heights, among which may be mentioned the Castle, the Tower of St.

Francis, and the Monte Orlando, a strong fort, which commands both the

land side and the sea. As to the port, it is defended by considerable

works, which would cause great damage to vessels of war built of wood.

In the situation in which Gaeta now is, and with the sea side remaining

free in consequence of the non-recognition of the blockade by European

powers, it may, with a garrison of from 6,000 to 7,000 men, with

supplies of all kinds, defend itself for an almost indefinite period.

The struggle will be confined on both sides to a combat of artillery.

The besiegers may establish mortar batteries and bombard the place, but

that means will only occasion the destruction of the churches, public

buildings and private houses, but will not make the defenders of it

surrender, for the batteries and forts are all bomb-proof. The king had

put one wing of his palace into strong defence, and to it retired with

his family."

Francis II. had issued the following order of the day:

"SOLDIERS: When, after two months of generous efforts, perfect

self-devotion, labor and fatigue, we thought we had completed the work

of crushing the revolutionary invasion of our country, there arrived the

regular army of a friendly sovereign, which, by threatening our line of

retreat, has obliged us to abandon our position. Happen what may from

these events, the whole of Europe, in estimating and judging them, will

not be able to do less than admit the valor and fidelity of a handful of

brave men, who, resisting the perfidious seduction, as well as the

strength of two armies, have not only made resistance, but have once

more rendered illustrious the history of the Neapolitan army by the

names of Santa Maria, Cajazzo, Trifisco, Sant' Angelo, etc. These facts

will remain indelibly graven on my heart. To perpetuate the remembrance

of them, a bronze medal will be struck, bearing the legend, 'Campaign of

September and October, 1860,' and these words on the reverse, 'Santa

Maria, Cajazzo, Trifisco, Sant' Angelo,' etc. The medal will be

suspended by a blue and red ribbon. While ornamenting your noble

breasts, it will remind every one of your fidelity and your valor, which

will always be a claim to glory for those who shall bear your name.

"FRANCIS II."

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CHAPTER XVIII.

"Though soft the couch on which oppressors lie,

A harder fate will meet them ere they die."—

_MS._

"Then Fingal eyed his valiant chiefs;

His valiant chiefs replied;

The storm of battle roar'd again,

And Lochlin fled, or died.

"Never did joy o'er fallen foe

Upon my face appear

But I the feeble sav'd—the proud

Found that my rage was fire."

_Ossian versified._ T. D.

THE ROYAL PALACE AND GARDENS OF CASERTA—CHANGE OF

TIMES—THE RIVER VOLTURNO—POSITIONS OF THE KING'S TROOPS

AND GARIBALDI'S—THE BATTLE OF VOLTURNO.

Before we return to scenes of battle, we must stop to survey the

splendid and luxurious retreat of the King of Naples, where Garibaldi

had now established his head-quarters.

The palace and gardens of Caserta, as we saw them in a time of peace, we

may thus briefly describe: An avenue opens before us a mile in length,

at the end of which is seen the palace, presenting a front of white

marble, seven hundred and forty-six feet in length, with a spacious

square in front. From the broad steps the visitor discovers that he has

unconsciously been rising some distance above the level of the Bay of

Naples, now far behind him. But his attention is attracted within the

splendid palace, where a noble portal receives him, with a staircase on

his right, made of the celebrated variegated marbles of the kingdom,

which has had few if any equals.

It would require chapters to describe the almost innumerable apartments,

ante-chambers, waiting halls, reception halls, etc. Within its vast

compass are two theatres, one of which is said to be inferior only to

San Carlo in the capital. The front view of the edifice gives a very

inadequate impression of its real dimensions; as it covers an area five

hundred and sixty-four feet deep, with sides and a back front in the

same style, and two interior ranges crossing at right angles.

The glimpses we catch of the garden, through the spacious halls, or from

the upper windows, invite us to hasten through the palace; and a

charming view bursts upon us as we reach the rear portal. A tract of

land a mile in extent gradually rises to the hills of Capua, covered

with gardens and groves, lawns and avenues, interspersed with winding

paths, cascades and fishponds, glowing with flowers and adorned with

statues, whose beauties are redoubled by the shady foliage, the velvet

grass and the perfumes which fill the air. Directly before the observer

the main avenue of the garden opens the view up the ascent of the

sloping ground, where many terraces rise behind each other in

succession, by broad steps of white marble, on the right and left sides

of the wide avenue, while cascades pour down between them, in the

various forms of broad sheets and broken streams, intermingled with dark

rocks and white statues of animals, sea-gods and nymphs, and alternately

supplying and draining basins, ponds and small lakes, with grassy or

flowery margins, where swans, gazelles and other harmless creatures

sport in peace. On one of the lakes, formed in the adjacent fields and

groves, is an island, accessible in a ferry-boat, with a pavilion, where

refreshments are in waiting for the royal visitors; and on the shore of

another, a mimic fortress, with towers, battlements, moats and

drawbridges for the young princes to practise the art of war. Ah! what a

pity that Caserta should so long have been the only spot in the

dominions of Bomba where peace and happiness could be seen! Had he been

as mindful of the rights of his subjects as of the convenience of his

brute favorites, there would have been no need of the fortifications of

Gaeta, the protests of Europe or the invasion of Garibaldi.

A friend and admirer of that great man, while viewing, years before his

arrival, from the upper end of the grand avenue, this garden and the

adjacent "English garden" (which alone is three miles in circuit), and

seeing the campagna stretching to Naples, with her noble bay beyond,

thirty miles wide, marked by its islands on the west and Vesuvius on the

east, exclaimed: "Oh! this land is worthy of better masters!" The

response to this wish has been recently fulfilled in a most unexpected

manner, by placing the two Sicilies in the power of the Dictator, and

giving him that splendid palace for his head-quarters during the war in

earnest, which he has so successfully waged against the tyrannical

Bourbon, in one of the last of his strongholds.

Late in September was fought the battle of Caserta, which forced the

royal army to retire across the Volturno, to the fortress and batteries

of Capua.

THE BATTLE OF VOLTURNO

Was fought on the 1st of October, 1860, and was the greatest, for the

number of troops engaged, in which Garibaldi ever took part.

Both armies knew that Victor Emanuel was approaching at the head of the

Sardinian army, which passed so victoriously through the papal

territories, and was unopposed in those of Naples; and, while it was the

policy of Garibaldi to wait for his coming before fighting, it was that

of the royalists to gain a victory, if possible, before the arrival of

his powerful reinforcement. The Neapolitan generals had, therefore,

brought together all their available forces, and supplied the losses

caused by sickness and desertion.

The heights of Sant' Angelo and Bosco di San Vito form a long range,

reaching from the northwest of Caserta toward the river Volturno, two

miles northeast of Capua, passing to the left of the plain of Santa

Maria. This range descends precipitously to the rapid and narrow

Volturno, leaving room only for the road toward the Scafa di Carazzo. It

commands the country around and has much brushwood, while there are many

trees on the plain. Garibaldi often examined this ground; and he erected

several batteries to sweep the road on the opposite bank; dug a trench

near the shore to cover riflemen, and brought barges from Naples to

cross with if necessary. There he stationed several corps of troops. The

left flank and communication with Santa Maria were rather exposed. On

the right the position was pretty well guarded by the ground and the

troops.

The positions formed a semicircle of nearly thirty miles along the hills

to Limatola by the river's course, and then curving back. Along the

chord of this arc, nearly ten miles long, lie Santa Maria, Caserta and

Maddaloni.

"October 1st at dawn," writes an officer, "the Neapolitan army of forty

or fifty thousand men, who were strongly fortified in the fortress of

Capua opposite, and its numerous outworks, attacked all parts of this

line at once. But, before that hour, Garibaldi had left Caserta by

railroad for the line. When he arrived, the firing had already begun.

The three places, Capua, Santa Maria, and the Spur of St. Angelo, form

almost an equilateral triangle, which is indicated by the three roads

which connect these places. They run with little curves almost

straight—that from Capua to St. Angelo, close to the river; that from

Capua to Santa Maria, parallel to the railway; and that from Santa Maria

to St. Angelo, at some distance from the hills till close to this latter

place, where it is joined by the road coming from Capua.

"This triangle, which is in most parts thickly wooded with olive, and

other trees, and has only few open spots, the Neapolitans had chosen as

their field of operations on our left, and as the chief attack of the

day. During the night all the troops stationed in the Polygon behind had

passed through the town and had collected in the Campo, a large open

space before the fortress. Here they opened out in two directions—one

column, the left, toward St. Angelo, and the right toward Santa Maria.

"I shall first speak of the left column. Besides the great road from

Capua, alongside the river, there is a by-road, which, leaving the main

road at a little distance from the town, strikes across the country and

goes straight toward the village of St. Angelo, which lies on the

retreating slopes of the heights. This was chosen by the Neapolitans as

the centre of their operations against this point, while they sent one

column by the main road toward the right, and another to the right

across the country to take the village in the other flank.

"The by-road which runs direct from Capua to St. Angelo, intersects the

road from Santa Maria to the river, just where the road turns up to St.

Angelo. In order to guard this position a barricade was constructed a

little beyond this point, and armed with four guns. The country near the

river is so low that every morning the exhalations of the ground cover

it with a thick white mist. Besides this, the torrents which come down

from the hills have artificial beds of 15 to 20 feet in depth, very

steep, and covered with brushwood, which are dry now, and serve as

roads. The Neapolitans, advancing by these, and taking advantage of the

mist, approached quite close to the barricade, and carried it at the

first onset, driving our men across the main road toward St. Angelo.

Having taken this position, they came out and formed in an open field

which lies along the road, in regular order of battle. Their left had

been equally successful, driving ours from the trench near the river,

and forcing them back on the heights of St. Angelo. The column to the

right again had not only passed the road, but had gone up a little hill

commanding St. Angelo.

"It was at this critical moment that Garibaldi arrived. He had taken,

with his staff, carriages at Santa Maria, and was coming on in the main

road toward St. Angelo. The balls and grape were flying about, but the

carriages still proceeded. When they arrived in the neighborhood of St.

Angelo they were in sight of the Neapolitans, who were drawn up there in

line of battle. Fortunately, close to this spot was one of the torrents

dammed, which formed a covered way. In this the carriages turned down,

except the last, which was struck by a cannon ball, and remained on the

road. Through the road Garibaldi advanced, revolver in hand, toward St.

Angelo, and arrived just in time to give new courage to the defenders.

The object was to drive away the column in the rear of the hills to the

left of St. Angelo; this was easily done by throwing some skirmishers on

the heights above those occupied by the intruders. There was,

fortunately, some artillery in front, which was turned to good account,

but as usual, it was the bayonet which decided. The Neapolitans tried to

penetrate by a cavalry attack, but were beaten back, chiefly by the

coolness of the Calabrese, who behaved splendidly. After three or four

hours' fighting, whatever could be got together of available men were

carried forward, and the Neapolitans not only driven back from their

position on the great road, but likewise the barricades retaken. This

was about nine o'clock.

