given birth, should be realized, and it should be found to empty
itself into the ocean, on the north-west coast, which is the only
part of this vast island that has not been accurately surveyed,
in what mighty conceptions of the future greatness and power of
this colony, may we not reasonably indulge? The nearest distance
from the point at which Mr. Oxley left off, to any part of the
western coast, is very little short of two thousand miles. If
this river, therefore, be already of the size of the Hawkesbury
at Windsor, which is not less than two hundred and fifty yards in
breadth, and of sufficient depth to float a seventy-four
gun-ship, it is not difficult to imagine what must be its
magnitude at its confluence with the ocean; before it can arrive
at which it has to traverse a country nearly two thousand miles
in extent. If it possess the usual sinuosities of rivers, its
course to the sea cannot be less than from five to six thousand
miles, and the endless accession of tributary streams which it
must receive in its passage through so great an extent of
country, will without doubt enable it to vie in point of
magnitude with any river in the world. In this event its
influence in promoting the progress of population in this fifth
continent, will be prodigious, and in all probability before the
expiration of many years, give an entirely new impulse to the
tide of population: and here it may not be altogether irrelevant,
to enter into a short disquisition on the natural superiority
possessed by those countries which are most abundantly
intersected with navigable rivers. That such are most favourable
for all the purposes of civilized man, the history of the world
affords the most satisfactory proof There is not, in fact, a
single instance on record of any remarkable degree of wealth and
power having been attained by any nation which has not possessed
facilities for commerce, either in the number or size of its
rivers, or in the spaciousness of its harbours, and the general
contiguity of its provinces to the sea. The Mediterranean has
given rise to so many great and powerful nations, only from the
superior advantages which it afforded for commerce during the
long infancy of navigation. The number and fertility of its
islands, the serenity of its climate, the smoothness of its
waters, the smallness of its entrance, which although of itself
sufficient to indicate to the skilful pilot the proximity of the
ocean, is still more clearly defined by the Pillars of Hercules,
towering on each side of it, and forming land-marks not to be
mistaken by the timid, the inexperienced, or the bewildered. Such
are the main causes why the Mediterranean continued until the
discovery and application of the properties of the magnet, the
seat of successive empires so superior to the rest of the world
in affluence and power. It is indeed almost impossible to
conceive, how any considerable degree of wealth and civilization
can be acquired without the aid of navigation. From the moment
savages abandon the hunter state, and resign themselves to the
settled pursuits of agriculture, the march of population must
inevitably follow the direction of navigable waters; since in the
infancy of societies these furnish the only means of indulging
that spirit of barter which is co-existent with association, is
the main spring of industry, and the ultimate cause of all
civilization and refinement. In such situations the rude canoe
abundantly suffices to maintain the first necessary interchanges
of the superfluities of one individual for those of another.
Roads, waggons, etc. are refinements entirely unknown in the
incipient stages of society. They are the gradual results of
civilization, and consequent only on the accumulation of wealth
and the attainment of a certain point of maturity. Canals are a
still later result of civilization, and are undoubtedly the
greatest efforts for the encouragement of barter, and the
developement of industry, to which human power and ingenuity have
yet given birth. But after all, what are these artificial
channels of communication, these _ne plus ultras_ of human
contrivance, compared with those natural mediums of intercourse,
those mighty rivers which pervade every quarter of the globe?
What are they to the Danube, the Nile, the Ganges, the
Mississippi, or the Amazon? What are they, in fact, compared even
with those infinite minor navigable streams, of which scarcely
any country, however circumscribed, is entirely destitute? What!
but mere pigmy imitations of nature, which wherever there is a
sufficient number of rivers, will never be resorted to, unless it
be for the purpose of connecting them together, or of avoiding
those long and tedious sinuosities to which they are _all_
more or less subject.
Viewing therefore this newly discovered river only in the
light of a river of the first magnitude, it must be evident that
this important discovery will have an incalculable influence on
the future progress of colonization; but to be enabled fully to
estimate the beneficial consequences of which it will be
productive; it is essential to take into the estimate, the
probable direction of its course, and the point of its confluence
with the ocean. This I have already stated is with good reason
imagined to be on the north-west coast; since every other part of
this vast island has been so accurately surveyed, as scarcely to
admit of the possibility of so large a river falling into the sea
in any other position. Assuming, therefore, that the source of
this river is in the direction thus generally supposed, it will
be seen that it will surpass all the rivers in the world in
variety of climate; since reckoning merely from the spot where
Mr. Oxley discovered it to its conjectural embouchure, there will
be a difference of latitude of twenty degrees. Even omitting,
then, to take into computation the probable length of its course
from the place where it first becomes navigable, to the point
where that gentleman fell in with it, (and it was there running
from the south, and must have already been navigable for a
considerable distance, if we may judge from its size,) the world
does not afford any parallel of a river traversing so great a
diversity of climate. The majority indeed of the rivers, which
may be termed "rivers of the first magnitude," run from west to
east, or from east to west, and consequently vary their climate
only in proportion to their distance from the sea, to the
elevation of their beds, and to the extent of country traversed
by such of their branches as run at right angles with them. Of
this sort are the St. Lawrence, in North America, the Oronoko and
Amazon, in South America; the Niger, Senegal and Gambia, in
Africa; the Danube and Elbe, in Europe; and the Hoang Ho, and
Kiang Keou in Asia. It must indeed be admitted, that every
quarter of the globe furnishes some striking exceptions to this
rule, such as the Mississippi and River Plate in America; the
Nile, in Africa; the Rhine, the Dniester, the Don, and the Volga,
in Europe; and the Indus and Ganges, in Asia; all of which
certainly run from north to south, or south to north, and
consequently command a great variety of climate.
In this respect, however, none of them will be worthy of
comparison with this newly discovered river, if the point of its
confluence with the ocean should happily be where it is
conjectured. And yet we find that all the countries through which
the above-named rivers pass, either have been, or promise to be,
the seats of much more wealthy and powerful nations than the
countries through which those rivers pass whose course is east or
west. The cause of this superiority of one over the other, is to
be traced to the greater diversity of productions, which will
necessarily be raised on the banks and in the vicinity of those
rivers whose course is north or south, a circumstance that is
alone sufficient to ensure the possessors of them, under
Governments equally favourable to the extension of industry, a
much greater share of commerce and wealth than can possibly
belong to the inhabitants of these rivers whose course is in a
contrary direction: and this for the simplest reason; because
rivers of the former description contain within themselves, many
of those productions which the latter can only obtain from
abroad. In the one, therefore, there is not only a necessity for
having recourse to foreign supply, which does not exist in the
other, but also a great prevention to internal navigation,
arising from the sameness of produce, and the consequent
impediment to barter, which must prevail in a country where all
have the same commodities to dispose of, where all wish to sell
and none to buy. To this manifest superiority which rivers
runningon a meridian claim over those running on a parallel,
there is no counterpoise, since they both contain equal
facilities for exporting their surplus productions, and receiving
in exchange the superfluities of other countries. It may, indeed,
here be urged, that there is, upon the whole, no surplus produce
in the world; and that, as the surplus, whatever may be its
extent, of one country, may be always exchanged for that of
another, as great a variety of luxuries may be thus obtained by
the inhabitants of rivers that run in an eastern or western
direction as can possibly be raised by the inhabitants of rivers
that run in a northern or southern; and that consequently the
same stimulus to an inland navigation will be created by the
eventual distribution of the various commodities procured by
foreign commerce, as if they had been the products of the country
itself. To this it may be replied, that although a much greater
variety of products may undoubtedly be imported from foreign
countries, than can possibly be raised within the compass of any
one navigable river, such products cannot afterwards be sold at
so cheap a rate. In all countries, therefore, where such products
are imported from abroad, the increase in their price must
occasion a proportionate diminution in their consumption, and in
so far inevitably operate as a check to internal navigation.
This variety of production, and the additional encouragement
thus afforded by it, to what is well known to be one of the main
sources of national wealth, is sufficient to account for the
superior degree of civilization, affluence, and power, which have
in general characterized those countries whose rivers take a
northern or southern course. Some few nations, indeed, which do
not possess such great natural advantages, have supplied the want
of them by their own skill and industry, and have in the end
triumphed over the efforts of nature to check their progress. Of
a people who have thus overstepped these natural barriers opposed
to their advancement, and in spite of them attained the summit of
wealth and civilization, China perhaps furnishes the most
remarkable example. The two principal rivers of that country, the
Hoang Ho, or Yellow River, and the Kiang Keou, or Great River,
runs from west to east; yet by means of what is termed by way of
eminence, "The Great Canal," the Chinese have not only joined
these two mighty streams together, but have also extended the
communication to the northward, as far as the main branch of the
Pei Ho, and to the southward as far as the mouth of the Ningapo:
thus establishing by the intervention of this stupendous monument
of human industry and perseverance, and the various branches of
the four rivers which it connects, an inland navigation between
the great cities of Peking and Nanking, and affording every
facility for the transport of the infinite products raised within
the compass of a country containing from twelve to fifteen
degrees difference of latitude, and about the same difference of
longitude; or, in other words, a surface of about five hundred
and eighteen thousand four hundred square miles.
This instance, however, of equal or superior civilization thus
attained by a nation, notwithstanding the principal rivers of
their country run from west to east, does not at all militate
against the natural superiority which has been conceded to those
countries whose rivers run in a contrary direction: it only shews
what may be effected by a wise and politic government averse to
the miseries of war, and steadily bent on the arts of peace. The
very attempts, indeed, of this enlightened people to supply the
natural deficiencies of their country by canals, are the
strongest commendations that can be urged in favour of a country
where no such artificial substitutes are necessary; where nature,
of her own lavish bounty has created facilities for the progress
of industry and civilization, which it would require the labour
and maturity of ages imperfectly to imitate.
How far, indeed, these mighty contrivances of the
all-bounteous Creator, for the promotion and developement of
industry, outstrip all human imitation, the occurrences of the
passing hour furnish the most satisfactory and conclusive
evidence. The vast tide of emigration which is incessantly
rolling along the banks of the Mississippi, and of its tributary
streams, and the numberless cities, towns, and settlements, that
have sprung up as if it were by the agency of magic, in what but
a few years back was one boundless and uninterrupted wilderness,
speak a language not to be mistaken by the most ignorant or
prejudiced. The western territory, which though a province but of
yesterday, soon promises to rival the richest and most powerful
members of the American union, affords an instance of rapid
colonization, of which, the history of the world cannot produce a
parallel, and offers an incontestable proof of the natural
superiority which countries, whose rivers run in a northern or
southern course, possess over all others.