"During this time the fight had been equally hot at Santa Maria. General

Milvitz, who commanded there, was obliged to confine his defence to the

immediate vicinity of the town, holding the main road to Capua and the

space between it and the railway. Some light earthworks which he had

thrown up lately were of good service. But the enemy brought up fresh

and fresh troops, which he kept in reserve in the Campo before Capua.

The shells and shot flew into the houses of Santa Maria, and the

inhabitants left in masses. Dispatch after dispatch was sent to Caserta,

where the reserve was, to ask for reinforcements. But the reinforcements

were likewise claimed on another side. Early in the morning a column had

shown itself toward Castel Morone, but was easily driven back, and did

not renew its attack. More serious was the advance against Maddaloni,

where a column of four thousand or five thousand men attacked Bixio. It

was a hard fight, for there were not more than two thousand to two

thousand five hundred men to oppose on a long line where the hills had

to be kept on both sides. But the struggle was soon decided. By noon the

news came that the enemy had not only been driven back from their

position, but had likewise been followed up to the river. A part of

their forces were cut off, and threw themselves into the mountains

between Caserta and Maddaloni.

"Then there was a little breathing time, at least on our side, and the

whole effort could be directed against Capua. There were but two

brigades remaining in reserve, both weakened by detachments sent in

different directions. The first was sent on by rail; the second went by

the road, and both arrived almost at the same time, about one P.M. And

it was time. The Neapolitan bullets and balls were coming freely into

Santa Maria, while Garibaldi sent orders to let any disposable troops

advance as quickly as possible toward St. Angelo. The defence of Santa

Maria was quite confined to the outskirts of the town, where the

Piedmontese artillerymen were behaving beautifully. The first thing was

to oppose this, and a battalion of Bersaglieri and one of the regiments

of the Brigade Eber, were sent to advance, while the Brigade Milano was

sent by the Porta St. Angelo to take the enemy on the left flank. But

before this occurred, the newly-formed Hungarian Hussars had been sent

out by the Porta Capua to drive back the enemy's cavalry, which ranged

close to the gate. Although not more than sixty horsemen, they charged

and drove back the two squadrons, cutting them down and taking a number

of prisoners.

"The infantry soon followed, and General Turr took the command of that

side. Although mostly fresh troops, with the exception of the _cadres_,

composed of the Cacciatori of the first expedition, they went on like

old soldiers. The enemy, who had evidently all day long the idea of

intimidating our troops with his cavalry, charged: but the Picciotti,

guided by the soldiers of Calata Fimi, formed groups, and not only stood

firing, but bayoneted the horsemen. After this it was almost nothing but

advance with the bayonet, till the Convent of the Capuchins and the

Cemetery, the two chief positions of the Neapolitans, were permanently

taken.

"While this was going on on that side, the rest of the Brigade Eber, the

last reserve, was called by the Dictator toward St. Angelo. Scarcely out

of the gates, it fell in with Garibaldi, who, accompanied only by a few

officers, was waiting for further reinforcements to fall on the flank of

the enemy, who, on withdrawing from St. Angelo, had taken to the woods,

and occupied some houses with his artillery.

"After the first defeat in the morning, the enemy had returned with new

forces to carry St. Angelo. Not only did all his field guns scatter

death in every direction, but likewise three batteries from the opposite

bank, and the mortars from the fortress, began to open a tremendous

fire, under the protection of which the Neapolitans advanced between 10

and 11 A.M. They carried once more the position of the barricade, and

occupied even the first houses leading up toward St. Angelo. Medici and

Col. Spangaro, besides Garibaldi, did everything to steady the wavering

troops, who, seeing themselves so much outnumbered, and attacked by such

formidable artillery, began to think the day lost. For hours the fight

lasted, a continual advance or retreat on both sides, but still the

Neapolitans could not gain much ground. This was, perhaps, the most

strongly contested spot on the whole line, and only in the afternoon the

advantage began to show on our side. The Neapolitans had again to clear

the road, but they still held our barricade and the woods on both sides

of it. With great trouble two skirmishing lines were formed, and sent to

threaten their left and right, and then a hundred men were collected

behind the first house, and these made a rush, at the cry of 'Viva

Garibaldi!' and carried the position about 2 P.M., which was kept, as

well as the guns which were in it.

"Garibaldi returned to Santa Maria and brought on the rest of the

Brigade Eber to complete the success which had been gained. Scarcely

half a mile from Santa Maria, an open space lies on the left of the

road, through which a detached barrack is visible. Here the Neapolitans

had placed some guns, while their infantry lined the woods. As soon as

they saw the column, they opened fire. Garibaldi, not heeding, still

advanced, until he came to the first body. Here he gave orders to the

Hungarian legion and the Swiss company to advance and drive them away.

The two threw themselves into the woods, and, scarcely using their arms,

advanced with the bayonet, driving the Neapolitans before them like

sheep. A cavalry charge of several squadrons followed, and did a good

deal of harm to the little body of brave fellows, but did not hinder

them from following up their success and pushing forward to the very

edge of the Campo before Capua.

"Garibaldi still advanced with the few remaining companies in the

direction of St. Angelo, sending off one after another to continue the

work of the Hungarians. Medici had, in the meantime, also pushed in

advance, and by 4 P.M. the Neapolitans were flying in all directions,

and our men had occupied the edge of the wood at half a mile from Capua,

where they remained all night.

"It was as complete a defeat as ever an army suffered.

"They had on the whole line quite 30,000, to which we could scarcely

oppose 15,000.

"The losses were not so serious as might have been expected. Many

wounded, but few dead.

"The column which was cut off by Bixio showed about Caserta, and next

morning Garibaldi went to give them the finishing stroke.

"We have five guns which were left by the Neapolitans early in the day,

but could only be secured toward evening. Two British sailors

distinguished themselves in removing them."

The king's troops had erected strong defensive works along the right

bank of the Volturno, where they had, besides the formidable fortress of

Capua, on the margin of the water, every favorable point occupied with

forts or batteries. They entirely commanded the river, which is there

only a ditch, with bridges crossing from the castle. From San Clemente

to Cajazzo their bank was covered with well masked batteries, redoubts

and barricades of trees; while the low parts of the shore were full of

impediments and dangerous, concealed obstructions; and the whole was

supplied with numerous chosen troops, well intrenched, excited by the

promise of rewards.

We here translate _Garibaldi's Order of the Day_, after the battle of

Volturno:

"On the 1st of October, a fatal and fratricidal day, when Italians

fought, on the Volturno, against Italians, with all the energy which man

displays against man; the bayonets of my companions in arms found also

on that occasion the victory in their gigantic footsteps. With equal

valor they fought and conquered at Maddaloni, St. Angelo and Santa

Maria. With equal valor the courageous champions of Italian independence

led their brave men to the conflict.

"At Castel Morone, Bronzetti, a worthy rival of his brother, at the head

of a handful of Cacciatori, repeated one of those deeds which history

will surely place by the side of the combats of Leonidas and the Fabii.

Few, but splendid with the crown of valor, the Hungarians, French and

English, who attended the southern army, worthily sustained the martial

fame of their countrymen. Favored by fortune, I have had the honor, in

the two worlds, of fighting against the first soldiers; and I have

become convinced that _the plant Man grows in Italy not inferior to any

country_; I have been made to believe that these same soldiers whom we

have fought in southern Italy would not be placed behind the most

warlike, when assembled under the glorious standard of emancipation.

"At dawn on that day, I arrived at Santa Maria from Caserta, by the

railroad. While entering the coach for St. Angelo, Gen. Milwitz said to

me: 'The enemy have attacked my outposts of San Tamaro.' Suddenly,

beyond Santa Maria, toward St. Angelo, was heard a lively fusilade; and

near the posts of the left of the said position, they were powerfully

engaged with the enemy. A coachman and a horse of the coaches in my

train were killed. I might, however, pass freely, thanks to the bravery

of the Simonetta brigade, Division Medici, which occupied that point,

and courageously repulsed the enemy. I thus reached the crossing of the

Capua and Santa Maria roads, the centre of the position of St. Angelo,

and there were the Generals Medici and Avezzana, who, with their

accustomed courage and coolness, made their arrangements to repel the

enemy, breaking in upon their whole line. I said to Medici, 'I am going

alone to observe the field of battle. Defend the position at any cost.'

I had hardly proceeded toward the heights behind, when I found the enemy

were masters of them. Without loss of time, I collected all the soldiers

at hand, and placing myself on the left of the ascending enemy, I

endeavored to prevent them. I sent, at the same time, a company of

Genoese Bersaglieri toward Mount St. Nicolas, to prevent the enemy from

gaining possession of it. That company and two of the Sacchi brigade,

which I had demanded, and which made their appearance opportunely on the

heights, arrested the enemy.

"Then moving myself toward the right, on their line of retreat, the

enemy began to descend and fly. Not until some time afterward, I learned

that a corps of the enemy's Cacciatori, before their attack in front,

had got to our rear by a covered way, without being known. In the mean

time, the battle was warm on the plain of St. Angelo, now favorable to

us, and then compelling us to retire before so numerous and tenacious an

enemy. For several days unequivocal signs had announced to me an attack;

and therefore I was not left to be deceived by the different

demonstrations of the enemy against our right and left; and this was of

much importance, because the royalists had collected all their

disposable forces against us on the first of October, and attacked us

simultaneously in all our positions.

"At Maddaloni, after varying fortune, the enemy had been repulsed. At

St. Maria equally; and at both points they had left prisoners and

cannon. The same happened at St. Angelo, after a fight of more than six

hours; but, our forces at that point being very inferior to those of the

enemy, he had remained, with a strong column, master of the

communications between St. Angelo and St. Maria. I was, therefore,

obliged, in order to get to the reserve which I had asked of General

Sistori from Caserta, to pass to the east of the road leading from St.

Angelo to the latter point. I reached St. Maria near 2 P.M., and there

found our troops commanded by the brave general Milwitz, who had bravely

repulsed the enemy at all points. The reserves sent for from Caserta

reached us at that moment; and I placed them in column of attack on the

St. Angelo road; the Milan brigade, at the head, followed by the brigade

Eber; and I ordered in reserve part of the brigade Assanti. I then

pressed to the attack the brave Calabrians of Pace, who were in a wood

on my right, and fought splendidly. The head of the column had hardly

issued from the wood, about 8 P.M., when it was discovered by the enemy,

who began to fire grape. This caused a little confusion among the young

Milanese Bersaglieri, who marched in front; but those brave soldiers, at

the sound of charge from the trumpets, rushed upon the enemy, who had

begun to retire toward Capua. The lines of the Milanese Bersaglieri were

soon followed by a battalion of the same brigade, which fearlessly

charged the enemy without firing a shot.

"The road from St. Maria to St. Angelo forms, in the direction of St.