But this fact is not merely established by the experience of
the present day, it is equally authenticated by the testimony of
past ages. What was the reason why Egypt was for so many
centuries the seat of affluence and power, but the Nile? that
India is still rich and populous, but the Indus and Ganges? These
countries, indeed, are no longer the great and powerful empires
they were, although the natural advantages of their situations
are still unchanged. But what mighty ravages will not a
blood-thirsty and overwhelming despotism effect? What health and
vigor can belong to that body politic which is forced to inhale
the nauseous effluvia of tyranny? Prosperity is a plant that can
only flourish in an atmosphere fauned by the wholesome breath of
freedom. The highest fertility of soil, the greatest benignity of
climate, the most commanding superiority of position, will
otherwise be unavailing. Freedom may in the end convert the most
barren and inhospitable waste into a paradise; but the inevitable
result of tyranny is desolation.
The probable course of this newly discovered river, being thus
in every respect so decidedly favourable for the foundation of a
rich and powerful community, there can be little doubt that the
government of this country will immediately avail itself of the
advantages which it presents, and establish a settlement at its
mouth. What a sublime spectacle will it then be for the
philosopher to mark the gradual progress of population from the
two extremities of this river; to behold the two tides of
colonization flowing in opposite directions, and constantly
hastening to that junction, of which the combined waters shall
overspread the whole of this fifth continent!
What a cheering prospect for the philanthropist to behold what
is now one vast and mournful wilderness, becoming the smiling
seat of industry and the social arts; to see its hills and dales
covered with bleating flocks, lowing herds, and waving corn; to
hear the joyful notes of the shepherd, and the enlivening cries
of the husbandman, instead of the appalling yell of the savage,
and the plaintive howl of the wolf; and to witness a country
which nature seems to have designed as her master-piece, at
length fulfilling the gracious intentions of its all-bounteous
Author, by administering to the wants and contributing to the
happiness of millions.
What a proud sight for the Briton to view his country pouring
forth her teeming millions to people new hives, to see her
forming in the most remote parts of the earth new establishments
which may hereafter rival her old; and to behold thousands who
would perish from want within her immediate limits, procuring an
easy and comfortable subsistence in those which are more remote;
and instead of weakening her power and diminishing her resources,
effectually contributing to the augmentation of both, and forming
monuments which may descend to the latest posterity,
indestructible records of her greatness and glory.
SYSTEM OF AGRICULTURE.
The system of agriculture pursued in this colony, does not
materially differ from that which prevails in this country.
During the earlier stages of these settlements, the hoe-husbandry
was a necessary evil; but the great increase in the stock of
horses and cattle, has at last almost completely superseded it;
and the plough-husbandry is now, and has been for many years
past, in general practice. In new lands, indeed, the hoe is still
unavoidably used during the first year of their cultivation, on
account of the numerous roots and other impediments to the
plough, with which lands in a state of nature invariably abound;
but excepting these occasions, and the instances of settlers who
are unable to purchase horses or oxen, and consequently adhere to
the original mode of cultivation from necessity, the
hoe-husbandry is completely exploded. Until the year 1803,
eighteen years after the foundation of this colony, the
plough-husbandry was confined to a few of the richest
cultivators, from the exorbitant price of cattle. At that period,
however, the government herds had so considerably multiplied,
that the then governor (King) recommended the adoption of the
plough-husbandry in general orders, and tendered oxen at
£28 per head, to be paid either in produce or money, at the
end of three years, to all such settlers as were inclined to
purchase them. This custom has been followed by all his
successors; but as no abatement has been made in the price of
them, and as they can be obtained at one-third the amount
elsewhere, such only of the colonists now avail themselves of
this indulgence, as have no ready means of purchase, and are
allured by the length of the credit.
Wheat, maize, barley, oats, and rye, are all grown in this
colony; but the two former are most cultivated. The climate
appears to be rather too warm for the common species of barley
and oats; but the poorer soils produce them of a tolerably good
quality. The skinless barley, or as it is termed by some, the
Siberian wheat, arrives at very great perfection, and is in every
respect much superior to the common species of barley; but the
culture of this grain is limited to the demand which is created
for it by the colonial breweries; the Indian corn, or maize,
being much better adapted for the food of horses, oxen, pigs, and
poultry. The produce too is much more abundant than that of
barley and oats; and the season for planting it being two months
later than for any other sort of grain, the settler has every
motive for giving it the preference. Wheat may be sown any time
from February to July, and even as late as August, if that month
happens to be moist; but the best months are April, May, and
June. The creeping wheat, however, may be sown in the
commencement of February; as should it become too rank, it can
easily be kept down by sheep, which are found to do this sort of
wheat no manner of injury. To the farmer, therefore, who keeps
large flocks of sheep, the cultivation of the creeping wheat is
highly advantageous; since in addition to its yielding as great a
crop as any other species of wheat, it supersedes the necessity
of growing turnips or other artificial food for the support of
his stock during the severity of the winter, when the natural
grasses become scanty and parched up by the frost. The red and
white lammas, and the Cape or bearded wheat, are the species
generally cultivated. June is the best month for sowing barley
and oats, but they may be sown till the middle of August with a
fair prospect of a good crop. Indian corn or maize may be planted
from the end of September to the middle of December; but October
is the best month. It is, however, a very common practice among
the settlers on the fertile banks of the Hawkesbury and Nepean,
to plant what is called stubble corn; that is, to plant it among
the wheat, barley, and oat stubbles, as soon as the harvest is
over, without ploughing or breaking up the ground. Maize is
frequently planted in this way until the middle of January, and
if the season proves sufficiently moist, yields a very abundant
crop. The usual manner of planting it is in holes about six feet
apart: five grains are generally put in each of these holes. The
average produce of this grain on rich flooded lands, is from
eighty to a hundred bushels per acre. Wheat in the same
situations yields from thirty to forty bushels; and barley and
oats, about fifty bushels an acre. On forest lands, however, the
crops are not so productive, unless the ground be well manured;
but the wheat, barley and oats, grown on this land, are much
heavier and superior in quality. The difference of the weight of
wheat grown in forest and flooded lands, is upon an average not
less than 8 lbs. per bushel. The former sort weighing 64 lbs. and
the latter only 56 lbs.
The wheat harvest commences partially about the middle of
November, and is generally over by Christmas. The maize, however,
is not ripe until the end of March, and the gathering is not
complete throughout the colony before the middle of May.
Potatoes*, cabbages, carrots, parsnips, turnips, pease, beans,
cauliflowers, brocoli, asparagus, lettuces, onions, and in fact
every species of vegetables known in this country, are produced
in this colony; many of them attain a much superior degree of
perfection, but a few also degenerate. To the former class belong
the cauliflower and brocoli, and the different varieties of the
pea; to the latter the bean and potatoe. For the bean, in
particular, the climate appears too hot, and it is only to be
obtained in the stiffest clays and the dampest situations. The
potatoe, however, is produced on all soils in the greatest
abundance, but the quality is not nearly as good as in this
country. In this respect, however, much depends on the nature of
the soil. In stiff clays the potatoes are invariably watery and
waxy, but in light sands and loams, they are tolerably dry and
mealy. Manure also deteriorates their quality, and in general
they are best when grown on new lands. Potatoes are in
consequence very commonly planted in the fields, as a first crop,
and are found to pulverize land just brought from a state of
nature into cultivation more than other root. An abundant crop of
wheat, barley, or oats, may be safely calculated to succeed them;
more particularly if a light covering of manure be applied at the
time of their planting.
[* For the Colonial Garden, see
Appendix.]
The colony is justly famed for the goodness and variety of its
fruits: Peaches, apricots, nectarines, oranges, grapes, pears,
plums, figs, pomegranates, raspberries, strawberries, and melons
of all sorts, attain the highest degree of maturity in the open
air; and even the pineapple may be produced merely by the aid of
the common forcing glass. The climate, however, of Port Jackson,
is not altogether congenial to the growth of the apple, currant,
and gooseberry; although the whole of these fruits are produced
there, and the apple, in particular, in very great abundance; but
it is decidedly inferior in quality to the apple of this country.
These fruits, however, arrive at the greatest perfection in every
part of Van Diemen's Land; and as the climate of the country to
the westward of the Blue Mountains, is equally cold, they will
without doubt attain there an equal degree of perfection; but the
short period which has elapsed since the establishment of a
settlement beyond these mountains, has not allowed the
nltramontanians to make the experiment.
Of all the fruits which I have thus enumerated as being
produced in this colony, the peach is the most abundant and the
most useful. The different varieties which have been already
introduced, succeed one another in uninterrupted succession from
the middle of November to the latter end of March: thus filling
up an interval of more than four months, and affording a
wholesome and nutritious article of food during one-third of the
year. This fruit grows spontaneously in every situation, on the
richest soils, as on the most barren; and its growth is so rapid
that if you plant a stone, it will in three years afterwards bear
an abundant crop of fruit. Peaches are, in consequence, so
plentiful throughout the colony, that they are every where given
as food to hogs; and when thrown into heaps, and allowed to
undergo a proper degree of fermentation, are found to fatten them
very rapidly. Cider also is made in great quantities from this
fruit, and when of sufficient age, affords a very pleasant and
wholesome beverage. The lees, too, after the extraction of the
juice, possess the same fattening properties, and are equally
calculated as food for hogs.
REARING OF CATTLE, ETC.