Maria to Capua, an angle of about forty degrees; so that, while the

column was proceeding along the road, it must always be on the left, and

alternate forward. When, therefore, the Milanese brigade and the

Calabrians were engaged, I sent forward the brigade Eber against the

enemy on the right of the former. It was fine to see the veterans of

Hungary march under fire with the tranquillity of a parade-ground, and

in the same order. Their fearless intrepidity contributed not a little

to the retreat of the enemy. With the movements in the front of my

column and on the right, I soon found myself joining with the column of

Medici, which had bravely sustained an unequal contest through the whole

day. The courageous Genoese carabiniers, who formed the left of the

division Medici, did not wait for any command to charge the enemy again.

They, as always, performed prodigies of valor. The enemy, after fighting

obstinately all day, toward 5 P.M., reëntered Capua in disorder,

protected by the cannon of the place.

"At evening I had noticed in St. Angelo, that a column of the enemy of

4,000 or 5,000 men was in Old Caserta. I ordered the Genoese carabiniers

to be ready at two in the morning of October 2d, with 350 men of the

corps of Spangaro, and 60 mountaineers of Vesuvius. I marched at that

hour on Caserta by the mountain road and St. Lencio. Before reaching

Caserta, the brave Colonel Missori, whom I had directed to discover the

enemy, with some of his brave guides, informed me that the royalists

were on the heights between Old Caserta and Caserta, which I was soon

able to verify. I went to Caserta to concert with General Sistori, and

not believing the enemy bold enough to attack that city, I combined with

him to collect all the forces at hand, and march against the enemy's

right flank, and attack him by the heights of the park of Caserta, thus

placing him between us and the division Bixio, which I had ordered to

attack him on that side.

"The enemy still held the heights; but discovering only a small force in

Caserta, had projected its capture, ignorant, no doubt, of the result of

the battle of the previous day, and, therefore, pushed half his force

upon that city. While I was thus marching under cover, on the right

flank of the enemy, he attacked Caserta in front, and would, perhaps,

have gained it, if General Sistori, with his accustomed bravery, and a

band of valorous men, had not repulsed him. With the Calabrians of

General Stocco and four companies of the northern army, I proceeded

against the enemy, who was charged—resisted but little, and was driven

almost at a run to Old Caserta. There a small number of the enemy

sustained themselves for a moment, firing from windows, but they were

soon surrounded and made prisoners. Those who fled in advance fell into

the hands of the soldiers of Bixio, who, after fighting bravely on the

first at Maddaloni, arrived on the field of battle like lightning. Those

who remained behind capitulated with Sacchi, whom I had ordered to

follow the movement of my column; so that, of all the enemy's corps, few

were able to escape. This corps, it appears, was the same which had

attacked Bronzetti at Castel Morono—and that his heroic defence, with

his handful of brave soldiers, had restrained them the greater part of

the day, thus preventing them from getting into the rear all that day.

The corps of Sacchi also contributed to detain that column beyond the

Park of Caserta on the first day by repulsing it bravely.

"G. GARIBALDI.

"CASERTA, _October_, 1860."

GARIBALDI'S PERSONAL HEROISM.

A correspondent of the Paris "Journal des Débats" says:

"The most brilliant episode of the action of the 1st of October was the

recapture of the battery at the foot of Mont St. Angelo. When I left

Santa Maria, I knew that this battery had been very much disabled in the

morning. Garibaldi arrived at nine o'clock, when the enemy was

thundering at it with all his strength, because it took him in flank,

and was causing him severe loss. The triple battery courageously

resisted the attack, and never slackened fire, when all at once the one

situated at the foot of the hill became silent. The royalists, to the

number of 2,500, got round the hill, and rushing upon the guns, spiked

five of them, and killed several of the men at their pieces. Garibaldi,

on the San Tannaro side, soon observed the silence of his favorite

battery, and an aid-de-camp from General Milwitz soon informed him of

the disaster, which would probably have lost him the battle. Garibaldi

at once started off, crossed Santa Maria, followed by Medici and his

staff, and collecting what men he could, cried out in a voice which

caused all to shudder, 'We are going to die, but the Italians must win

the day: at all other points we have conquered.' Followed by one hundred

men, at a rapid pace, Garibaldi leading the way in a small, disabled

carriage, went right forward. But just as they got near the Casino of

St. Angelo, some Neapolitan Chasseurs, who were lying on the ground,

rose and fell upon them. The coachman drove his horses into a ditch and

formed a barricade of the carriage. Garibaldi jumped up, indignant, and

went up to the Chasseurs, shouting, 'Viva Italia!' Some of his men

coming up at the same time, the enemy became demoralized and took to

flight. Garibaldi was slightly wounded in the stomach, and his trousers

were riddled by two or three bullets. 'If I only had another pair,' he

said, and without further remark he continued his march toward a

battalion of one hundred and fifty Hungarians, commanded by General

Mogyorady. He pointed to the Neapolitans who were in possession of the

battery, and cried out to them, 'Forward, my lads, disperse that rabble

for me!' This 'rabble' consisted of a regiment of the line, a squadron

of Cavalry, a company of Chasseurs, and a company of Artillery. The

Hungarians, without waiting to count the numbers of the adversary,

rushed forward and charged with the bayonet. After a contest of twenty

minutes, the battery was retaken, and once more it poured its storm of

grape on the Neapolitan troops, who fled in confusion across the fields.

The Hungarians, in this encounter, had thirty men put _hors de combat_,

the Neapolitans about two hundred. Garibaldi did not wait to dress his

wound, but hurried elsewhere. The day, however, was now won."

------------------------------------------------------------------------

CHAPTER XIX.

"This Pius the Ninth for us, Romans, has made

Short joy and long grief by his treacherous trade.

Beguil'd and oppress'd, we have lost ev'ry hope:

Then unpope him, unpope him, unpope the false pope."

_G. Rossetti._

"Priests of Italy! we can conquer without you, but do

not wish to. Are you not our brothers?"—_Manzini._

"Have the Roman people submitted quietly to the Popes'

temporal power? History records more than one hundred

and sixty rebellions against it in ten centuries."—_An

Italian writer._

"Curia Romana non petit ovem sine lana."—_Modern Roman

proverb._

THE POPE URGED BY FRANCE AND SARDINIA TO DISMISS HIS

FOREIGN TROOPS—INCONSISTENCIES OF LOUIS NAPOLEON —MARKED

CHANGES OF TIMES, DOCTRINES, AND MEASURES —VICTOR

EMANUEL'S DEMANDS PRESSED ON THE POPE —CONSPIRACIES AND

INSURRECTIONS IN THE POPE'S REMAINING DOMINIONS—THE

ULTIMATUM REFUSED—GENERAL CIALDINI MARCHES—BATTLE OF

CASTELFIDARO—CAPTURE OF SPOLETO, ANCONA, PERUGIA, AND

OTHER PLACES—VICTOR ENTERS THE KINGDOM OF NAPLES.

We must now leave Garibaldi for a time, and devote a chapter to the

affairs of the Pope and Sardinia.

The Emperor of the French and Victor Emanuel had long since advised and

urged the Pope to dismiss his foreign troops, with which he garrisoned

his fortresses, and not only kept the people in awe, but oppressed them

intolerably; but he, under the influence of his prime minister,

Antonelli, stubbornly refused, as well as persisted in denying every

proposition for the removal of abuses. Adhering to the old and impious

claim of divine right, as the vicegerent of God on earth, and hoping, no

doubt, that Austria would be able to come to his aid with her armies,

when every intelligent eye saw that Austria was hardly able to stand

alone, the pope had excommunicated Victor Emanuel, and even Louis

Napoleon in fact, though without naming him, at a time when the latter

was still upholding with his army the papal power in Rome, which he had

restored by besieging that city in 1849. There was an abundance of

inconsistencies and self-contradictions on all sides; and it would have

been difficult to point out any way in which either of the three

sovereigns could consistently move, speak or even stand still. But good

men rejoice when good is done, and sometimes the more when it is

effected in an unexpected quarter. In 1849 the Roman republic was

overthrown by French cannon, though created by the free suffrage of the

Pope's subjects; and, in 1860, most of the Pope's territory and

fortresses were to be captured in siege and battle, in order to drive

out foreign troops, whose presence was "an insult to Italy," and to

allow the inhabitants freedom to vote for annexation to Piedmont.

England had often protested to the kings of Naples against their

inhumanity toward their subjects; and thus she was prepared to approve,

as she has done, of the invasions of her territory by Garibaldi and

Victor Emanuel.

We can find here but little space to notice the events which followed

the Pope's final refusal to accede to the demands made upon him. How

unreasonable soever they appeared to him, or however inconsistent they

may have seemed to the world, especially the appeal to free, universal

suffrage, which would be hardly submitted to in any other country in

Europe, no alternative was left.

After the iniquitous overthrow of the republic by Louis, the occupation

of Rome by his army in fact conciliated the entire papal priesthood of

the world, and the population which has remained under their spiritual

influence; and it has prevented Austria not only from taking that place,

but of every excuse and possibility of aspiring to obtain it. While the

Pope has been surrounded by French troops, he has appeared to be under

safe guardianship, even although during the few months which have passed

since the fulmination of the Bull of Excommunication against Victor

Emanuel, Louis Napoleon himself has also been, by plain innuendo, laid

_under the ban_ by the same instrument, and has been transformed from

"the eldest son of the church—the beloved in Christ," as the Pope used

to denominate him, to an enemy, delivered over to Satan, and

anathematized, in every part and member of his soul and body, from the

crown of his head to his accursed feet.

But now things have changed wonderfully, and we have indications that

the French emperor is about to change his position accordingly. If

events take such a course as we may anticipate, the Pope's temporal

power will soon be entirely gone, and his respectability in the eyes of

the world will be only such and so much as can be bought with two

millions of dollars a year, and by a train of cardinals, with ten

thousand dollars apiece. This is the plan now proposed for the future

position of Pius IX., which Victor Emanuel seems likely to carry into

operation, with the approbation of Louis Napoleon. There is now no

longer any danger from Austria, weak as she is by bankruptcy, the loss

of most of her Italian possessions, threatened with the invasion of the

remainder by Garibaldi on "the ides of March," and with Hungary ready to

rise at the first signal. The Italians can now take charge of the Pope

and of Rome, without fear of Austria or assistance from France; and,

either before any more fighting in Lombardy and Venetia, or, if need be,

after it, the kingdom of all Italy is likely to be proclaimed, according

to Garibaldi's announcement, from the Quirinal, one of the seven hills

of Rome.