The system of rearing and fattening stock in this colony is
simple and economical. Horses, in consequence of their rambling
nature, are almost invariably kept in enclosures. In the
districts immediately contiguous to Port Jackson, horned cattle
are followed by a herdsman during the day, in order to prevent
them from trespassing on the numerous uninclosed tracts of land
that are in a state of tillage, and they are confined during the
night in yards or paddocks. In the remoter districts, however,
which are altogether devoid of cultivation, horned cattle are
subjected to no such restraints, but are permitted to range about
the country at all times. The herds too are generally larger; and
although a herdsman is still required as well to prevent them
from separating into straggling parties, as to protect them from
depredation, the expence of keeping them in this manner is
comparatively trifling, and the advantages of allowing them this
uncontrouled liberty to range, very great; since they are found
during the heat of summer to feed more in the night than in the
day. This, therefore, is the system which the great stockholders
almost invariably pursue. Few of them possess sufficient land for
the support of their cattle; and as their estates too, however
remote the situation in which they may have been selected, have
for the most part become surrounded by small cultivators, who
seldom or ever inclose their crops, they generally recede with
their herds from the approach of colonization, and form new
establishments, where the liability to trespass does not exist.
They thus become the gradual explorers of the country, and it is
to their efforts to avoid the contact of agriculture, that the
discovery of the best districts yet known in the colony is
ascribable.
The management of sheep is in some respects different. They
are never permitted to roam during the night, on account of the
native dog, which is a great enemy to them, and sometimes during
the day, makes great ravages among them, even under the eye of
the shepherd. In every part of the country, therefore, they are
kept by night either in folds or yards. In the former case the
shepherd sleeps in a small moveable box, which is shifted with
the folds, and with his faithful dog, affords a sufficient
protection for his flock, against the attempts of these midnight
depredators. In the latter the paling of the yards is always made
so high, that the native dog cannot surmount it; and the safety
of the flock is still further ensured by the contiguity of the
shepherd's house, and the numerous dogs with which he is always
provided.
The natural grasses of the colony are sufficiently good and
nutritious at all seasons of the year, for the support of every
description of stock, where there is an adequate tract of country
for them to range over. But in consequence of the complete
occupation of the districts which are in the more immediate
vicinity of Port Jackson, and from the settlers in general
possessing more stock than their lands are capable of
maintaining, the raising of artificial food for the winter
months, has of late years become very general among such of them
as are unwilling to send their flocks and herds into the
uninhabited parts in the interior. This is a practice which must
necessarily gain ground; since it has been observed, that the
coldness of the climate keeps pace with the progress of
agriculture. In the more contiguous and cultivated districts, the
natural grass becomes consequently every year more affected by
the influence of frost, and the necessity of raising some
artificial substitute for the support of stock, during the
suspension of vegetation, more pressing and incumbent. It is from
this increase in the severity of the winters, that the custom of
making hay has begun to be adopted; and should the future
augmentation of cold be, as there is every reason to believe,
proportionate to the past, this custom will, before the
expiration of many years, become generally prevalent. It is
indeed, rather a matter of surprise than otherwise, that so
salutary a precaution has been so long in disuse; since such is
the luxuriance of the natural grass during the summer, that it is
the general practice after the seeds wither away, to set fire to
it, and thus improvidently consume what, if mown and made into
hay, would afford the farmer a sufficiency of nutritious food for
his stock during the winter, and altogether supersede the
subsequent necessity for his having recourse to artificial means
of remedying so palpable a neglect of the bounteous gifts of
nature.
This custom of setting fire to the grass, is most prevalent
during the months of August and January, i.e. just before the
commencement of spring and autumn, when vegetation is on the eve
of starting from the slumber which it experiences alike during
the extremes of the winter's cold as of the summer's heat. If a
fall of rain happily succeed these fires, the country soon
presents the appearance of a field of young wheat; and however
repugnant this practice may appear to the English farmer, it is
absolutely unavoidable in those districts which are not
sufficiently stocked; since cattle of every description refuse to
taste the grass the moment it becomes withered.
The artificial food principally cultivated in the colony are
turnips, tares, and Cape barley; and for those settlers in
particular who have flocks of breeding sheep, the cultivation of
them is highly necessary, and contributes materially to the
growth and strength of the lambs. On those also who keep dairies,
this practice of raising artificial food, is equally incumbent;
the natural grasses being quite insufficient to keep milch cows
in good heart during the winter, when there is the greatest
demand for butter. Good meat, too, is then only to be had with
difficulty, and this difficulty is increasing every year. There
cannot, therefore, be any doubt that it would answer the purposes
even of the grazier to have recourse to artificial means of
fattening his stock at that season; since it is then that he
would be enabled to obtain the readiest and highest price for his
fat cattle.
PRICE OF CATTLE, ETC.
The price of all manner of stock is almost incredibly
moderate, considering the short period which has elapsed since
the foundation of the colony. A very good horse for the cart or
plough may be had from £10 to £15, and a better
saddle or gig horse, from £20 to £30, than could be
obtained in this country for double the money. Very good
milch-cows may be bought from £5 to £10; working oxen
for about the same price; and fine young breeding ewes from
£1 to £3, according to the quality of their fleece.
Low as these prices may appear they are in a great measure
fictitious; since there is confessedly more stock of all sorts in
the colony, than is necessary for its population. It accordingly
frequently happens, particularly at sales by public auction, that
stock are to be bought for one-half, and even one-third of the
above prices; and there is every probability that before the
expiration of ten years, their value will be still more
considerably diminished. To be convinced of the truth of this
conjecture, we have only to look back a little into the annals of
the colony, and see how prodigiously cattle of every description
have multiplied. By a census taken at the end of the year 1800,
(twelve years after the institution of the colony) the number of
horses and mares was only 163; of horned cattle, 1024; and of
sheep, 6124. At the end of 1813, the horses and mares had
increased to 1891; the horned cattle to 21,513, and the sheep to
65,121: and in the month of November, 1817, the last year of
which we have received the census, the numbers were as follow:
horses and mares, 3072; horned cattle, 44,753; sheep, 170,420.
Thus it will be perceived, that in the space of seventeen years,
the stock of horses and mares has increased from 163, their
highest number for the first twelve years, to 3072; the stock of
horned cattle, from 1044 to 44,753; and the stock of sheep from
6124 to 170,920. This is of itself an increase great beyond all
ordinary computation; and it would appear still more surprising
if we could add to it the immense numbers of cattle and sheep
that have been slaughtered in the same period, for the supply of
the king's stores, and for general consumption.
From the foregoing statement is will be evident, that the
future increase in the stock will be still more prodigious, and
still more considerably outstrip the advance of population. The
price therefore of cattle, great and rapid as has been its past
declension, must annually experience a still further diminution.
Of what will be their probable value in ten years more, it may
enable us to form no very inaccurate estimate, by referring to
what it was ten years back. In 1808, a cow and calf were sold by
public auction for £105, and the price of middling cattle
was from £80 to £100. A breeding mare was at the same
period worth from 150 to 200 guineas, and ewes from £10 to
£20.
These immense prices, however, were the result of monopoly,
and consequently in a great measure fictitious; for in 1810, two
years after this, a herd of fine cattle were sold for £13
per head. This almost incredible reduction in the value of cattle
in so short a period, was occasioned by the supercession of this
monopoly by the governor, who in the year 1808, was induced, from
the considerable increase that had taken place in the public
herds, to issue cows at £28 per head, payable in
agricultural produce, to all indiscriminately who chose to
purchase them. Hundreds of them, therefore, at this epoch, were
distributed among the settlers, and their extreme value insured
that degree of care and attention from their owners, which was
naturally followed by a rapid increase, and produced in the short
lapse of two years, that declension of price which would at first
sight appear so astonishing.
Thus it may be perceived, that within the last ten years,
stock of all sorts have decreased in price, from £700 to
£1,000 per cent. and it is not unreasonable to conclude,
that in ten years hence, they will have experienced at least a
similar reduction. Should this conjecture be verified, they will
be of as little value in the remote parts of the colony, as the
horses and cattle on the plains of Buenos Ayres, where any person
may make what use he pleases of the carcase, provided he leaves
behind him the hide.
PRICE OF LABOUR.
The price of labour is at present very low, and is still
further declining in consequence of the demand for it not
equalling the supply. Upon the establishment of the Colonial
Bank, and the consequent suppression of that vile medium of
circulation, termed the colonial currency, between which and
British sterling there used to be a difference of value of from
£50 to £100 per cent. the price of labour was fixed
at the rates contained in the following general order, dated the
7th of December, 1816:
"In consequence of the recent abolition of all colonial
currency, and the introduction and establishment of a sterling
circulation and consideration in all payments, dealings,
transactions, contracts, and agreements, within this territory
and its dependencies, his Excellency the Governor having deemed
it expedient to take into consideration the general rates and
prices of labour and wages within the same, as affected by the
alteration of the mode of payments at a sterling rate, or value,
and of the degree, measure, and sterling amount of the same, upon
a fair and equitable proportion and modus; and having also
adopted such measures in that respect as seemed best calculated
to fix and make known the same, is pleased hereby to declare,
order, and direct, that in addition to the rations according to
and equal with the government allowance, the sum of ten pounds
sterling per annum to a man convict, and seven pounds sterling to
a woman convict, as including the value of the slops allowed, and
the sum of seven pounds or five pounds ten shillings exclusive of
such slops; computed at three pounds per man, and one pound ten
shillings per woman, shall be allowed, claimed, or demandable, or
such part or proportion of such sum or sums as shall be equal and
according to the period and continuance of actual service, and no
more in respect of yearly wages, and in the same manner as yearly
wages for the extra work and service of any such male or female
convict respectively, duly assigned to any person or persons, by
or upon the authority of Government.
"His Excellency is also pleased further to declare, order and
direct, that in consideration of the premises, the undermentioned
sums, amounts, and charges, and no more with regard to and upon
the various denominations of work, labour and services, described
and set forth, shall be allowed, claimed, or demandable within
this territory and its dependencies in respect thereof".
£ s. d.
For falling forest timber, per acre, 0 8 0
Burning off ditto, per ditto, 1 0 0
Rooting out, and burning stumps on forest ground, per ditto, 1 10 0
Falling timber on brush ground, per ditto, 0 12 0
Burning off ditto, per ditto, 1 10 0
Rooting out and burning stumps on ditto, per ditto, 1 17 6
Breaking up new ground, per ditto, 1 0 0
Breaking up stubble in corn ground, per ditto, 0 10 0
Chipping in wheat, per ditto, 0 6 0
Reaping ditto, per ditto, 0 10 0
Threshing and cleaning wheat, per bushel, 0 0 8
Holeing and planting corn, per acre, 0 5 0
Chipping and shelling corn, per ditto, 0 6 8
Pulling and husking ditto, per bushel, 0 0 4
Splitting pales, (six feet long) per hundred, 0 3 0
Ditto, (five feet long) per ditto, 0 2 6
Shingle splitting, per thousand, 0 7 6
Preparing and putting up morticed railing, five bars, with
two pannels to a rod, and posts sunk two feet in the ground,0 3 0
Ditto, ditto, ditto, four bars, 0 2 6
Ditto, ditto, ditto, three bars, 0 2 0
Ditto, ditto, ditto, two bars, 0 1 9
The rates limited in this order are pretty well proportioned
to the present state of the colony; but the attempt to reduce the
value of labour to a permanent standard, further than regards the
convicts, must evidently be abortive; since labour, like
merchandize, will rise and fall with the demand which may exist
for it in the market where it is disposable;--and although the
above order might prevent the labourer from recovering in the
colonial courts, a greater price for his labour than is
stipulated in the foregoing schedule, still the moment it becomes
the interest of the employer to give higher wages, he will do so,
and the discredit attached to the non-performance of a deliberate
contract will always prevent him from having recourse to the
courts for avoiding the fulfilment of it. The above rates, it
will be seen, only refer to the various species of labour
immediately attached to agriculture. The wages of artificers,
particularly of such as are most useful in infant societies, are
considerably higher: a circumstance which is principally to be
attributed to the practice of selecting from among the convicts
all the best mechanics for the government works. Carpenters,
stone-masons, brick-layers, wheel and plough-wrights,
black-smiths, coopers, harness-makers, sawyers, shoe-makers,
cabinet-makers; and in fact all the most useful descriptions of
handicrafts, are consequently in very great demand, and can
easily earn from eight to ten shillings per day.
The price of land is entirely regulated by its situation and
quality. So long as four years back, a hundred and fifty acres of
very indifferent ground, about thre equarters of a mile from
Sydney, were sold by virtue of an execution, in lots of twelve
acres each, and averaged £14 per acre. This, however, is
the highest price that has yet been given for land not situated
in a town. The general value of unimproved forest land, when it
is not heightened by some advantageous locality, as proximity to
a town or navigable river, cannot be estimated at more than five
shillings per acre. Flooded land will fetch double that sum. But
on the banks of the Hawkesbury, as far as that river is
navigable, the value of land is considerably greater; that which
is in a state of nature being worth from £3 to £5 per
acre, and that which is in a state of cultivation, from £8
to £10. The latter description rents for twenty and thirty
shillings an acre.
The price of provisions, particularly of agricultural produce,
is subject to great fluctuations, and will unavoidably continue
so until proper measures are taken to counteract the calamitous
scarcities at present consequent on the inundations of the
Hawkesbury and Nepean. In the year 1806, the epoch of the great
flood, the old and new stacks on the banks of those rivers were
all swept away; and before the commencement of the following
harvest, wheat and maize attained an equal value, and were sold
at £5 and £6 per bushel. Even after the last overflow
of these rivers, in the month of March, 1817, wheat rose towards
the close of the year, to 31s. per bushel, and maize to 20s., and
potatoes to 32s. 6d. per cwt. although a very considerable supply
(about 20,000 bushels) was immediately furnished by the Derwent
and Port Dalrymple. But for this speedy and salutary succour, the
price of grain would have been very little short of what it was
in the year 1806; since the whole stock on hand appears, from the
muster taken between the 6th of October and the 25th of November,
to have only been as follows: wheat, 2405 bushels; maize, 1506.
This was all the grain that remained in the various settlements
of New South Wales and its dependencies, about a month before any
part of the produce of the harvest could be brought to market;
and when it is considered that this was to administer to the
support of 20,379 souls during that period, it will appear truly
astonishing that the prices continued so moderate.
By way, however, of counterpoise to these lamentable
scarcities, which in general follow the inundations of the
principal agricultural settlements, provisions are very abundant
and cheap in years when the crops have not suffered from flood or
drought. In such seasons, wheat upon an average sells for 9s. per
bushel; maize for 3s. 6d.; barley for 5s.; oats for 4s. 6d. and
potatoes for 6s. per cwt.
The price of meat is not influenced by the same causes, but is
on the contrary experiencing a gradual and certain diminution. By
the last accounts received from the colony, good mutton and beef
were to be had for 6d. per pound, veal for 8d. and pork for 9d.
Wheat was selling in the market at 8s. 8d. per bushel; oats at
4s.; barley at 5s.; maize at 5s. 6d.; potatoes at 8s. per cwt.;
fowls at 4s. 6d. per couple; ducks at 6s. per ditto; geese at 5s.
each; turkies at 7s. 6d. each; eggs at 2s. 6d. per dozen; and
butter at 2s. 6d. per pound. The price of the best wheaten bread
was fixed by the assize at 51/4d. for the loaf, weighing 2
lbs.
The progress which this colony has made in manufactures has
perhaps never been equalled by any community of such recent
origin. It already contains extensive manufactories of coarse
woollen cloths, hats, earthenware and pipes, salt, candles, and
soap. There are also extensive breweries, and tanneries, wheel
and plough-wrights, gig-makers, black-smiths, nail-makers,
tinmen, rope-makers, saddle and harness-makers, cabinet-makers,
and indeed all sorts of mechanics and artificers that could be
required in an infant society, where objects of utility are
naturally in greater demand than articles of luxury. Many of
these have considerable capitals embarked in their several
departments, and manufacture to a considerable extent. Of the
precise amount, however, of capital invested in the whole of the
colonial manufactories, I can give no authentic account; but I
should imagine it cannot be far short of £50,000.
The colonists carry on a considerable commerce with this
country, the East Indies, and China; but they have scarcely any
article of export to offer in return for the various commodities
supplied by those countries. The money expended by the government
for the support of the convicts, and the pay and subsistence of
the civil and military establishments, are the main sources from
which they derive the means of procuring those articles of
foreign growth and manufacture which are indispensable to
civilized life. They have, however, at last a staple export,
which is rapidly increasing, and promises in a few years to
suffice for all their wants, and to render them quite independent
of the miserable pittance which is thus afforded them by the
expenditure of the government: I mean the fleeces of their
flocks, the best of which are found to combine all the qualities
that constitute the excellence of the Saxon and Spanish wools.
The sheep-holders in general have at length become sensible of
the advantage of directing their attention to the improvement of
their flocks; and if their exertions be properly seconded by the
countenance and encouragement of the local government, there can
be no doubt that the supply of fine wool, which the parent
country will before long receive from the colony, will amply
repay her for the care and expence she has bestowed on it during
the protracted period of its helpless infancy. The exportation of
this highly valuable raw material, is as yet but very limited:
last year it only amounted to about £8000; but when it is
considered that in the year 1817, there were 170,420 sheep in the
colony and its dependent settlements on Van Diemen's Land, and
that the majority of the sheep-holders are actively employed in
crossing their flocks with tups of the best Merino breed, it may
easily be conceived what an extensive exportation of fine wool
may be effected in a few years.
The whole annual income of the colonists inhabiting the
various settlements in New Holland, cannot be estimated at more
than £125,000, and the following sub-divisions of it may be
taken as a very close approximation to the truth:
Money expended by the government for the pay and
subsistence of the civil and military establishments,
and for the support of such of the convicts as are
victualled from the king's stores, £ 80,000
Money expended by shipping not belonging to the
colonial merchants, £ 12,000
Various articles of export collected from the adjacent
seas and islands, by the colonial craft, consisting
principally of seal skins, right whale, and elephant
oils, and sandal wood, £ 15,000
Wool grown in the colony, £ 8,000
Sundries, £ 20,000
--------
Total £125,000
--------
The imports levied by the authority of the local government
form two distinct funds, one of which, as has been already
casually mentioned, is called the "Orphan Fund," and the other
"the Police Fund." The former, it has been seen, contains
one-eighth of the colonial revenue, and is devoted solely to the
promotion of education among the youth of the colony; the latter
contains the other seven-eighths, and is appropriated to various
purposes of internal economy; such as the construction and repair
of roads and bridges, the erection of public edifices, the
maintenance of the police, the cost of criminal prosecutions, and
the pay of various officers, principally in subordinate
capacities, who are not borne on the parliamentary estimate of
the civil establishment. These two funds amounted in the year
1817 to the sum of £20,272 6s. 2½d. which was
derived from the following sources:
*Duties collected by the naval officer, 17,240 0 7¼
Market, toll, and slaughtering duties, 872 5 7¼
67 Spirit Licences, 2,010 0 0
10 Beer ditto, 50 0 0
4 Brewing ditto, 100 0 0
Total £20,272 6 2½
[* For a list of these Duties, see the
Appendix.]
If we add to this £907 6s. 9¼d. which is the
amount of the naval officer's commission on the duties collected
by him, we have a grand total of £21,179 12s. 11¾d.;
or, in other words, about one-sixth of the whole income of the
colony, absorbed by an illegal taxation. This is an enormous sum
to be levied in such an infant community; and it will appear the
more so if it be recollected that nineteen-twentieths of it are
collected from the duty which has been imposed on spirituous
liquors, and from licences to keep public-houses for the retail
of them.
STATISTICAL ACCOUNT OF THE SETTLEMENTS IN VAN DIEMEN'S
LAND.
Van Diemen's Land is situated between 40 degrees 42', and 43
degrees 43' of south latitude, and between 145 degrees 31' and
148 degrees 22' of east longitude. The honour of the discovery of
this island also belongs to the Dutch; but the survey of it has
been principally effected by the English.