When this shall have been done, the anticipations of the Italian

patriots will be realized, who have long regarded the loss of the Pope's

temporal kingdom as surely involving the destruction of his spiritual;

and many of them were early advocates of the doctrine preached by

Gioberti twenty years ago, although he was a devotee of popery and they

were its radical enemies, because they had sagacity to foresee the

necessity of this act, which was beyond his perception. They knew full

well, what millions of the unwilling subjects of the papacy have known

for centuries, that nothing but severe and cruel oppression could ever

keep the human mind submissive to such a system of tyranny, spiritual

and physical, and that, whenever force and fear were removed,

individuals, communities and nations would throw off the galling and

degrading yoke. This the world has seen proved within the past few

months, in ways and modes, in a degree and to an extent, which only

those who were acquainted with popery, with human nature and with Italy

would have expected. As soon as freedom of speech and action was granted

to the people of Lombardy, the Duchies, Tuscany and Emilia, and a free,

universal suffrage was proclaimed, the inhabitants rose in a mass in

city, villages and country, and proceeded, with banners, music and

acclamations, to the election urns, and voted unanimously for immediate

annexation to the constitutional kingdom of Victor Emanuel. And this

expression of the universal and enthusiastic popular will was greatly

enhanced by the circumstance that the king had just before been

excommunicated by a Bull of the Pope, which consigned him to outlawry,

persecution, torture and death in this world, and to eternal misery in

hell; and yet many Italian archbishops, bishops and priests, of all

degrees, have openly approved the rejection of allegiance to the papacy,

and urged and even led their people to the polls, themselves, in many

instances, putting in the first votes.

But not only have the hopes of good Italian patriots been gratified: the

prophecies of God himself have been fulfilled, by the recent astonishing

course of events in Italy. So striking is the resemblance between those

changes and the scenes recorded in the Bible, that the mind is filled

with solemn awe and grateful adoration while contemplating them in

comparison. "The souls under the altar" introduced to the reader of the

book of Revelation, with their purity, faithfulness, patience, but

earnest inquiry: "How long, O Lord, holy and true, dost thou not avenge

our blood?" how much do they resemble the victims of the Inquisition,

whose horrible secrets were disclosed by the opening of that infernal

edifice in Rome by the republican government in 1849! And how much does

the present period resemble that described in chap. xviii. ver. 13 of

that book, where the destruction of Babylon the Great is described, and

one of whose chief articles of traffic were not "the persons of men," as

in Tyrus (Ezekiel xxvii.), but their "souls!"

And how Garibaldi appears like the agent by whom that destruction is to

be accomplished, when we hear him repeat his open and tremendous

denunciations against the papacy, now, recently, standing in Naples,

almost in the same words which he wrote in New York in 1850, for this

volume, and recorded on page 233.

Before the war with Italy the States of the Church were divided into

four legations, not counting the district of Rome. The first comprised

the provinces of Bologna, Ferrara, Forli and Ravenna, and was called

Romagna. This is the portion which had been already annexed to Piedmont.

The second, which separates the Romagna from the Neapolitan states, is

composed of the provinces of Urbino, Pesaro, Macerata, Loreto, Ancona,

Fermo, Ascoli and Camerino. It is this portion of the Roman territory

which is commonly known under the name of the Marches, and is bounded on

the north by Romagna, on the east by the Adriatic, on the south by the

Neapolitan territory, and on the west by the provinces of Spoleto and

Perugia. The third legation was composed of the provinces of Spoleto,

Perugia and Rieti. The first two corresponded to what is generally known

under the name of Umbria. The fourth legation comprised Velletri,

Frosinone and Benevento, the last province being surrounded by

Neapolitan territory. The district of Rome was placed under a special

_régime_, and consisted of that city, of Viterbo, Orvieto and Civita

Vecchia.

The course of policy recently adopted by Sardinia had now been made

known by what was deemed a semi-official announcement by a Turin

gazette, under the direction of Cavour. It was this: that the cabinet of

Turin, in placing itself in the position of the representative of

Italian nationality, had a right to reproach Austria for not having

given to Venetia, either a separate government or an Italian army. This

violation of the treaty of Villafranca had very naturally disquieted the

Sardinian government, which, however, had no intention of provoking an

imprudent war. On the contrary, it desired to prevent this, and demanded

to this end, the dismissal of the foreign hordes which had been united

by General Lamoricière. "It cannot be permitted," says the paper in

question, "that Italy should be made the camping ground of twenty-five

thousand foreign mercenaries, who entertain toward the Italians feelings

of hatred and aversion." The Sardinian government cannot look on with

indifference at the renewal of the massacres of Perugia. It owes

protection to the populations of Umbria and the Marches, who are

subjected to a military dictation which they hate, and it is better for

the government to take the responsibility of energetic measures, which

will be too late if it waits for the attack. Such was the substance of

the article written while the people of Umbria and the Marches were in a

state of insurrection. For, before that time, the following accounts had

been received from different parts of the Pope's dominions. At Fano,

Sinigaglia and Ancona, the government of Pius IX. were in serious

danger. The last-named town in particular, which had revolted, and had

been brought back to obedience rather by stratagem than by force, was

said to be the centre of agitation and the hotbed of revolutionary

incendiarism. A correspondence had just been discovered which

compromised a great number of persons. Many had been arrested. It was

connected with a conspiracy, the ramifications of which were said to be

so widespread, and included men so high placed in society, that the

authorities admitted that they were incapable of guarding against the

storm without the assistance of an armed force. Advocates, officials,

private individuals, and even a certain number of Roman officers, were

compromised in the affair, but no general arrest could be attempted for

fear of leading to a most dangerous collision. The mass of the people

only waited as a signal the arrest of some eminent personages to rise in

insurrection, and the police were well aware that a large depot of arms

existed, but they were ignorant of the spot. Such was the situation of

Ancona, which, it would appear, regulated the movements of the towns on

the coast of the Adriatic, such as Sinigaglia, Fano and Pesaro, and of

those in the interior, as Osimo, Loretto and Recanati, and as far as

Macerata. In this state of things the Roman government had just ordered

troops to proceed by forced marches on Ancona from Pesaro, Perugia and

Rome.

At length Count Cavour gave notice to the Pope, in the following letter

to Cardinal Antonelli, that he must immediately decide on what course to

pursue.

"TURIN, _Sept. 7_.

"EMINENCE: The government of his majesty, the King of Sardinia, could

not without serious regret see the formation and existence of the bodies

of foreign mercenary troops in the pay of the Pontifical government. The

organization of such corps not consisting, as in all civilized

governments, of citizens of the country, but of men of all languages,

nations and religions, deeply offends the public conscience of Italy and

Europe. The want of discipline inherent to such troops, the

inconsiderate conduct of their chiefs, the irritating menaces with which

they pompously fill their proclamations, excite and maintain a highly

dangerous ferment. The painful recollection of the massacre and pillage

of Perugia is still alive among the inhabitants of the Marches and

Umbria. This state of things, dangerous in itself, becomes still more so

after the facts which have taken place in Sicily and in the kingdom of

Naples. The presence of foreign troops, which insults the national

feeling, and prevents the manifestation of the wishes of the people,

will infallibly cause the extension of the movement to the neighboring

provinces. The intimate connection between the inhabitants of the

Marches and Umbria and those of the provinces annexed to the states of

the king, and reasons of order and security in his own territory, lay

his majesty's government under the necessity of applying, as far as in

its power, an immediate remedy to such evils. King Victor Emanuel's

conscience does not permit him to remain a passive spectator of the

bloody repression with which the arms of the foreign mercenaries would

extinguish every manifestation of national feeling in Italian blood. No

government has the right of abandoning to the will and pleasure of a

horde of soldiers of fortune, the property, the honor and lives of the

inhabitants of a civilized country.

"For these reasons, after having applied to his majesty, the king, my

august sovereign, for his orders, I have the honor of signifying to your

eminence that the king's troops are charged to prevent, in the name of

the rights of humanity, the Pontifical mercenary corps from repressing

by violence the expression of the sentiments of the people of the

Marches and Umbria. I have, moreover, the honor to invite your

excellency, for the reasons above explained, to give immediate orders

for the disbanding and dissolving of those corps, the existence of which

is a menace to the peace of Italy.

"Trusting that your eminence will immediately communicate to me the

measures taken by the government of his holiness in the matter, I have

the honor of renewing to your eminence the expression of my high

consideration.

"CAVOUR."

The following is the reply of Cardinal Antonelli:

"ROME, _Sept. 11_.

"EXCELLENCY: Without taking into account the manner in

which your Excellency has thought proper to have your

letter of the 7th inst. conveyed to me, I have directed

my whole attention calmly upon the subject you lay

before me in the name of your sovereign, and I cannot

conceal from you that it has cost me an extraordinary

effort to do so. The new principles of public law

which you lay down in your letter, would be, indeed,

sufficient to dispense me from giving any answer at all,

they being so contrary to those which have constantly

been acknowledged by all governments and nations.

Nevertheless, feeling deeply the inculpations cast upon

the government of his holiness, I cannot refrain from at

once noticing the blame, as odious as it is unfounded

and unjust, pronounced against the troops belonging to

the Pontifical government, and I must add, that I find

the pretension of denying the right belonging to the

Pontifical government as well as to any other, of having

foreign troops in its service, utterly unjustifiable. In

fact, many governments of Europe have foreign troops in

their pay. On that subject it may be expedient to

observe that, owing to the character with which the

Sovereign Pontiff is invested as the common father of

all believers, he ought to be less subject to criticism

than any other for receiving in the ranks of his troops

all who come and offer themselves from the various parts

of the Catholic world, for the defence of the Holy See,

and of the States of the Church.

"Nothing is more false or insulting than to attribute to

the Pontifical troops the disorders which have taken

place in the states of the Holy See. There is no

necessity for asking, for history has already

enregistered whence came the troops who have violently

constrained the will of the people, and the artifices

which have been made use of for throwing into

perturbation the greater part of Italy, and ruining all

that was most inviolable and most sacred, both in right

and in justice.

"As to the consequences which it has been sought to make

weigh on the legitimate action of the troops of the Holy

See, to put down the rebellion of Perugia, it would

truly be more logical to throw that responsibility on

those who, from abroad, have excited the revolt; and you

know perfectly well, M. le Comte, where that outbreak

was concerted, whence were derived money, arms and means

of all kinds, and whence instructions and orders were

sent to the insurgents.

"There is, consequently, reason for representing as

calumnious all that has been said by a party hostile to

the government of the Holy See, as to the conduct of its

troops, and for declaring that the imputations cast on

their chiefs by the authors of proclamations of a nature

to excite dangerous ferments, are not less. Your

excellency concludes your painful dispatch by inviting

me, in the name of your sovereign, to immediately order

the disarming and disbanding of the said troops. This

invitation was accompanied by a sort of menace on the

part of Piedmont in case of refusal, to prevent the

action of said troops by means of the royal troops.

"This involves a _quasi_ injunction which I willingly

abstain from qualifying. The Holy See could only repel

it with indignation, strong in its legitimate rights,

and appealing to the law of nations, under the ægis of

which Europe has hitherto lived, whatever violence the

Holy See may be exposed to suffer, without having

provoked it, and against which it is my duty now to

protest energetically in the name of his holiness. With

sentiments of consideration, I am, etc.,

"G. CARDINAL ANTONELLI."

The occupation of the Roman States by the King of Sardinia was one of

the most important and unexpected steps in the war, which soon followed

the preceding announcement. The above note was sent by Count Cavour to

Cardinal Antonelli, minister of the Pope, in compliance with the urgent

demand of the people of Umbria and the Marches, in which the Sardinian

government had demanded the immediate dismissal of the papal

mercenaries, affirming that the presence of upward of 20,000 foreign

troops in the centre of Italy was incompatible with the treaty of

Villafranca. The note threatened that unless this demand should be

agreed to in 24 hours, the Sardinian army would enter those territories.

No reply was received within that time, and then Victor Emanuel issued

the following proclamation:

"SOLDIERS: You enter the Marches and Umbria to restore civil order in

their desolated cities, and to afford the people the opportunity of

expressing their wishes. You have not to combat powerful armies, but to

free unhappy Italian provinces from foreign bands of mercenaries. You go

not to avenge the injuries done to me and to Italy, but to prevent the

bursting forth of popular hatred and vengeance against misrule. You will

teach, by your example, forgiveness of injuries, and Christian tolerance

to him who in his folly has compared to Islamism our love for our

country, Italy.

"At peace with all the great powers, and without any idea of

provocation, I intend to remove from the centre of Italy a perpetual

source of disturbance and discord. I desire to spare the seat of the

head of the church, to whom I am ready, in accord with allied and

friendly powers, to give all those guarantees for independence and

security which his blind counsellors have vainly imagined they could

obtain from the fanaticism of that mischievous party that conspires

against my authority and the liberty of the nation.

"Soldiers; They accuse me of ambition! Yes! one ambition is mine—that of

restoring to Italy the principles of moral order and of preserving

Europe from the continual peril of revolution and of war.

"VICTOR EMANUEL."

Before the middle of September, General Cialdini had taken the town of

Pesaro, and captured twelve hundred of the German troops, being a

portion of those bands of foreign soldiers, against the keeping of which

France and Piedmont had so long protested, and the retaining of which

was the chief ground of the war. Orvieto was also taken. Fossombrone had

risen in insurrection, as Pesaro had done before Cialdini's arrival; but

Fossombrone, being unsupported, had been reduced to obedience, by such

savage punishment as had been suffered by Perugia.

The "London Times" remarked, on receiving this news, and in reviewing

the manifesto of Victor Emanuel:

"We freely admit that nothing but the extremity of the evil could

justify the step which Sardinia has taken, but we think that step is

justified. The evil would not cure itself. For all these reasons, we

think the King of Sardinia is entitled to the sympathy of Englishmen in

the war in which he has engaged. We wish him cordially success, and that

his success may be rapid as well as decisive."

The war, in fact, was begun by the rulers and their hired butchers

against the people, before the Sardinian troops crossed the frontier.

The presence of those troops was also an insult to Italy, as their

express object was to oppose the movement in the free territories. The

same writer added the following remarks:

"Then there is the intolerable oppression of the Pope's government. The

best proof of that oppression is the fact that the Pope dares not trust

his own subjects with arms, but places himself, like Dionysius of

Syracuse, in the hands of foreign mercenaries. The spectacle of a people

kept down by such means is an outrage on the civilization of the age,

and a danger and menace for all the rest of Italy. Till some government

be established in the centre of Italy, which can be maintained without

ten thousand French troops to garrison the capital, and five and twenty

thousand foreign mercenaries to sack insurgent towns, it is in vain to

hope for peace."

General Cialdini approached Ancona, and a naval squadron was to

coöperate. The battle of Castelfidaro was fought on the 18th of

September, when Lieut. General Cialdini was furiously attacked by

General Lamoricière, with eleven thousand men and one hundred and forty

cannon. Four thousand other papal troops made a sortie from Ancona, to

support the latter. The contest was short but bloody. Many of the

wounded papists used their daggers against the Piedmontese, who went to

assist them. The results, said Cialdini's report, were as follows:

"The junction of Lamoricière's forces with Ancona has been prevented; we

have taken six hundred prisoners, among whom are more than thirty

officers, some of them of high rank; we have taken six guns, among

others those given by Charles Albert to the Pope in 1848, one standard,

and numerous ammunition wagons, etc. All the wounded, including General

Pimodan, who led the attacking column, are in our hands, and a great

number of killed."

General Cialdini conceded the honors of war to this corps, and officers

and men were allowed to return to their homes.

General Lamoricière, accompanied by a few horsemen, fled from the field

of battle on the 18th, and, following the road by the sea through the

defiles of Conero, succeeded in reaching Ancona. All the prisoners and

troops were indignant at his conduct. Nothing remained of Lamoricière's

army except the troops shut up in Ancona; all the rest were in the hands

of the royal troops, with the exception of two thousand men dispersed in

the mountains. The Sardinian government offered to the English

government to set all the Irish prisoners at liberty. The latter sent a

courteous reply, leaving it entirely to the Sardinian government to take

such resolutions as it might deem most suitable. The Sardinian

government ordered the release of all Frenchmen taken prisoners from

Lamoricière.

"The mercenary army of General Lamoricière (as the "London Times"

remarked) was the last hope of the Pope. Lamoricière, whom the last

accounts had described as seeking a junction with the Royalist

Neapolitan troops, and threatening a southward movement upon the

Garibaldians, had appeared suddenly before Ancona. Cialdini accepted the

offered battle, and the event has been that the African general was

totally and entirely routed. Those bands, from whom so much was

expected, seem to be of no avail whatever against the Sardinian

soldiers. This fire-eating and pious soldado, who had fulminated such

dreadful threats, and who was known to have done such strong deeds among

the Arabs, has really done nothing in Italy which might not have been

done by one of the College of Cardinals. With eleven thousand men, and

the vigorous aid of the garrison of Ancona, he has simply marched up to

a signal defeat."

Ancona was soon after besieged, blockaded, bombarded, and captured. The

Sardinian navy and army displayed great skill as well as discipline and

courage in this operation. The particulars of this must be omitted, as

well as most others connected with the march of Victor Emanuel on his

triumphant course toward Naples.

The city of Spoleto was besieged and soon taken. The besieged had three

guns, two on a platform above, overlooking the town, and one below,

placed in an embrasure on the left of the outer gate of the _enceinte_,

so as to command the road leading up to it. They were iron guns of no

great range, but still serviceable. The smallest of the three, in the

embrasure by the gate, was the only one that did any execution.

The Piedmontese arrived at Spoleto in the morning. They were between two

thousand and three thousand strong, and had one battery of field

artillery, consisting of six guns. The fact is, that the whole thing was

a farce; there was very little attack, and still less defence. The

report of the commandant of Spoleto is an enormous exaggeration.

The Piedmontese, on their part, did not press the siege with much vigor.

The Italians were positively disaffected, and threatened their foreign

comrades to blow up the powder magazine if they did not give in. Most of

the Irish asked nothing better than to escape from the service and from

the country, and the rest of the garrison—the motley crew of German,

French, Swiss, and Belgians—they were few in number and of little worth.

The whole loss of the Piedmontese was, according to the evidence

afterward obtained, under one hundred men. The loss of the garrison is

stated at three killed and ten wounded.

Nothing, certainly, says a visitor, could be more complete or miserable

than the failure and break-down of the Irish contingent to the Pope's

harlequin army. It would be very unjust, however, to consider this to be

in any degree a stain on the gallant Irish nation, whose impetuous

courage and many excellent military qualities, every one must recognize

and admire. The same ignominious disasters might, and no doubt would,

have fallen to the lot of any body of men, no matter of what nation,

similarly recruited, and deceived, and neglected, and sent into the

field without the training and education which make the soldier. The

shame falls not on Ireland, but on those who insnared unwilling recruits

to prop a bad cause.

Perugia, which was the scene of an inhuman butchery last year, committed

by some of the horde of foreign wretches who formed the Pope's army, was

now held by about three thousand of them, who made a strong resistance.

The garrison had raised barricades in all parts of the town, and

occupied the houses, from which they fired upon the Sardinians. Every

street was the scene of a conflict; but the assistance afforded to

General Fanti by the inhabitants made the struggle much shorter than it

would otherwise have been. A considerable portion of the Pontifical

carbineers contrived to escape out of the town—the others retired to the

citadel, which could not hold out long. Toward evening the fort

capitulated, and the whole of the garrison, consisting of 1,600 men,

were made prisoners, as well as General Schmidt, who commanded them. He

was the worthy chief of the adventurers whom the Italians so cordially

detested. Switzerland refused to acknowledge him. He was one of the

heroes of that impious war of the Sonderbund, which caused much

bloodshed in the Swiss cantons. He was subsequently exiled.

Victor Emanuel's address to the people of Southern Italy, dated at

Ancona, October 9th, 1860, concludes thus:

"PEOPLE OF SOUTHERN EUROPE: My troops are advancing among you to

establish order. I do not come to impose upon you my will, but to cause

yours to be respected. You will be able to manifest it freely.

Providence, which protects just causes, will inspire the vote which you

will deposit in the urn. Whatever be the gravity of events, I wait

tranquilly the judgment of civilized Europe and that of history, because

I have the consciousness of having fulfilled my duty as king and

Italian. In Europe my policy will not be useless in reconciling the

progress of the people with the stability of monarchies. In Italy I know

that I terminate the era of revolutions.

"VICTOR EMANUEL.

"FARINI.

"Given at ANCONA, _Oct. 9, 1860_."

In the middle of October Victor Emanuel entered from the north the

kingdom of Naples, which Garibaldi had now won for him, though by

expressly disobeying him, as we have before seen. The Piedmontese army,

approaching by two columns, was now drawing, as a writer remarked, "the

iron circle, out of which there is no outlet. One column has already

passed Foggia on its way to Benevento and the Upper Volturno; it has

landed at Manfredonia, and is making its way through the plains of the

Capitanata. The other, under the personal command of the king himself,

has landed at Giulia, and has pushed forward to Pescara, whence a branch

leads into the main road from the north through the Abruzzi into the

rear of Capua.

"As for the Piedmontese troops landed at Naples, they have already taken

up their position in line. It was high time, for the fatiguing service,

in the heavy autumnal rains, with the cold winds, the heavy dews, and

chilly mornings, was fast thinning the ranks. For the most part in the

open air, or with but indifferent huts, constructed of branches and

straw, without camp fires at night, and with continual alarms, it was a

wonder that these young volunteers could resist as they did."

------------------------------------------------------------------------

CHAPTER XX.

"Our Tricolor, not as in days that are gone,

Shows Italia disjoin'd, but united in one;

The _White_ is the Alps, our volcanos the _Red_,

And the _Green_ the rich fields over Lombardy spread,".

_Dall' Ongaro._ T. D.

THE PRESENT POSITION OF THINGS—DOUBTS RESPECTING

GARIBALDI—DESCRIPTIONS OF THE CAMP AT CAPUA—ENGLAND

DECLARES FOR VICTOR EMANUEL—GARIBALDI'S PROCLAMATIONS

—MEETING OF GARIBALDI AND VICTOR EMANUEL.