The aborigines of this country are, if possible, still more
barbarous and uncivilised than those of New Holland. They subsist
entirely by hunting, and have no knowledge whatever of the art of
fishing. Even the rude bark canoe which their neighbours possess,
is quite unknown to them; and whenever they want to pass any
sheet of water, they are compelled to construct a rude raft for
the occasion. Their arms and hunting implements also indicate an
inferior degree of civilization. The womera, or throwing stick,
which enables the natives of Port Jackson to cast their spears
with such amazing force and precision, is not used by them. Their
spears, too, instead of being made with the bulrush, and only
pointed with hard wood, are composed entirely of it, and are
consequently more ponderous. In using them they grasp the center;
but they neither throw them so far nor so dexterously as the
natives of the parent colony. This circumstance is the more
fortunate, as they maintain the most rancorous and inflexible
hatred and hostility towards the colonists. This deep rooted
enmity, however, does not arise so much from the ferocious nature
of these savages, as from the inconsiderate and unpardonable
conduct of our countrymen shortly after the foundation of the
settlement on the river Derwent. At first the natives evinced the
most friendly disposition towards the new comers; and would
probably have been actuated by the same amicable feeling to this
day, had not the military officer entrusted with the command,
directed a discharge of grape and canister shot to be made among
a large body who were approaching, as he imagined, with hostile
designs; but as it has since been believed with much greater
probability, merely from motives of curiosity and friendship. The
havoc occasioned among them by this murderous discharge, was
dreadful; and since then all communication with them has ceased,
and the spirit of animosity and revenge, which this unmerited and
atrocious act of barbarity has engendered, has been fostered and
aggravated to the highest pitch by the incessant rencontres which
have subsequently taken place between them and the settlers.
These, wherever and whenever an occasion offers, destroy as many
of them as possible, and they in their turn never let slip an
opportunity of retaliating on their blood-thirsty butchers.
Fortunately, however, for the colonists, they have seldom or
never been known to act on the offensive, except when they have
met some of their persecutors singly. Two persons armed with
muskets may traverse the island from one end to the other in the
most perfect safety.
Van Diemen's Land has not so discouraging and repulsive an
appearance from the coast as New Holland. Many fine tracts of
land are found on the very borders of the sea, and the interior
is almost invariably possessed of a soil admirably adapted to all
the purposes of civilized man. This island is upon the whole
mountainous, and consequently abounds in streams. On the summits
of many of the mountains there are large lakes, some of which are
the sources of considerable rivers. Of these the Derwent, Huon,
and Tamar, rank in the first class.
There is perhaps no island in the world of the same size which
can boast of so many fine harbours: the best are the Derwent,
Port Davy, Macquarie Harbour, Port Dalrymple, and Oyster Bay: the
first is on its southern side, the second and third on its
western, the fourth on its northern, and the fifth on its
eastern, so that it has excellent harbours in every direction.
This circumstance cannot fail to be productive of the most
beneficial effects, and will most materially assist the future
march of colonization.
There is almost a perfect resemblance between the animal and
vegetable kingdoms of this island and of New Holland. In their
animal kingdoms in particular, there is scarcely any variation.
The native dog, indeed, is unknown here; but there is an animal
of the panther tribe in its stead, which, though not found in
such numbers as the native dog is in New Holland, commits
dreadful havoc among the flocks. It is true that its ravages are
not so frequent; but when they happen they are more extensive.
This animal is of considerable size, and has been known in some
few instances, to measure six feet and a half from the tip of the
nose to the extremity of the tail; still it is cowardly, and by
no means formidable to man: unless, indeed, when taken by
surprise, it invariably flies his approach.
In the feathered tribes of the two islands, there is scarcely
any diversity; of this the wattle bird, which is about the size
of a snipe, and considered a very great delicacy, is the only
instance which I can cite.
Like New Holland it has many varieties of poisonous reptiles,
but they are neither so venomous nor so numerous as in that
island.
Its rivers and seas too, abound with the same species of fish.
Oysters are found in much greater perfection, though not in
greater abundance. The rocks that border the coasts and harbours
are literally covered with muscles, as the rocks at Port Jackson
are with oysters.
There is not so perfect a resemblance in the vegetable
kingdoms of the two islands; but still the dissimilarity, where
it exists, is chiefly confined to their minor productions. In the
trees of the forest there is scarcely any difference. Van
Diemen's Land wants the cedar, mahogany, and rose wood; but it
has very good substitutes for them in the black wood and Huon
pine, which is a species of the yew tree, and remarkable for its
strong odoriferous scent and extreme durability.
The principal mineralogical productions of this island are,
iron, copper, alum, coals, slate, limestone, asbestus, and
basaltes; all of which, with the exception of copper, are to be
had in the greatest abundance.
HOBART TOWN.
Hobart Town, which is the seat of the Lieutenant-Governor of
Van Diemen's Land, stands nine miles up the river Derwent. It was
founded only fifteen years since, and indeed the rudeness of its
appearance sufficiently indicates the recency of its origin. The
houses are in general of the meanest description, seldom
exceeding one story in height, and being for the most part
weather-boarded without, and lathed and plastered within. Even
the government house is of very bad construction. The residences,
indeed, of many individuals far surpass it. The population may be
estimated at about one thousand souls.
This town is built principally on two hills, between which
there is a fine stream of excellent water, that issues from the
Table Mountain, and falls into Sullivan's Cove. On this stream a
flour mill has been erected, and there is sufficient fall in it
for the erection of two or three more. There are also within a
short distance of the town, several other streams which originate
in the same mountain, and are equally well adapted to similar
purposes. This is an advantage not possessed by the inhabitants
of Port Jackson; since there is not in any of the cultivated
districts to the eastward of the Blue Mountains a single run of
water which can be pronounced in every respect eligible for the
erection of mills. Windmills are in consequence almost
exclusively used for grinding corn in Sydney; but in the inland
towns and districts, the colonists are in a great measure obliged
to have recourse to hand mills, as the winds during the greater
part of the year, are not of sufficient force to penetrate the
forest and set mills in motion.
The elevation of the Table Mountain, which is so called from
the great resemblance it bears to the mountain of the same name
at the Cape of Good Hope, has not been determined; but it is
generally estimated at about six thousand feet above the level of
the sea. During three-fourths of the year it is covered with
snow, and the same violent gusts of wind blow from it as from
this, its mountain name-sake; but no gathering clouds on its
summit give notice of the approaching storm. The fiery
appearance, however, of the heavens, affords a sufficient warning
to the inhabitants of the country. These blasts are happily
confined to the precincts of the mountain, and seldom last above
three hours; but nothing can exceed their violence for the time.
In the year 1810, I happened to be on board of a vessel which was
bound to Hobart Town: in consequence of the winds proving scanty,
we were obliged to anchor during the night in D'Entrecasteaux's
Channel. The following morning we got under weigh, expecting that
the sea breeze would set in by the time the anchor was hove up.
The seamen had no sooner effected this and set all sail, than we
were assailed with one of these mountain hurricanes. In an
instant the vessel was on her beam-ends, and in another, had not
all the sheets and halyards been let go, she would either have
upset or carried away her masts. The moment the sails were clued
up we brought to again; and as we were in a harbour perfectly
land-locked and very narrow, the vessel easily rode out this
blast. It only lasted about two hours; but the sea breeze did not
succeed it that day. The next morning, however, it set in as
usual.
During the continuance of this mountain tornado, the waters of
the harbour were terribly agitated, and taken up in the same
manner as dust is collected by what are called whirlwinds in this
country. So great indeed was its fury, that it required us to
hold on by the ropes with all our force, in order to enable us to
keep our footing.
The harbour at and conducting to the river Derwent, yields to
none in the world; perhaps surpasses every other. There are two
entrances to this river, which are separated by Pitt's Island;
one is termed D'Entrecasteaux's Channel, the other, Storm Bay.
D'Entrecasteaux's Channel, from Point Collins up to Hobart Town,
a distance, following the course of the water, of thirty-seven
miles, is one continued harbour, varying in breadth from eight to
two miles, and in depth from thirty to four fathoms. The river
Derwent itself has three fathoms water for eleven miles above the
town, and is consequently navigable thus far for vessels of the
largest burthen. Reckoning therefore from Point Collins, there is
a line of harbour in D'Entrecasteaux's Channel and the Derwent,
together of forty-eight miles, completely land-locked, and
affording the best anchorage the whole way.
The entrance, however, by Storm Bay, does not offer the same
advantages; for it is twenty-two miles broad from Maria's Islands
to Penguin Island, and completely exposed to the winds from south
to south-east. This bay consequently does not afford the same
excellent anchorage as D'Entrecasteaux's Channel. It contains,
however, some few nooks, in which vessels may take shelter in
case of necessity. The best of these is Adventure Bay, which is
shut in from any winds that can blow directly from the ocean, but
is nevertheless exposed to the north-east winds, which have a
reach of twenty miles from the opposite side of the bay. There is
consequently, when these winds prevail, a considerable swell
here; but the force of the sea is in a great measure broken by
Penguin Island; and vessels having good anchors and cables have
nothing to fear.
Storm Bay, besides thus forming one of the entrances to the
river Derwent, leads to another very good harbour, called North
Bay. This harbour is about sixteen miles long, and in some places
six miles and a half broad. The greater part of it is perfectly
land-locked, and affords excellent anchorage in from two to
fifteen fathoms water. That part in particular called Norfolk
Bay, forms a very spacious harbour of itself, being about three
miles in breadth and nine in length. This bay, besides being
better sheltered than the rest of the harbours, contains the
greatest depth of water, having in no place less than four
fathoms.
All the bays and harbours which have been just described,
abound with right whale at a particular season of the year. These
leviathans of the deep quit the boisterous ocean, and seek the
more tranquil waters of these harbours, when they are on the
point of calving. This happens in November, and they remain there
with their young between two and three months. During this period
there are generally every year a few of the colonial craft
employed in the whale fishery; but the duties which are levied in
this country on all oils procured in vessels not having a British
register, amount to a prohibition, and completely prevent the
colonists from prosecuting this fishery further than is necessary
for their own consumption, and for the supply of the East India
market. Between two and three hundred tons annually suffice for
both these purposes.
The whales frequently go up the river Derwent as far as the
town; and it is no uncommon sight for its inhabitants to behold
the whole method of taking them, from the moment they are
harpooned until they are finally killed by the frequent
application of the lance. This sight indeed has been occasionally
witnessed by the inhabitants of Sydney; since it has sometimes
occurred that a stray fish has entered the harbour of Port
Jackson, while some of the South Sea whalers have been lying
there, and that these have lowered their boats and killed it.
All the bays and harbours in Van Diemen's Land, and most of
those likewise which are in Bass's Straits, and on the southern
coast of New Holland, abound with these fish at the same season.