And now the short but momentous drama of the year was drawing rapidly

toward its close. Whatever opinions may be entertained respecting the

original intentions of Louis Napoleon, Victor Emanuel, or their

counsellors, or the period when they were expected to come to their

accomplishment, it seems certain that the steps taken by them not only

hastened the epoch, but secured its success. The world may perhaps never

know what part was performed by individuals in plans and councils, nor

be able to judge of their comparative merits or abilities. But of

Garibaldi we have much better opportunity to form our opinion, and on

most points there is little room for doubt or misapprehension. One

question still remained to be solved to those who had not attentively

observed his career in former times; and some, probably, expected to see

him ultimately break the promise which he had made, to resign his power

and possessions to Victor Emanuel; while more, it is natural to believe,

expected to see him claim a high reward, or at least to accept such

splendid honors and permanent powers as the King of Sardinia would, of

course, be ready to bestow. Anxious fears were expressed, and eager

inquiries were made, by many well-wishers of Italy and admirers of her

hero, especially about the epoch at which we have arrived.

The siege of Capua was pressed. A Scotch gentleman, who had visited

Garibaldi's camp and hospitals, thus wrote on the 6th of October:

"Let any man go to the hospital—what cruel wounds, what horrific sights!

and how cheerfully some of the sufferers bear their troubles. We have

heard much of the noble way in which our English heroes in the Crimea

conducted themselves. Truly many of the common soldiers of this patriot

army might take rank beside them. Again, as to the officers. If

Garibaldi has thought it advisable to break some of their swords, how

many instances can be cited of a heroism in others which cannot be

surpassed. There is a young Sicilian nobleman, Baron de Cozzo, commonly

termed 'The Flower of Sicily,' and beloved by Garibaldi as a son, now

lying cruelly wounded and suffering in the hospital of Caserta. He had

fought untouched all through the campaign, from Palermo to Capua. He was

in the thick of the battle of the 12th at Capua, and was still unhurt,

but he observed a private of his company in the front struck down

wounded; he returned, put the man on his back, and was carrying him off,

when he received his own wound, and such a one as will most probably

render him a painful cripple the rest of his days, if, indeed, he

survives it. Hundreds of wounded men, and many others mere boys, came

into Naples yesterday, after the battle; and we must reflect how many

more must have fought bravely to render such an account.

"Yesterday morning, Captains Smelt and Davidson started early for the

batteries situate on the hills of St. Angelo. On arriving at the camp at

the base of the hill, they joined Lieutenant Cowper, of Major Pietuni's

brigade, and proceeded to the batteries where the guns had been put into

position in order to prevent the royalist army from getting round to

Caserta, as they had previously succeeded in doing. On gaining the

summit of the hill they perceived a body of artillery with a couple of

guns advancing from the right of Cajazzo, with some cavalry on the left.

The officers having been granted the use of the guns, opened fire upon

the enemy as they gradually approached. Although the first trial shots

fell somewhat short, they had the effect of checking the artillery. The

cavalry, however, advanced notwithstanding, when another shell fell in

amongst them, and sent them flying. Captains Davidson, Smith, and

Cowper, finding that they were now making tolerably good practice, and

seeing a house on the other side of the river where there appeared to be

something stirring, they dropped a shell right into the centre of the

said mansion, and out came the contents like so many bees disturbed in

their hive.

"We started this morning for Santa Maria. The havoc amongst the avenues

of trees on the roads shows how severe the contest must have been.

"The view of the field of operations from the top of Mount St. Angelo

toward Capua, is most commanding. Garibaldi, in a round black hat turned

up at the rim, and in a light brown cloak, lined with Rob Roy tartan,

was coming down the hill with his staff, and we joined in. He held a

sort of standing council at the bottom of the hill with one or two

officers who met him, but he spoke so low, that only those quite close

to him could hear a word. We then returned to Caserta with Colonel

Peard, Major Wortley, Captains Sarsfield and Davidson."

An American gentleman who visited the camp before Capua, and the Palace

of Caserta in October, thus spoke of them in a letter:

"In company with two English gentlemen and Madame S., of Naples, I

visited the camp before Capua. As we drove down the road leading to the

River Volturno, we reached the extreme point where the road turned round

the base of St. Angelo, when a sentinel stopped us, saying, 'You are in

great danger from the batteries from the other side, which command the

entire road you have just come down, and they have been firing upon us

this morning.' We at once halted, and sent our carriage back, and under

the conduct of one of Garibaldi's men, ascended the mountain till we

reached the summit of the rising ground, and had a good view of Capua

and its defences. While thus standing at gaze, aided by glasses, a gun

was fired from a small battery we had not before observed on the side of

the opposite mountain. In an instant the ball flew over our heads, and

chanced to fall in the camp beyond, near a group of officers, and killed

a horse. With this notice to quit, we descended and reached the road of

St. Angelo, just as Garibaldi and his staff were ascending, and soon saw

him standing alone on the highest point, scanning the enemy's position

with his glass. One of his aids who had joined us, and who was known to

Madame S., said it was the general's custom to remain for hours upon the

mountain; so we were compelled to give up all hope of seeing him. As we

were walking toward the place where our carriage was, we were addressed

by an English gentleman, such a one as we have in our minds when we hear

the song sung of 'The fine old English gentleman, all of the olden

time.' His dress and bearing were alike the type of a landed gentleman

out of the agricultural counties. He begged us to avoid the road, as we

were within the range of the enemy's guns. Thanking him for his kindness

we left him, and among our guesses we thought he must be no other than

Colonel Praed, who is to command the English contingent—a regiment of

men just arrived, and who had been that day sent forward as far as the

king's palace at Caserta.

"When we reached the palace, whose magnificent courts and rooms we found

filled with English, we there met this gentleman (Col. Praed), and asked

Lieutenant Campbell, whom we knew, if that was his colonel. 'Oh no! that

gentleman came down with us, and has offered his services as a private.

He has declined a commission, and will act only with us as a common

soldier.' We mixed with the soldiers, who told us that they were to be

sent to the front that night, and expected to be in action the next day.

They were as joyous as they would have been going out to a May party.

While thus occupied, Lieutenant Campbell called our attention to a lady

in a military costume, just entering the court, attended by a gentleman.

Her dress was a velvet cap, with a feather, a grey suit, the full skirt

of which hung in many folds to her knees. She wore military boots with

spurs, and a sword hung by a waist belt. Her face was handsome—a dark

brunette, with fine flashing eyes. The English clustered around her, and

she addressed them a few words of welcome, whereupon the cheers of the

soldiers made the walls of the palace vocal with strange music for such

a place. The lady was the Countess de la Torre, who commands a company,

and has greatly distinguished herself by her courage and coolness. In

the battle of the 1st instant a shell fell near her, and those near by,

thinking as most persons do at such times, that 'discretion is the

better part of valor,' fell upon their faces awaiting the bursting, but

the countess, following the example of the great Frederick under similar

circumstances, stood with her arms folded, and when it exploded, she

uttered the most fierce reproaches on those who cowered."

On the 11th of October, Lord John Russell, in an official dispatch to

the British minister at Turin, declared that although the Emperor of the

French had expressed his displeasure at the invasion of the Roman

territory, the Emperor of Russia that of Naples, and the Prince of

Prussia had also objected, the British government could see no cause

sufficient for those objections. He closed with these words:

"Her majesty's government will turn their eyes rather to the gratifying

prospect of a people building up the edifice of their liberties, and

consolidating the work of their independence, amid the sympathies and

good wishes of Europe. I have, etc.,

(Signed) "J. RUSSELL.

"P. S.—You are at liberty to give a copy of this dispatch to Count

Cavour. "To Sir James Hudson, etc., etc."

Garibaldi, on the 15th of October, issued the following proclamation:

"_Italy and Victor Emanuel!_

"To satisfy a wish cherished by the whole nation, I, the dictator,

decree as follows:

"The Two Sicilies, which have been redeemed by Italian blood, and which

have freely elected me their dictator, form an integral part of one and

indivisible Italy under her constitutional king, Victor Emanuel, and his

descendants.

"On the arrival of the king, I will depose in his hands the dictatorship

conferred upon me by the nation.

"The pro-dictators are charged with the execution of the present decree.

"G. GARIBALDI.

"CASERTA, _Oct. 15_."

After this decree, both parties which had been vying with each other to

destroy Garibaldi, saw that there was an end to their calculations. His

enemies felt that, in spite of all intrigues and ingratitude, he rose

higher than ever at the moment they thought of crushing him, and his

false friends understood that his noble nature will always find out the

right way, in spite of the abuse which is made of the sacred name of

friendship, to lead him where their interest might wish him to go.

Indeed, this time they fell into their own snare, for this announcement

was accelerated by their last effort to divert Garibaldi from the right

path.

The day was now at hand, when an end was to be put to doubts and fears,

and the mouths of calumniators were to be stopped forever. How can the

enemies of Garibaldi look upon their aspersions without mortification;

or even the greater part of the first journalists of Europe as well as

of America, reperuse their evil prognostications, without a desire to

recall or to make some amends for their unworthy suspicions? How must

the character of Garibaldi rise in the view of those who were

unacquainted with his previous life, and allowed themselves to attribute

to him the weakness of judgment, the selfish aims, or the uncontrolled

passions of common men, since they have found him exalted far above the

ordinary level of soldiers and statesmen! How must his willful

calumniators turn, not only in bitter disappointment, after the defeat

of their criminal efforts, but with self-loathing, from the

contemplation of a character which makes their perfidy appear doubly

hideous by contrast.

Can we not imagine, in some just degree, what must have been the

feelings of his own heart, even through the periods of his greatest

darkness, when, independently of the opinions or fears of friends, and

the aspersions and intrigues of foes, he proceeded on his gigantic task

with unshaken resolution, undeviating step, and unfailing success, from

the beginning to the end? The difficulties, dangers, delays, obstacles

and opponents continually around him, far from overpowering, impeding or

disheartening him, never seemed to agitate or excite him.

Self-possessed, as if in tranquil scenes, he appears never to have lost,

even for a moment, the full exercise of his judgment or the perfect

control of his passions. He entered every new scene with a consciousness

of these extraordinary faculties, and came out of it confirmed, by new

experience, in his ability to do everything necessary in future. With

such conscious integrity and powers, how lofty must have been his

feelings during every stage of his career; and how exalted and

delightful when he arrived at its close!

The contemplation of such a character cannot fail to be useful as well

as delightful to every virtuous mind and heart; and the new model which

he has bequeathed to the world by his pure and splendid example, must be

extensively and long appreciated, and have great and blessed effects.

And one way in which it must most naturally act, will be by encouraging

men possessing traits like his own, in different spheres of life, duly

to estimate those humble virtues, which have been so much underrated in

our country in late years, because thrust aside or trampled down by the

empty vanity of wealth, or the impudence of corrupt party power. Indeed,

we may hope that the example of the pure and noble Garibaldi, since it

has been so displayed as to strike all eyes, and to engage all minds,

will impress upon good citizens a sense of the duty which they have so

long neglected, of combining to cast bad rulers from the seats designed

for better men.

A letter from Naples, dated the 29th of October, gave the following

affecting account of the interview between Victor Emanuel and Garibaldi:

"I was on my way to the head-quarters of Victor Emanuel, at Teano, and

took a cut through the mountains. While waiting for a conveyance, I met

Major Cattabene, commandant of Garibaldi's head-quarters. He was coming

from Teano, and to him I am indebted for the following account of the

interview between Victor Emanuel and Garibaldi. Garibaldi had taken up

his quarters at a small inn, about four miles and a half between Teano

and Speranzano, on the 25th. He ordered his column to advance and take

up positions, and sent Count Trecchi to see the king. On the following

morning, Count Trecchi and Missori came to inform him that Cialdini was

within an hour's march, and the king not far behind. Garibaldi left

immediately with his staff, and three-quarters of an hour afterward he

came in sight of the head of the Piedmontese column. He put spurs to his

horse. The Piedmontese advanced as follows: the 23d and 24th regiments

of the Como Brigade; the 26th and 27th of Pinerolo's Brigade; and then a

battery of rifle cannon. The columns presented arms to Garibaldi, and

opened to allow him to pass through. Cialdini rushed forward, and

Garibaldi, jumping from his horse, embraced him affectionately. After

exchanging a few words, Garibaldi remounted to meet the king. Victor

Emanuel was not far behind, leading on his own division. Seeing the red

shirts, the king took his telescope, and, recognizing Garibaldi, put

spurs to his horse and galloped toward him. Garibaldi did the same. When

they were within ten paces of each other, the officers of the king and

of Garibaldi shouted, 'Long live Victor Emanuel!' Garibaldi advanced,

took off his hat, and in a voice somewhat hoarse with emotion, said,

'King of Italy!' Victor Emanuel put his hand to his kepi, then held it

out to Garibaldi, and equally moved, replied, 'Thank you.' They stood

thus, hand in hand, nearly a minute, without uttering another word.

"Garibaldi and the king, still holding each other's hand, followed the

troops for about a quarter of an hour. Their suites had mingled

together, and followed at a short distance behind them. Passing a group

of officers, Garibaldi saluted them. Among them were Farini, minister of

war, in the foraging cap of a staff officer, and General Fanti. The king

and Garibaldi were conversing. After the king followed the 17th, 18th,

19th, and 20th regiments of the line, then sixty guns, and four

regiments of cavalry. His majesty was at the head of 30,000 men.

"Before reaching Teano, King Victor Emanuel halted, and ordered a

portion of his army to file off in presence of Garibaldi, that every one

might observe the good feeling which prevailed between him and the

chieftain. He then reviewed Bixio's Brigade, which was posted a little

beyond Calvi. He was received with the enthusiastic and unanimous shout

of 'Long live the King of Italy!' Garibaldi has 7,000 men divided

between different positions. The king remained at Teano; Garibaldi

returned to Calvi to give orders."

------------------------------------------------------------------------

CHAPTER XXI.

"Rest in thy shadowy cave, O sun!

But soon return with joy,

For Crona's bloody strife is done:

Let songs the night employ,

For Fingal there, on Crona's banks,

His foes had triumph'd o'er,

And backward turn'd their foreign ranks,

Like surges from the shore."

"Now spread the sail! said Morven's king,

And catch the winds for home.

We rose upon the wave with joy,

And rush'd through Ocean's foam."

_Ossian Versified._ T. D.

GARIBALDI'S ANNOUNCEMENT OF VICTOR EMANUEL'S APPROACH TO

NAPLES—THEY ENTER TOGETHER—GARIBALDI RESIGNS HIS

DICTATORSHIP—CAPITULATION AND SURRENDER OF CAPUA—HIS

ADDRESS TO THE HUNGARIAN HUZZARS—HIS FAREWELL TO HIS

TROOPS—HE SAILS FOR CAPRERA—UNEXPECTED CHANGES —LETTERS

DESCRIBING THEM.

The siege of Capua was now pressed; and, during its continuance, the

besiegers were joined by the Sardinian army, which had already, after

its victorious career through the territories of the Pope, approached

Naples.

Garibaldi announced the approach of Victor Emanuel in the following

terms:

PROCLAMATION OF GARIBALDI TO THE INHABITANTS OF NAPLES.

"To-morrow, Victor Emanuel, the king of Italy, the elect of the nation,

will cross the line which has divided us from the rest of our country

for so many centuries; and, listening to the unanimous voice of this

brave population, will appear here among us. Let us receive, in a

becoming manner, him who is sent by Providence, and scatter in his path,

as a pledge of our rescue and of our affection, the flower of concord,

so grateful to him, so necessary to Italy.

"No more political distinctions! no more parties! no more discords!

Italy one, as the people of this metropolis have expressed it, and the

gallant king, be the perennial symbols of our regeneration and of the

greatness and prosperity of the country.

"G. GARIBALDI."

Victor Emanuel and Garibaldi entered Naples together, on the 7th of

October. The following animated description of the scene is from a

letter of that date.

"King Victor Emanuel and Garibaldi entered Naples together, for it would

have been a grievous thing if, as had been feared, the apostle of

Italian liberty, the man of a century, had not been united with the

sovereign on this great occasion. When they left the railway _en route_

for the cathedral, there were Victor Emanuel and Garibaldi on his left

hand, and the pro-dictators of Sicily and Naples sitting opposite them

in the same carriage. The suite followed, and all along the railway to

the Duomo there was a perfect ovation. The streets, which are very

narrow, and scarcely wide enough to admit of more than two fat persons

abreast, were festooned with flowers and evergreens, hung from window to

window; pictures, tapestry, banners, and all the adjuncts of a great

_fête_ in Naples were there, but looking as _triste_ and downcast as

heavy rains could make them. On arriving at the Duomo, or the cathedral,

the piazza of which was beautifully decorated, his majesty was received

by the authorities, and conducted to the high altar, amidst such a storm

of shouts and applause as could only be compared to the storm which was

raging outside. 'Viva Victor Emanuel!' 'Viva Garibaldi!' 'Viva Italia

Unita!' Such were the cries which rose, not from one, but from a united

body of many thousands, who waved their hats, and handkerchiefs, and

flags, as the royal party advanced to the high altar; and this in the

cathedral church of San Januarius, the special protector of the

Bourbons, whose favor (the saint's) Baron Brenier not long since

requested as an honor for M. Thouvenel.

"The king did not take his seat on the throne, but stood a little

below it, and wiped his hands, and then his face, with his

pocket-handkerchief, and then looked round with that bold, undaunted

aspect which indicated an iron nerve. Shortly after, the ceremony

began, and his majesty knelt at the _prie-Dieu_ (a stool for

kneeling), whilst Garibaldi, the pro-dictators, Farini, and others,

stood behind him. The _Te Deum_ was sung in magnificent style.

"As soon as the ceremony was over, they came down the aisle, and I had

an admirable view of the king and the Liberator face to face, and as a

gleam of sun shone out on the monarch, every line was visible.

'Humanity' came first, and 'Divinity' after. The difference in the two

expressions could not fail to strike the most insensible. I looked at

Victor Emanuel's unvarying face and bold glance, and said, he is the _Re

Galantuomo_, true to his word, and ready to maintain it with his sword;

but I looked on Garibaldi, and felt all the moral grandeur of his

character—not a statesman, because he is something much higher—he

carries in his face his character: an amiability which wins all hearts,

and an energy which overcomes all difficulties. The crowd around each

was immense, though the soldiers round the church on either side did all

they could to keep the path open, but it was all of no use; one of the

poorest of the poor laid hold of his sovereign's hand and walked with

him; and the people clung to Garibaldi and kissed and embraced him as a

father. He was the greater idol in a temple of idols; and so the royal

party walked down the church, and entered their carriage in the midst of

the bursts, and long-continued storms of applause, as heretofore. The

king was dressed, let me say, as a general of division, and Garibaldi in

the same simple dress in which he had conquered the Two Sicilies and

given away a kingdom.

"As the cathedral clergy refused to officiate on this occasion, the

clergy of the palace offered their services."

On the 8th of November, the day after his entry into Naples with the

king, at eleven o'clock, Garibaldi, followed by the ministry, presented

to his majesty, in the throne-hall, and in the prescribed form, the

_Plebiscitum_, or Vote of the People. The Minister of the Interior and

Police thus addressed the king:

"SIRE: The Neapolitan people, assembled in Comitia, by an immense

majority, have proclaimed you their king. Nine millions of Italians

unite themselves to the other provinces governed by your majesty with so

much wisdom, and verify your solemn promise that Italy must belong to

Italians."

The king answered in a few noble words. The act of union was performed.

The ministry then offered their resignation, the dictatorship having

expired from which they had received their powers. The enthusiasm of the

people of Naples continued to be expressed in the highest degree.

The Capitulation of Capua was signed November 2, and, abridged, was in

these terms:

"Convention on the capitulation of Capua, arranged by mutual agreement,

by order of his excellency, Gen. Della Rocca (commander of the corps of

the Sardinian army), commanding the besieging corps, and by order of

Field Marshal De Cornet, commanding the place, by the undersigned

commissaries, and afterward ratified by the respective generals in

command.

"1. The place to be given up in twenty-four hours to the troops of

Victor, with the entire armament, arms, clothes, provisions, bridge

equipage, horses, carts, and all else, civil and military, belonging

to

the government.

2. The gates and fortifications to be immediately

given up.

3. The garrison to march out with the honors of war.

4. The forces to go with banners, arms and baggage, 2,000 men

hourly, laying down their arms outside (officers retaining their

swords), and proceeding to Naples on foot, embark for a Sardinian

port. The generals to go to Naples by railroad. The families

of soldiers not to follow the column. The sick and wounded to

remain in Capua.

5. A mixed commission to superintend affairs,

and an inventory to be made," etc.

The scene presented at the surrender is thus described by an American

who was in Garibaldi's army.

"At 7 A.M. we took up the line of march for Capua. The sun rose in all

his glory, after having hid his face for three days. The troops were in

the finest spirits, and decked their arms and colors with branches and

flowers, and as they marched up the road the bands played the opera of

'Don Giovanni,' the troops joining in the chorus, the gay Calabrese

dancing with very joy. With such music as this, with glorious mountains,

and a beleaguered city lying prostrate before us, you can imagine that

we do not sigh for the Academy of Music. At 11 A.M., 12,000 men laid

down their arms in the beautiful plain in front of the city. A sadder

sight I have not witnessed since the surrender of Vera Cruz to

Lieutenant General Scott. The city is now in the quiet possession of our

troops, and all the cities in the valley are illuminated. General

Avezzana's division marched tonight for Caserta, the palace of the king.

Captain Warwick, the young Virginian, is now with Colonel Wyndham, the

gallant commander of General Dunn's brigade (General Dunn having been

severely wounded). General Jackson, a major general of the English army,

has been here for three weeks past, lending his sympathy and his

presence, even upon the field of battle, to this glorious cause. "The

palace and hunting park at Caserta are said to be the most magnificent

in the world."