If the colonists, therefore, were not thus restricted from this
fishery, it would soon become an immense source of wealth to
them; and I have no doubt that they would be enabled to export
many thousand tons of oil annually to this country. But it is in
vain that nature has been thus lavish of her bounties to them; in
vain do their seas and harbours invite them to embark in these
inexhaustible channels of wealth and enterprize. Their
government, that government which ought to be the foremost in
developing their nascent efforts, and fostering them to maturity,
is itself the first to check their growth and impede their
advancement. What a miserly system of legislation is it, which
thus locks up from its own subjects, a fund of riches that might
administer to the wants, and contribute to the happiness of
thousands! What barbarous tantalization to compel them to thirst
in the midst of the waters of abundance!
PORT DALRYMPLE.
This port, which was discovered by Flinders, in 1798, lies
thirty degrees E. S. E. of Three Hammock Island. The town of
Launceston stands about thirty miles from its entrance, at the
junction of the North Esk, and the South with the river Tamar. It
is little more than an inconsiderable village, the houses in
general being of the humblest description. Its population is
between three and four hundred souls. The tide reaches nine or
ten miles up the river Esk, and the produce of the farms within
that distance, may be sent down to the town in boats. But the
North Esk descends from a range of mountains, by a cataract
immediately into the river Tamar, and is consequently altogether
inaccessible to navigation.
The Tamar has sufficient depth of water as far as Launceston,
for vessels of a hundred and fifty tons burthen; but the
navigation of this river is very intricate, by reason of the
banks and shallows with which it abounds, and it has been at
length prudently resolved to remove the seat of government nearer
the entrance of Port Dalrymple. A town called George Town, has
been for the last three years in a state of active preparation;
and it is probable that the commandant, and indeed the entire
civil and military establishments* of this settlement, have by
this time removed to it. In this case the greater part of the
population of Launceston will soon follow. This desertion of its
inhabitants will considerably diminish the value of landed
property in that town, and consequently be productive of great
loss to them; but there can be no doubt that the change of the
seat of government will in the event materially contribute to the
prosperity of the settlement in general. This abandonment,
therefore, or rather intended abandonment of the old town, has
been dictated by the soundest principles of policy and justice;
but although the equity of the maxim that the interests of the
few should cede to the good of the many, is incontrovertible, it
is nevertheless to be hoped, that some means will be contrived of
indemnifying the inhabitants of Launceston for the great injury
which they will suffer from the removal of the seat of government
to George Town.
Within a few miles of Launceston, there is the most amazing
abundance of iron. Literally speaking, there are whole mountains
of this ore, which is so remarkably rich, that it has been found
to yield seventy per cent. of pure metal. These mines have not
yet been worked; the population, indeed, of the settlement would
not allow it; but there can be no doubt that they will at no very
remote period become a source of considerable wealth to its
inhabitants.
There is a communication by land between Launceston and Hobart
Town, which are about one hundred and thirty miles distant from
each other in a straight line, and about one hundred and sixty,
following the windings of the route at present frequented. No
regular road has been constructed between these towns, but the
numerous carts and droves of cattle and sheep, which are
constantly passing from one to the other, have rendered the track
sufficiently distinct and plain. In fact, the making a road is a
matter of very great ease, both here and in Port Jackson. The
person whoever he may be that wants to establish a cart-road to
any place, marks the trees in the direction he wishes it to take,
and these marks serve as a guide to all such as require to travel
on it. In a very short time the tracks of the horses and carts
that have passed along it become visible, the grass is gradually
trod down, and finally disappears, and thus a road is formed;
not, indeed, so good as one of the usual construction, but which
answers all the purposes of those who have occasion to make use
of it. Wherever there happens to be a stream, or river that is
not fordable, it is customary to cut down two or three trees in
some spot on its banks, where it is seen that they will reach to
the other side of it. Across these, the boughs that are lopped
off themselves, or smaller trees felled for the purpose, are laid
close together, and over all a sufficient covering of earth.
Of this description are all the roads and bridges in Van
Diemen's Land, and many of them, even in Port Jackson; but in
this respect it will be recollected that the latter is much in
advance of the former. The reason why the settlements on this
island are so much behind the parent colony, is not to be traced
so much to the greater recency of their origin, as to the
circumstance of their inhabitants being for the most part
established along the banks of navigable waters. At Port
Dalrymple, the majority of the settlers have fixed themselves on
the banks of the North Esk, within the navigable reach of that
river. The Derwent too, it has been seen, is navigable for
vessels of the largest burden for twenty miles from its entrance.
A little higher up, indeed, there are falls in it which interrupt
its navigation; but it is hardly yet colonized beyond these
falls, and whenever that shall be the case, it may be easily
rendered navigable for boats by the help of ferries for a
considerable distance further. Such of the agriculturists as have
not settled on the banks of this river, have selected their farms
in the district of Pitt Water; which extends along the northern
side of that spacious harbour, called "North Bay." These have
consequently the same facilities as those on the banks of the
Derwent for sending their produce to market by water, and they
naturally prefer this, the cheapest mode of conveyance. It may,
therefore, be perceived that the superior advantages which are
thus presented by an inland navigation, are the main causes why
the construction of regular roads has been so much neglected in
these settlements. So far, indeed, is this want of roads from
being an inconvenience to the inhabitants of them, that the
facilities afforded by this inland navigation for the transport
of all sorts of agricultural produce to market, is the principal
point of superiority which they can claim over their brethren at
Port Jackson.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE.
In the two settlements on this island, there is but one court
of justice established by charter. This is termed the
Lieutenant-Governor's Court, and consists of the deputy judge
advocate, and two of the respectable inhabitants appointed from
time to time by the lieutenant-governor. The jurisdiction of this
court is purely civil, and only extends to pleas where the sum at
issue does not exceed £50; but no appeal lies from its
decisions. All causes for a higher amount, and all criminal
offences beyond the cognizance of the bench of magistrates, are
removed, the former before the Supreme Court, and the latter
before the Court of Criminal Judicature at Port Jackson.
STATE OF DEFENCE, ETC.
These settlements are in a very bad state of defence, having
but two companies of troops for the garrison and protection of
them both. They have consequently been infested for many years
past, by a banditti of run-away convicts, who have endangered the
person and property of every one that has evinced himself hostile
to their enormities. These wretches, who are known in the colony
by the name of bush-rangers, even went so far as to write
threatening letters to the lieutenant-governor and the
magistracy. In this horrible state of anarchy a simultaneous
feeling of insecurity and dread, naturally pervaded the whole of
the inhabitants; and the most respectable part of the
agricultural body with one accord betook themselves to the towns,
as the only certain means of preserving their lives, gladly
abandoning their property to prevent the much greater sacrifice
with which the defence of it would have been attended. There is
no species of outrage and atrocity, in which these marauders did
not indulge: murders, incendiaries, and robberies were their
ordinary amusements, and have been for many years past the
leading events in the annals of these unfortunate settlements.
Every measure that could be devised was taken for the capture and
punishment of these wretches. They were repeatedly outlawed, and
the most alluring rewards were set upon their heads; but the
insufficiency of the military force, the extent of the island,
their superior local knowledge, and the abundance of game, which
enabled them to find an easy subsistence, and rendered them
independent, except for an occasional supply of ammunition, with
which some unknown persons were base enough to furnish them in
exchange for their ill acquired booty; all these circumstances
conspired to baffle for many years every attempt that was made
for their apprehension. This long impunity served only to
increase their cruelty and temerity; and it was at last deemed
expedient by Lieutenant Governor Davy to declare the whole island
under the operation of martial law. This vigorous exertion of
authority was zealously seconded by the respectable inhabitants,
many of whom joined the military in the pursuit of these
miscreants, and fortunately succeeded by their joint exertions in
apprehending the most daring of their ringleaders, who were
instantly tried by a court martial and hanged in chains. This
terrible, though necessary example, was followed by a
proclamation offering a general amnesty to all the rest of these
delinquents who should surrender themselves before a certain day;
excepting, however, such of them as had been guilty of murder.
The proclamation had the desired effect: all who were not
excluded by their crimes availed themselves of the pardon thus
offered them. But strange to say, they were allowed to remain in
the island; and whether they were enamoured of the licentious
life they had been so long leading, or whether they distrusted
the sincerity of the oblivion promised them, and became
apprehensive of eventual punishment, in a few months afterwards
they again betook themselves to the woods, and rejoined those who
had been excluded from the amnesty. After this, they rivalled
their former atrocities, and a general feeling of consternation
was again excited among the well disposed part of the community.
And here, as it may not be uninteresting to many of my readers to
be acquainted with some of the specific outrages of these
monsters, I subjoin the following extracts from the Sydney
Gazette of the 25th Jan. 1817.
The accounts of robberies by the banditti of bush-rangers on
Van Diemen's Land, presents a melancholy picture of the
distresses to which the more respectable classes of inhabitants
are constantly exposed from the daring acts of those infamous
marauders, who are divided into small parties, and are designated
by the name of the principal ruffian at their head, of whom one
Michael Howe appears to be the most alert in depredation. The
accounts received by the Kangaroo, which commence from the
beginning of November, state that on the 7th of that month, the
house and premises of Mr. David Rose at Port Dalrymple, were
attacked and plundered of a considerable property, by Peter
Sefton and his gang. The delinquents were pursued by the
commandant at the head of a strong detachment of the 46th
regiment; but returned after a five days hunt through the woods,
without being able to discover the villains, among whom is stated
to have been a free man, named Denis M'Caig, who went from hence
to Port Dalrymple in the Brothers.
On the night of the 17th of November, the premises of Mr.
Thomas Hayes, at Bagdad, were attacked at a time when Mr. Stocker
and wife, and Mr. Andrew Whitehead (the former on their route
from Hobart Town to Port Dalrymple, with a cart containing a
large and valuable property) had unfortunately put up at the
house for the night. Michael Howe was the chief of this banditti,
which consisted of eight others. The property of which they
plundered Mr. and Mrs. Stocker on this occasion, was upwards of
£300 value, among which were two kegs of spirits. One of
these, a member of the gang wantonly wasted, by firing a
pistol-ball through the head of the keg, which contained eleven
gallons. They set their watches by Mr. Whitehead's, which they
afterwards returned; but took Mr. Stocker's away with their other
plunder. Mr. Wade, chief constable of Hobart Town, had stopped
with the others at Mr. Hayes's; but hearing a noise, which he
considered to denote the approach of bush-rangers, he prudently
attended to the admonition, and escaped their fury, which it was
concluded would have fallen heavily upon him, as they are at
variance with all conditions in life that are inimical to their
crimes. On the morning of the 2d instant, Mr. William Maum, of
Hobart Town, sustained the loss of three stacks of wheat by fire
at his farm at Clarence Plains, owing to the act of an
incendiary.