After the surrender of Capua, the battalions of volunteers were

disbanded, to be reorganized in the regular Italian army, if they wished

to remain in service. They were to be sent to Northern and Central

Italy, and disposed as follows: The Medici division in Parma; the Turr

division in Palermo; the Cosenz in Bologna; and the Bixio in Florence.

Garibaldi asked of the king amnesty for all the soldiers who had

deserted from the Sardinian army to join his expeditions, and the

request was immediately granted to both regulars and volunteers.

Garibaldi decreed as follows on the 15th of October:

"That the Two Sicilies, which owe their rescue to Italian blood, and who

have freely chosen me as Dictator, form an integral part of Italy, one

and indivisible, with her constitutional king, Victor Emanuel, and his

descendants."

GARIBALDI'S ADDRESS ON DELIVERING FLAGS TO THE HUNGARIAN HUSSARS IN

NAPLES.

"NEAPOLITANS: This is a fine day—a great day! It is fine and great,

because it reunites, with a new chain, the brotherhood which binds Italy

to Hungary. The peoples are consolidated together. The free Italians

cannot, ought not, to forget it—nor will they forget it." (Here the

people broke out in overwhelming applause, "_Viva Garibaldi!_" The

general replied:) "Italians free! Yes, they shall be—all, and soon. To a

life wholly consecrated to the cause of liberty—to the thought of our

nationality—nothing else have I added, nothing else do I wish to add,

but the right to speak the truth—to speak it equally to the powerful and

the people.

"Hear me, then, generous people of this great and beautiful metropolis,

and, if I deserve anything of you, believe my words.

"The canker, the ruin of our Italy, has always been personal

ambitions—and they are so still. It is personal ambitions which blind

the Pope-king, and urge him to oppose this national movement, so great,

so noble, so pure—yes, so pure—that it is unique in the history of the

world. It is the Pope-king who retards the moment of the complete

liberation of Italy. The only obstacle, the true obstacle, is this.

"I am a Christian, and I speak to Christians—I am a good Christian, and

speak to good Christians. I love and venerate the religion of Christ,

because Christ came into the world to deliver humanity from slavery, for

which God has not created it. But the Pope, who wishes all men to be

slaves—who demands, of the powerful of the earth, fetters and chains for

Italians—the Pope-king does not know Christ: he lies to his religion.

"Among the Indians, two geniuses are recognized and adored—that of good

and that of evil. Well, the Genius of Evil for Italy is the Pope-king.

Let no one misunderstand my words—let no one confound Popery with

Christianity—the Religion of Liberty with the avaricious and sanguinary

Politics of Slavery.

"Repeat that. Repeat it. It is your duty.

"You who are here—you, the educated and cultivated portion of the

citizenship—you have the duty to educate the people. Educate them to be

Christian—educate them to be Italian. Education gives liberty—education

gives to the people the means and the power to secure and defend their

own independence.

"On a strong and wholesome education of the people depend the liberty

and greatness of Italy.

"Viva Victor Emanuel! Viva Italia! Viva Christianity!"

Garibaldi's proclamation to his troops, when about to retire to Caprera,

commences thus:

"_To my companions in arms!_

"We must consider the period which is now about to close as the last

step but one in our regeneration, and prepare ourselves to finish

splendidly the stupendous conception of the choice men of twenty

generations, the fulfillment of which Providence has assigned to this

fortunate generation.

"Yes, young men! Italy owes to you an enterprise which deserves the

applause of the world. You have conquered, and you will conquer, because

you are now trained to the tactics which decide battles. You have not

degenerated from those who entered the Macedonian phalanxes, and struck

to the heart the proud conquerors of Asia.

"This stupendous page of our history must be followed by one more

glorious still; and the slave will finally show to the free brother a

sharpened iron which belonged to the links of his chains.

"To arms all!—all!—and the oppressors, the supremely powerful, shall be

turned into dust."

Garibaldi embarked in the small steamer, Washington, for his island, and

was so eager to be once more in retirement, that he cast off the hawser

with his own hands.

The following account of his arrival at Caprera we translate from a

letter dated:

"MILAN, _Nov. 16, 1860_.

"By the return of the steamer Washington to Naples, we have received

direct news from the Island of Caprera, where Garibaldi has established

his winter quarters. As soon as he placed his foot on shore in the

island, the dictator felt himself free as from an incubus weighing on

his mind and heart. As Garibaldi never could remain inactive under so

seductive a sky, like Victor Emanuel, he is in his element only when in

the field of battle, or hunting among rocks. In fact, he speaks of the

re-conquest of his own individual liberty, which he wishes to divide

with his three war-horses, which, when he had first stepped on the sand

on the island, he unbridled and left free among the fields.

"But a pleasing surprise came, on his arrival, to enliven the mind of

the Italian hero. The modest cottage which had served him as an abode

the past year, during his absence had been changed for a handsome and

elegant _casino_. The avenues were well marked out, and, instead of the

nakedness of the ground, the wild and uncultivated aspect in which he

had last seen it, he observed marks of recent cultivation, plantations

of trees and hedges, well arranged, convenient and well-made roads.

"Garibaldi, full of wonder, went about trying to imagine and divine what

magical hand could have made so great a change. He even almost began to

doubt whether it was the Island of Caprera. Entering the house, and

looking about in every part, he found in the centre a rich and

commodious hall, and, supported from the wall, a large and beautiful

portrait. It was one of Victor Emanuel!"

The following is from a letter of the Rev. J. Newman, dated "Naples,

November, 1860:"

AN INTERVIEW WITH GARIBALDI.

It was my good fortune to have an interview with General Garibaldi, in

the royal palace at Caserta, a day or two before his departure. When I

arrived at the palace, the dictator was in the king's garden, sitting

for his photograph—a pretty Italian lady acting as artist. General Turr,

and the other officers of his staff, were present; also the wife of the

mayor of Palermo, and two other ladies. As in ordinary cases, the artist

had great difficulty in arranging the general's head and hands, but

still more in getting him to keep them arranged, according to order. And

after the picture was finished, he was the first to look at it, which he

jocosely pronounced _good_. He then walked with one of his staff, and

again with the mayor's wife, through the broad avenues of the garden,

and finally strolled off alone, with his arms thrown behind and his head

inclined forward, like one in deep reflection.

He kindly received me into his private apartments in the palace, where,

by a most winning manner, he made me feel myself quite at home. Learning

that I was an American, and having himself travelled through North and

South America, the conversation turned upon the United States. He

indicated his comprehensive and penetrating mind by a marvellous

familiarity with our history and prosperity. Nothing can exceed the

grace and dignity with which he conversed. He was mild in his manner

till I suggested the great want of railroads in Italy, when he

immediately grew animated, and drew a striking contrast between Italy

and America, as to material greatness, and concluded with expressions of

hope that a brighter day is dawning upon his native land. Garibaldi is

so justly proud of his American antecedents, that it is not egotism for

me to claim for our country an important agency in the Italian

Revolution, by the impressions our institutions and greatness made upon

his mind while there. My previous admiration for the man was increased

by this brief interview. He seemed to me to be a man of exalted purpose

and of generous sympathies. He is now in the prime of life, and in the

enjoyment of robust health, which he preserves by his simple mode of

living. He is above the medium height, and has a powerful muscular

frame. His complexion is florid; his hair and beard sandy; his brow

lofty, and his eyes are of a light chestnut hue, and when at ease they

have that dreamy expression so peculiar to many great men. He is not

particularly dignified in his address; his gait is even careless; his

carriage might be thought uncourtly, yet there is that indefinable

something in his presence which, while it does not overawe you, yet

impresses you with a profound respect for the man. He is certainly an

extraordinary character, and the most popular man now before the world.

He is honest in his principles, unselfish in his purposes, unalterable

in his decisions, lasting in his friendships, bitter in his enmities,

and magnanimous to all. When I saw him he was attired in grey pants, a

red shirt, and a grey mantelet, lined with a red and black plaid, the

sides of which were looped upon his shoulders, giving free play to his

arms. He wore a Chinese cap, common in England, and a serviceable sword

was dangling at his side, which constituted his uniform. His mode of

living is extremely simple, so much so that his staff joke him by saying

they do not expect to get much to eat where he is. He never takes wine,

and generally breakfasts upon a cup of coffee and a few Italian

chestnuts. He had formed the decision to retire to his island home. If

you will turn to your map, you will see a little island on the northern

coast of Sardinia, near the entrance of the Straits of Bonifaccio, and

opposite to the southern point of Corsica. This is Caprera, where the

famous Garibaldi, with his son and daughter, together with a few choice

friends, is now residing. The island is less than six miles in length

and not two in breadth. It consists of two rocks, which belonged to an

Englishman and the general. The former is now dead, and Garibaldi is

left alone in his rockland glory. But on reaching his island, he was

most agreeably surprised; the appearance of his home had been so changed

since he left. Well cultivated fields and beautiful plantations, with

shady groves and spacious avenues, had taken the place of a stony

desert. It looked as if a magician had been there, and struck the island

with his wand, bidding nature forthwith to lavish her treasures on this

chosen spot. But the general was still more surprised when, instead of

his humble cottage, an elegant villa stood before him; but on entering

it the mystery was solved, for on the wall hung the portrait of his

friend Victor Emanuel, whose generosity had anticipated his happiness.

The following extract of an unpublished letter from a gentleman in

Piedmont to a friend in New York, contains a most particular description

of Garibaldi's arrival at Caprera:

"TURIN, _Nov. 24, 1860_.

"What do you say of all that has been passing here, and of Garibaldi,

the king-maker? You will have heard that this true patriot refused the

rank of first marshal of the kingdom of Italy, which would have made him

the first person after the king; and the order of Annunziale, which is

equal to that of the Golden Fleece, and generally only given to born

princes.

"Garibaldi lives near the Island of Sardinia, on the small Isle of

Caprera, right in front of the Pass of Bonafaccio. It is a mere rock,

uninhabited or nearly so, where he has a small house and a little

garden, where he lives with his daughter, spending his time fishing. To

this hermitage he has retired, after having made a present to Victor

Emanuel of the kingdom of Naples. But you may fancy his surprise, when,

on arrival, he found his little garden had given room for a park, with

large trees, more than a century old, with flower-beds, etc., etc. He

entered his house. The outer walls were as he left them; but the

interior had become a palace, with magnificent furniture and velvet

hangings, with gold fringes, etc. He passed into the study, and there

above the massive mahogany table, hanging against the wall, upon the

velvet tapestry, a large painting, made by one of the first artists of

the day, in which he could not but recognize himself, sitting at a

table, his head bent over a drawing of a plan of battle he was forming,

while the king standing next him, his right arm leaning familiarly on

his shoulder, was looking, in a bending position, at what he was doing.

"Was this not a pretty surprise which the king prepared for his faithful

follower, the fisherman's son, who had given him a kingdom and would

accept nothing—neither rank, nor honors—in return?"

THE END.

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TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

Punctuation has been normalized.

Variations in spelling hyphenation and accentuation were maintained.

Correction In Table of contents Chapter V byExiles now by Exiles.

Italicized words and phrases are presented by surrounding the text with

_underscores_.