On the 14th of November a large body, consisting of fourteen
men and two women, were unwelcomely fallen in with by a single
man on horseback, at Scantling's Plains. Howe and Geary were the
most conspicuous: they compelled him to bear testimony to the
swearing in of their whole party, to abide by some resolutions
dictated in a written paper, which one of them finished writing
in the traveller's presence. After a detention of about three
quarters of an hour, he was suffered to proceed under strong
injunctions to declare what he had been an eye-witness of; and to
desire Mr. Humphrey, the magistrate, and Mr. Wade, the chief
constable, to take care of themselves, as they were bent on
taking their lives, as well as to prevent them from growing
grain, or keeping goods of any kind. And by the information of a
person upon oath, it appears that they had about the same period,
forced away two government servants from their habitations, to a
distant place, on which the crimes of these wretches have stamped
the appellation of murderer's plains, (by themselves facetiously
called _the tallow-chandler's shop_) where they kept them to
work three days in rendering down beef-fat. How they could
afterwards appropriate so great a quantity of rendered fat and
suet, is truly a question worthy to be demanded; for it is far
more likely it should be taken off their hands by persons in or
near the settlements, who are leagued with them, in the way of
bartering one commodity for another, than that the bush-rangers
should either keep it for their own use, or bestow so much
trouble on the preparation of an article that would soon spoil in
their hands. The caftle that were in this instance so devoted,
were the property of Stones and Tray, who declare that out of
three hundred head, one hundred and forty have lately
disappeared".
All the outrages above enumerated, it will be seen, were
perpetrated within the short period of ten days; and these
settlements continued the scene of similar enormities until the
July following, an interval of nearly eight months. On the
serious injury which the industrious and deserving of all
classes, must have experienced in that time, from the inability
of the government to afford them protection, it would be useless
here to dilate. It must be evident, that such extremes of anarchy
could not be of any long duration; and that one or other of these
two events became inevitable; either that the exertions and
enterprizes of the colonists should be brought to a stand, or
that these disturbers of the general tranquillity, should suffer
condign punishment. Fortunately the cause of public justice
triumphed, and the majority of these monsters either fell victims
to common distrust, or to the violated laws of their country. And
here, after detailing some few of their excesses, I cannot
refrain from giving in turn the account of the measures that led
to their discomfiture and apprehension, as extracted from the
Sydney Gazette of the 4th October, 1817.
A meeting of public officers and principal inhabitants and
settlers, was convened at Hobart Town, by sanction of his honour,
Lieutenant-Governor Sorrel, (the successor of Colonel Davy) on
the 5th of July, for the purpose of considering the most
effectual measures for suppressing the banditti; when the utmost
alacrity manifested itself to support the views of government in
promoting that desirable object, and a liberal subscription was
immediately entered into for the purpose. The following
proclamation was immediately afterwards issued by the
Lieutenant-Governor.
Whereas, the armed banditti, who have for a considerable time
infested the interior of this island, did on the 10th ultimo,
make an attack upon the store at George Town, which being left
unprotected, they plundered, taking away two boats, which they
afterwards cast ashore at the entrance of Port Dalrymple; and
whereas, the principal leader in the outrages which have been
committed by this band of robbers, is Peter Geary, a deserter
from his Majesty's 73d regiment, charged also with murder and
various other offences; and whereas, the undermentioned offenders
have been concerned with the said Peter Geary in most of these
enormities; the following rewards will be paid to any person or
persons, who shall apprehend these offenders, or any of them:
Peter Geary--One Hundred Guineas.
Peter Septon, John Jones, Richard Collyer--Eighty Guineas
each.
Thomas Coine, Brown or Brune, a Frenchman--Fifty Guineas
each.
And whereas, George Watts, a prisoner, who absented himself
from the Coal River, previous to the expiration of his sentence,
and who stands charged with various robberies and crimes, is now
at large: it is hereby declared, that a reward of eighty guineas
will be paid to any person or persons, who shall apprehend the
said George Watts.
And all magistrates and commanders of military stations, and
parties, and all constables and others of his majesty's subjects,
are enjoined to use their utmost efforts to apprehend the
criminals above named.
On the 10th of July, a division of the banditti proceeded to
George Town, and seizing upon the government boats, induced five
of the working people to abscond with them; upon representation
whereof to the Lieutenant-Governor, a proclamation was issued
requiring the return of those persons, under the assurance of
forgiveness, if so returning within twenty days, from the
consideration that the settlement of George Town had been for
some days without command or controul; the causes of which will
be found in our supplement of this day; wherein Mr.
Superintendent Leith, has, in his testimony upon the murder of
the chief constable of the settlement, declared his necessary
absence to Launceston at that express period.
The gang of bush-rangers appeared in the vicinity of Black
Brush on Saturday, and were tracked on the following morning by
Serjeant M'Carthy, of the 46th, with his party. On Monday the
bush-rangers were at a house at Tea-tree Brush, where they had
dined, and about three o'clock Serjeant M'Carthy with his party
came up. The bush-rangers ran out of the house into the woods,
and being eleven in number, and well covered by timber and
ground, the eight soldiers could not close with them. After a
good deal of firing, Geary the leader was wounded, and fell; two
others were also wounded. The knapsacks of the whole and their
dogs were taken. Geary died the same night, and his corpse was
brought into town on Tuesday, as were the two wounded men.
The remaining eight bush-rangers were seen in the
neighbourhood of the Coal River on Wednesday; but, as they must
have been destitute of provisions and ammunition, sanguine hopes
were entertained of their speedy fall.
Dennis Currie and Matthew Kiegan, two of the original
bush-rangers, surrendered on the Monday following.
On Wednesday, a coroner's inquest was held on the body of
James Geary, who died of the wound received in the affair at
Tea-tree Brush. Verdict, Homicide in furtherance of public
justice.
Jones, a principal of the banditti, was shot in the beginning
of August, in the neighbourhood of Swanport, which is on the
eastern shore. For some days they had not been heard of; but by
the extraordinary exertions of Serjeant M'Carthy and his party of
the 46th regiment, were tracked and overtaken at the above place;
on which occasion Jones was killed on the spot by a ball through
the head. A prisoner of the name of Holmes was by the
bush-ranger's fire, wounded in two places, but we do not hear
mortally.
On the Sunday evening after the above affair, some of the
villains effected a robbery at Clarence Plains; but became so
excessively intemperate from intoxication as to quarrel among
themselves; the consequence was, that another of the gang of the
name of Rollards, having been most severely bruised and beaten by
his associates fell into the hands of a settler, and was by him
taken a prisoner into Hobart Town. White and Johnson, two others
of the gang, were apprehended by Serjeant M'Carthy's party, on
Thursday the 14th of August, being conducted to their haunts by a
native woman, distinguished by the name of Black Mary, and
another girl.
After the above successes in reducing the number of these
persons, some of them still continued out, on the 16th of August,
as appears from a report published: of the old bush-rangers,
Septon, Collyer, Coine, and Brune, also Watts, who kept separate
from the rest, and Michael Howe, who had before delivered himself
up, and after remaining some weeks in Hobart Town, took again to
the woods, from a dread, as was imagined, of ultimately being
called to answer for his former offences. At this period also,
there were two absentees from George Town, Port Dalrymple; a
number of the working hands having gone from that settlement
shortly before, all of whom had returned to their duty but these
two. White, Rollards, and Peck, were about this time under a
reward of sixty guineas for their apprehension, for an attempt to
commit a robbery at Clarence Plains: Peck was a freeman, the
other two prisoners.
By the 6th of September, nearly the whole of the absentees of
whatever description had either surrendered or been apprehended;
and upon this day a proclamation was issued offering the
following rewards: for the apprehension of Michael Howe, one
hundred guineas; for George Watts, eighty guineas; and for Brune,
the Frenchman, fifty guineas; and in consequence of these prompt
and efficacious arrangements, additional captures had been made,
which placed it nearly beyond a doubt that Howe is almost, if not
the only individual of the desperate gangs now at large.
This latter assertion, however, does not appear to have been
correct; for in a Sydney Gazette of the 25th of October, of the
same year, we have the following account of the apprehension and
surrender of some others of this banditti, and of an unsuccessful
attempt to take Michael Howe, which will tend to elucidate the
desperate character of this ruffian.
Several persons have arrived as witnesses on the prosecution
of offenders transmitted for trial by the Pilot; two of whom are
charged with wilful murder, viz. Richard Collyer, as a principal
in the atrocious murder of the late William Carlisle and James
O'Berne, who were shot by a banditti of bush-rangers at the
settlement of New Norfolk, on the 24th of April, 1815; the
particulars whereof were published in the Sydney Gazette of the
20th of the following May. The other prisoner for murder is John
Hilliard, who was also one of the banditti of bush-rangers; but
being desirous of giving himself up, determined previously by
force or guile, to achieve some exploit, that might place the
sincerity of his contrition beyond doubt. Accident soon brought
the above Collyer, together with Peter Septon, another of the
banditti, within his power. He attacked and killed Septon, and
wounded Collyer, who nevertheless got away, but was soon
apprehended. It is for the killing of Septon, he is therefore to
be tried. Four of the prisoners sent by this vessel are for sheep
stealing. Another of the late banditti, George Watts, is come up
also, but under no criminal charge, as we are informed, he having
been desperately wounded by Michael Howe, in an attempt assisted
by William Drew, to take him into Hobart Town a prisoner; but in
which exertion Drew was shot dead by that desperate offender, and
the survivor Watts nearly killed also.
* * *
I have been thus copious in extracts from the Sydney Gazette,
to shew the lamentable state of danger and anarchy in which the
colonists on Van Diemen's Land have been kept by an
inconsiderable banditti; who, from the imbecility of the local
government, have been enabled to continue for many years in a
triumphant career of violence and impunity. This iniquitous and
formidable association may, indeed, be considered as crushed for
the moment, although the most desperate member of it is still at
large. But what pledge have the well disposed part of the
inhabitants, that a band equally atrocious will not again spring
up, and endanger the general peace and security? What guarantee,
in fact, have they that this very ruffian, the soul and center of
the late combination, will not serve as a rallying point to the
profligate, and again collect around him a circle of robbers and
murderers as desperate and bloody as the miscreants who have been
annihilated? And can the pursuits of industry quietly proceed
under the harassing dread which this constant liability to
outrage and depredation must inspire? There is no principle less
controvertible than that the subject has the same claims on the
government for support and protection, as they have on him, for
obedience and fidelity. The compact is as binding on the one
party, as on the other; and it is really discreditable to the
established character of this country, that any part of its
dominions should have continued for so long a period, the scene
of such flagrant enormities, merely from the want of a sufficient
military force to ensure the due administration of the laws, and
to maintain the public tranquillity.
CLIMATE, ETC.
The climate of this island is equally healthy, and much more
congenial to the European constitution, than that of Port
Jackson. The north-west winds, which are there productive of such
violent variations of temperature, are here unknown; and neither
the summers, nor winters, are subject to any great extremes of
heat, or cold. The frosts, indeed, are much more severe, and of
much longer duration; and the mountains with which this island
abounds, are covered with snow during the greater part of the
year; but in the vallies it never lingers on the ground more than
a few hours. Upon an average, the mean difference of temperature,
between these settlements and those on New Holland, (I speak of
such as are to the eastward of the Blue Mountains; for the
country to the westward of them, it has been already stated, is
equally cold with any part of Van Diemen's Land,) may be
estimated at ten degrees of Fahrenheit, at all seasons of the
year.
The prevailing diseases are the same as at Port Jackson: i. e.
phthisis, and dysentery; but the former is not so common.
Rheumatic complaints, however, which are scarcely known there,
exist here to a considerable extent.
SOIL, ETC.
In this island, as in New Holland, there is every diversity of
soil, but certainly in proportion to the surface of the two
countries, this contains, comparatively, much less of an
indifferent quality. Large tracts of land perfectly free from
timber or underwood, and covered with the most luxuriant herbage,
are to be found in all directions; but more particularly in the
environs of Port Dalrymple. This sort of land is
_invariably_ of the _very best description_, and
_millions_ of acres still remain _unappropriated, which
are capable of being instantly converted to all the purposes of
husbandry. There the colonist has no expence to incur in clearing
his farm: he is not compelled to a great preliminary out-lay of
capital, before he can expect a considerable return; he has only
to set fire to the grass, to prepare his land for the immediate
reception of the plough-share; so that, if he but possess a good
team of horses, or oxen, with a set of harness, and a couple of
substantial ploughs, he has the main requisites for commencing an
agricultural establishment, and for ensuring a comfortable
subsistence for himself and family._
To this great superiority which these southern settlements may
claim over the parent colony, may be superadded two other items
of distinction, which are perhaps of equal magnitude and
importance. First, The rivers here have sufficient fall in them
to prevent any excessive accumulation of water, from violent or
continued rains; and are consequently free from those awful and
destructive inundations to which all its rivers are perpetually
subject. Here, therefore, the industrious colonist may settle on
the banks of a navigable river, and enjoy all the advantages of
sending his produce to market by water, without running the
constant hazard of having the fruits of his labour, the golden
promise of the year, swept away in an hour by a capricious and
domineering element. Secondly, The seasons are more regular and
defined, and those great droughts which have been so frequent at
Port Jackson, are altogether unknown. In the years 1813, 1814,
and 1815, when the whole face of the country there was literally
burnt up, and vegetation completely at a stand still from the
want of rain, an abundant supply of it fell here, and the
harvests, in consequence, were never more productive. Indeed,
since these settlements were first established, a period of
fifteen years, the crops have never sustained any serious
detriment from an insufficiency of rain; whereas, in the parent
colony, there have been in the thirty-one years that have elapsed
since its foundation, I may venture to say, half a dozen dearths,
occasioned by drought, and at least as many arising from
floods.
The circumstance, therefore, of Van Diemen's Land being thus
exempt from those calamitous consequences, which are so frequent
in New Holland, from a superabundance of rain in the one
instance, and a deficiency of it in the other, is a most
important point of consideration, for all such as hesitate in
their choice betwixt the two countries; and is well worthy the
most serious attention of those who are desirous of emigrating to
one or the other of them, with a view to become mere
agriculturists.
In the system of agriculture pursued in the two colonies,
there is no difference, save that the Indian corn, or maize, is
not cultivated here, because the climate is too cold to bring
this grain to maturity. Barley and oats, however, arrive at much
greater perfection, and afford the inhabitants a substitute,
although by no means an equivalent, for this highly valuable
product. The wheat, too, which is raised here, is of much
superior description to the wheat grown in any of the districts
at Port Jackson, and will always command in the Sydney market, a
difference of price sufficiently great to pay for the additional
cost of transport. The average produce, also, of land here, is
greater, although it does not exceed, perhaps not equal the
produce of the rich flooded lands on the banks of the Hawkesbury
and Nepean. A gentleman who resided many years at Port Dalrymple,
estimates the average produce of the crops at that settlement as
follows: Wheat, thirty bushels per acre; barley, forty-five
bushels per ditto; oats, he does not know, but say sixty bushels
per ditto. This estimate is not at all calculated to impress the
English farmer with as favourable an opinion of the fertility of
this settlement as it merits; but if he only witnessed the
slovenly mode of tillage which is practised there, he would be
surprised not that the average produce of the crops is so small,
but that it is so great. If the same land had the benefit of the
system of agriculture that prevails throughout the county of
Norfolk, it may be safely asserted that its produce would be
doubled. The land on the upper banks of the river Derwent and at
Pitt-water, is equally fertile; but the average produce of the
crops on the whole of the cultivated districts belonging to this
settlement, is at least one-fifth less than at Port
Dalrymple.
These settlements do not contain either such a variety or
abundance of fruit as the parent colony. The superior coldness of
their climate sufficiently accounts for the former deficiency,
and the greater recency of their establishment for the latter.
The orange, citron, guava, loquet, pomegranate, and many other
fruits which attain the greatest perfection at Port Jackson,
cannot be produced here at all without having recourse to
artificial means; while many more, as the peach, nectarine,
grape, etc. only arrive at a very inferior degree of maturity. On
the other hand, as has been already noticed, the apple, currant,
gooseberry, and indeed all those fruits for which the climate of
the parent colony is too warm, are raised here without
difficulty.
The system of rearing and fattening cattle is perfectly
analogous to that which is pursued at Port Jackson. The natural
grasses afford an abundance of pasturage at all seasons of the
year, and no provision of winter provender, in the shape either
of hay or artificial food, is made by the settler for his cattle;
yet, notwithstanding this palpable omission, and the greater
length and severity of the winters, all manner of stock attain
there a much larger size than at Port Jackson. Oxen from three to
four years old average here about 700 lbs. and wethers from two
to three years old, from 80 to 90 lbs.; while there oxen of the
same age, do not average more than 500 lbs. and wethers not more
than 40 lbs. At Port Dalrymple it is no uncommon occurrence for
yearly lambs to weigh from 100 to 120 lbs. and for three year old
wethers to weigh 150 lbs. and upwards; but this great
disproportion of weight arises in some measure from the greater
part of the sheep at this settlement, having become, from
constant crossing, nearly of the pure Teeswater breed. Still the
superior richness of the natural pastures in these southern
settlements, is without doubt the main cause of the increased
weight at which both sheep and cattle arrive; since there is both
a kindlier and larger breed of cattle at Port Jackson, which
nevertheless, neither weighs as heavy, nor affords as much suet
as the cattle there. This is an incontrovertible proof that the
natural grasses possess much more nutritive and fattening
qualities in this colony than in the other; and the superior
clearness of the country is quite sufficient to account for this
circumstance, without taking into the estimate the additional
fact, that up to a certain parallel of latitude, to which neither
the one nor the other of the countries in question extends, the
superior adaptation of the colder climate for the rearing and
fattening of stock, is quite unquestionable.
The price of provisions is about on a par in the two colonies,
or if there be any difference, it is somewhat lower here. Horses
three or four years back were considerably dearer than at Port
Jackson; but large importations of them have been made in
consequence, and it is probable that their value is before this
time completely equalized.
The wages of ordinary labourers are at least thirty per cent.
higher, and of mechanics, fifty per cent. higher than in the
parent colony; a disproportion solely attributable to the very
unequal and injudicious distribution that has been made of the
convicts.
The progress made by these settlements in manufactures, is too
inconsiderable to deserve notice, further than as it affords a
striking proof in how much more flourishing and prosperous a
condition they are than the parent colony.
The commerce carried on by the colonists is of the same nature
as that which is maintained by their brethren at Port Jackson.
Like these, they have no staple export to offer in exchange for
the various commodities which they import from foreign countries,
and are obliged principally to rely on the expenditure of the
government for the means of procuring them. Their annual income
may be taken as follows:
Money expended by the government for the pay and subsistence
of the civil and military, and for the support of such of
the convicts as are victualled from the king's stores, £30,000
Money expended by foreign shipping, 3,000
Wheat, etc. exported to Port Jackson, 4,000
Exports collected by the merchants of the settlement, 5,000
Sundries, 2,000
------
Total, £44,000
------
The duties collected in these southern settlements, are
exactly on the same scale as at Port Jackson, and amount to about
£5,000 annually, inclusive of the per centage allowed the
collectors of them.
A general Statement of the Land in Cultivation, etc. the
Quantities of Stock, etc. as accounted for at the General
Muster in New South Wales, taken by His Excellency Governor
Macquarie, and Deputy Commissary General Allan, commencing the
6th October, and finally closing the 25th November, 1817,
inclusive; with an exact Account of the same at Van Diemen's
Land.
Acres in Wheat 18,462
Ground prepared for Maize 11,714
Barley 856½
Oats 156¾
Pease and Beans 204¼
Potatoes 559
Garden and Orchard 863
Cleared ground 47,564¼
Total held 235,003¼
Horses 3,072
Horned cattle 44,753
Sheep 170,920
Hogs 17,842
Bushels of Wheat 24,05 [sic]
Bushels of Maize 1,506
N. B. Total Number of Inhabitants in the Colony, including Van
Diemen's Land, 20,379.